GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


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(JEXERAL    VON    STEUBEN 
From    Original    by    Earle,    1786. 


FREDERICK  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


AND 


THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


AIDE    TO    WASHINGTON    AND    INSPECTOR    GENERAL 
OF  THE  ARMY. 


WITH   ACCOUNT  OF  POSTHUMOUS  HONORS 
AT  VARIOUS  PLACES. 


BY  JOSEPH  B.  DOYLE. 


AUTHOR   OF    MEMORIAL   LIFE    OF    E.    M.    STANTON, 

JEFFERSON  COUNTY  TWENTIETH   CENTURY 

HISTORY,  ETC. 


Under  the  Auspieces  of 
The  Stanton  Monument  Association 


STEUBENVILI/E,  OHIO 

THE  H.  c.  cooi;  CO. 

1913.' 


rv  : 


LIMITED   EDITION 

THIS  EDITION  OF  LIFE  OF  GEN.  VON  STEUBEN 
IS  LIMITED  TO  SIX  HUNDRED  COPIES,  OF 
WHICH  THIS  IS 


NO.. 


130 


•  .  .  Copyright,  1913  by 

.  :/faefh  B.  Doyle. 
.Rubtished,  October,  1913. 


TO  THE 
SOCIETIES  OF  THE   SONS  AND  DAUGHTERS 
AMERICAN   REVOLUTION 
WHOSE   EFFORTS   TOWARDS   PRESERVING   THE    MEMORIES 
OF   MEN  AND  EVENTS   WHICH    SECURED   THE   INDEPEN- 
DENCE OF  OUR  NATION,  HAVE  BEEN   SUPPLEMENTED  BY 
ALL     THAT     MAKES     FOR     CIVIC    RIGHTEOUSNESS     AND 
GOOD      CITIZENSHIP     THIS     VOLUME     IS    RESPECTFULLY 
DEDICATED. 


PREFACE 

An  apology  seems  scarcely  necessary  for  offering  to 
the  reading  public  at  this  time  a  new  biography  of  Baron 
Frederick  William  Von  Steuben.  It  frequently  happens 
that  one's  true  place  in  history  is  not  fixed  at  or  near  the 
period  when  the  events  in  which  he  participated  occurred, 
but  long  after,  when  the  lengthening  perspective  allows  a 
more  mature  and  better  judgment  of  what  the  characters 
were  or  what  they  accomplished.  This  is  true  especially 
of  the  Revolutionary  heroes.  So  far  as  Washington  was 
concerned  there  was  never  any  serious  doubt  as  to  his 
position,  although  even  he  did  not  escape  the  detraction 
of  factions  or  disappointment  of  friends.  But,  like  the 
sun,  whose  influence  is  so  decided  that  there  could  be  no 
question  as  to  it  being  the  controlling  factor  in  holding 
and  regulating  the  whole  solar  system,  Washington's 
figure  looms  so  far  above  all  others  connected  with  the 
Revolution  that  the  superiority  so  generally  accorded 
him  by  his  contemporaries  has  only  become  more  evident 
with  each  succeeding  year.  Great,  however,  as  he  was  in 
patriotism,  enlightened  in  statesmanship,  skilled  in  mili- 
tary affairs,  albeit  most  of  his  early  experience  was  in  the 
backwoods,  he  was  but  human,  and  even  his  most  enthu- 
siastic admirers  will  not  claim  that  he  could  have  brought 
his  wonderful  work  to  a  successful  issue  without  the 
counsel  and  assistance  of  the  strong  and  capable  men  he 
gathered  around  hm.  In  fact  there  could  be  no  better 
tribute  to  his  genius  than  recognition  of  the  fact  that  in 
his  mind  petty  jealousy  was  non-existent,  and  that  in 
chosing  his  immediate  military  family  especially  he  rec- 
ognized   no    qualification    save    loyalty    to    the    cause, 


viii.  PREFACE 

integrity  of  purpose  and  ability  to  carry  out  the 
work  assigned.  Opinions  may  differ  as  to  the 
relative  standing  of  these  associates,  but  there  can 
be  little  doubt  as  to  the  two  most  closely  allied 
to  Washington  in  that  memorable  conflict  whose  skir- 
mishes, as  Napoleon  has  justly  observed,  changed  the 
entire  history  of  the  world.  These  two  were  Alexander 
Hamilton,  whose  great  achievements  towards  laying  the 
foundations  of  this  Government  we  are  just  now  begin- 
ning to  appreciate,  and  the  subject  of  this  biography. 

This  latter  statement  may  surprise  some  who  have 
regarded  Steuben  simply  as  a  drillmaster,  but  it  is  sus- 
tained by  a  close  study  of  the  facts.  From  the  time  he 
joined  the  famishing  little  army  at  Valley  Forge  until 
he  received  the  overtures  for  the  surrender  of  Corn- 
wallis  at  Yorktown,  he  was  at  Washington's  right  hand, 
planning  campaigns,  looking  after  the  troops,  bringing 
order  out  of  chaos,  turning  defeat  into  victory,  and,  on 
more  than  one  occasion  averting  what  threatened  to  be  a 
fatal  disaster.  It  is  saying  too  much  of  any  one  man  to 
assert  that  without  him  the  conflict  for  freedom  would 
have  failed,  although  it  certainly  appears  as  though 
Washington  was  very  nearly  if  not  quite  in  that  class,  but 
where  the  scales  are  so  closely  balanced  as  they  were  more 
than  once  during  the  progress  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  had  it  not  been  for 
Steuben  the  result  at  that  time  might  have  been  different. 
Prof.  G.  W.  Greene  in  his  able  monograph,  declares  that : 
"In  the  military  history  of  our  Revolution,  if  we  class 
men  according  to  their  services,  no  one  after  Washington 
and  Greene  stands  so  high  as  Steuben.  For  the  services 
which  Lafayette  rendered,  important  as  they  were,  were 
rather  the  effects  of  influence  and  position,  rather  than  of 
individual  superiority.     All  that  Steuben  owed  to  posi- 


PREFACE  ix. 

tion  was  the  opportunity  of  action,  the  action  itself  was 
the  fruit  of  his  own  strong  will  and  thorough  knowledge 
of  his  service.  He  was  the  creator  of  our  regular  army, 
the  organizer  of  our  military  economy.  The  impress 
which  he  made  upon  our  military  character  remained 
there  long  after  his  hand  was  withdrawn.  His  system  of 
reviews,  reports  and  inspection  gave  efficiency  to  the  sol- 
dier, confidence  to  the  commander,  and  saved  the  treasury 
not  less  than  $600&,000." 

Although  professing  liberal  principles  it  is  not 
claimed  that  when  Steuben  first  turned  his  thoughts  to- 
wards America  he  was  actuated  solely  by  the  philanthrop- 
ic desire  to  aid  a  struggling  cause.  He  was  still  com- 
paratively a  young  man,  and  doubtless  had  his  ambitions, 
but  his  every  action  proves  the  absence  of  any  low  mer- 
cenary motive,  and  from  the  day  he  set  foot  on  American 
soil  he  embraced  the  patriot  cause  with  all  the  ardor  of 
his  nature,  in  which  no  discouragements  ever  caused  him 
to  falter  for  a  moment.  The  tardy  pecuniary  recognition 
which  he  received  for  his  services  fell  far  short  of  what 
he  had  given  up  when  he  embraced  the  American  cause, 
so,  that,  following  the  example  of  Washington,  he  may 
be  said  to  have  served  this  country  entirely  without  com- 
pensation. 

His  recent  citizenship  naturally  precluded  Steuben 
from  taking  a  leading  place  along  with  Washington  and 
Hamilton  in  the  formation  of  a  permanent  Government, 
but  this  did  not  prevent  him  from  manifesting  an  active 
interest  in  the  matter,  and  assisting  by  his  counsel  and  in- 
fluence towards  the  preparation  and  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution. 

Sketches  of  Baron  Steuben  have  appeared  from  time 
to  time  in  various  publications,  and  in  1859,  Friedrich 
Kapp  published  a  biography  which  was  the  result  of  sev- 


x.  PREFACE 

eral  years  industrious  and  painstaking  research.  Him- 
self a  German  he  visited  this  country  and  made  a  thor- 
ough investigation  of  the  Baron's  voluminous  papers  as 
well  as  consulting  other  original  authorities,  and  the  re- 
sult was  a  work  that  will  always  be  a  valuable  standard 
of  reference.  But  the  very  detail  and  thoroughness  of 
this  task  has  prevented  its  popularization  to  the  extent 
that  the  merits  of  the  work  deserved. 

As  the  city  of  Steubenville,  Ohio,  has  been  honored 
by  the  gift  of  a  portrait  of  Steuben  by  one  of  her  artist 
sons  the  present  is  regarded  as  an  opportune  time  for  a 
presentation  of  the  great  German's  life  to  the  people 
whom  he  served  so  well  and  so  faithfully.  While  acknowl- 
edgments are  freely  due  to  pre-existing  publications,  with- 
out whose  aid  the  present  work  would  have  been  hardly 
possible,  yet  advantage  has  been  taken  of  all  available 
new  material,  in  a  manner  which  it  is  hoped  will  add  to 
the  value  of  this  production. 

Some  space  is  given  to  the  efforts  of  Beaumarchais 
in  behalf  of  American  independence,  not  only  because  het 
furnished  the  means  which  enabled  Steuben  to  come  to 
America,  but  because  his  activities  have  been  largely  a* 
sealed  book  to  American  readers,  the  historians  generally 
dismissing  the  subject  with  a  line.  A  publication  in  the 
fifties  entitled  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times,  wherein 
original  documents  are  first  published,  demonstrates  that 
this  curious  character  exercised  more  influence  on  French 
politics  than  has  been  generally  been  supposed,  but  al- 
though this  book  was  translated  into  English  it  is  now 
rare  and  out  of  print.  From  it  we  have  gleaned  much 
valuable  information. 

If  this  biography  shall  in  a  measure  result  in  aiding 
ever  so  little  in  giving  Baron  Steuben  his  true  place  in  the 


PREFACE  xi. 

history  of  our  revolutionary  struggle,  the  writer  will  be 
more  than  satisfied. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  original  pronunciation  of 
the  Baron's  name  was  Stoyben  with  the  accent  on  the  first 
syllable,  but  the  American  use  has  Anglicised  it  into  Stoo- 
ben,  retaining,  however,  the  original  accent.  The  prac- 
tice in  some  quarters  of  accenting  the  second  syllable 
either  of  the  Baron's  name  or  of  the  city  of  Steubenville 
is  without  any  warrant  of  authority. 

In  addition  to  the  authorities  mentioned  above  and 
others  referred  to  later,  special  acknowledgment  is  due 
Dr.  R.  M.  Griswold,  of  Kensington,  Conn. ;  George  W. 
Featherstonaugh,  of  Schenectady,  N.  Y. ;  Wm.  M.  Storrs, 
Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Oneida  Historical  So- 
ciety, and  C.  M.  Underhill,  Librarian  of  the  Oneida  pub- 
lic library,  for  valuable  assistance,  and  to  Charles  P. 
Filson  for  illustrations. 

Trusting  that  this  work  may  do  something,  if  ever 
so  little,  towards  locating  Steuben's  true  place  in  history 
it  is  given  to  the  public. 

J.  B.  D. 
Steubenville,  O.,  October,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION  1 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  VON  STEUBENS  5 

A  Family  of  Soldiers.  Rise  of  the  Prussian  Monarchy. 
Baron  Von  Steuben's  Birth  and  Early  Career.  Prom- 
inent in  Seven  Years'  War.  Humiliation  of  France. 
Retirement.     Momentous  Visit  to  Paris. 

CHAPTER  II. 

A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  22 

Rise  of  a  Romantic  Character.  Beaumarchais  and  the 
American  War.  Inside  Movements  of  the  French  Court. 
A  Politico-Mercantile  House. 

CHAPTER  III. 

STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  38 

Germain's  Plans  Disclosed.  Meeting  of  Steuben  and 
Beaumarchais.  Former  Concludes  to  go  to  America,  the 
Latter  to  Furnish  Funds.  Beaumarchais  Subsequently 
Faces  Bankruptcy  and  Death. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  62 

An  Eventful  Voyage.  Storms,  Fire  and  Mutiny.  Recep- 
tion at  Portsmouth  and  Boston.  Journey  to  York.  The 
Continental  Congress.  Resume  of  that  Body  and  its 
Authority.     Desperate  Condition  of  the  Colonies. 

CHAPTER  V. 

CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE  79 

Final  Arrangements  Made.  Departure  for  the  Army. 
Terrible  Condition  of  the  Troops.  Supplies  and  Dis- 
cipline Equally  Absent.  Enormous  Waste.  Welcomed 
by  Washington.  Appointed  Temporary  Inspector.  Rad- 
ical Reforms  Introduced. 


CONTENTS  xiii. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

DRILLING  THE  ARMY  92 

Steuben's  Success  at  Converting  a  Mob  into  Soldiers. 
Commendation  of  Washington.  Congress  Fixes  His 
Status.     Official  Jealousy.     The  French  Alliance. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  101 

Howe  Evacuates  Philadelphia.  Movements  Across 
New  Jersey.  Battle  of  Monmouth  Court  House.  Trea- 
son of  Lee.  Steuben's  Well  Drilled  Troops  Turn  De- 
feat Into  Victory. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

REMODELING  THE  aRMY  124 

Steuben's  Dissatisfaction.  Desires  a  Position  in  the 
Line.  New  Code  of  Army  Regulations.  Printing  Dif- 
ficulties. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1779  139 

Steuben  Reviews  the  Situation.  Barbarous  Raids. 
Value  of  the  Bayonet  Demonstrated  at  Stony  Point. 
Visit  of  the  French  Ambassador.  Suggestions  For  the 
Future. 

CHAPTER  X. 

A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS  149 

The  George  Rogers  Clark  Expedition.  Victories  of 
Paul  Jones  and  the  Navy.  Spain  Enters  the  Struggle. 
Troubles  in  the  South.  Paper  Reforms.  Bad  Condi- 
tion of  the  Army.  Steuben's  Continued  Efforts. 
Gloomy  Prognostigations. 

CHAPTER  XL 

A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  165 

Reverses  in  the  South.  Loss  of  Georgia  and  the  Car- 
olinas.  The  Army  Almost  Discouraged.  Equipoise  of 
Washington  and  Steuben.  Incompetency  of  Congress. 
The  Baron  Outlines  Plans  for  the  Future.  Treachery 
of  Arnold.     An  Interesting  Incident. 


xiv.  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XII. 

SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  189 

Seat  of  War  in  the  South.  England  Adds  Holland  to 
Her  Enemies.  At  War  Against  the  World.  Greene  and 
Steuben  Sent  to  Virginia.  Former  Assumes  Command 
of  the  Southern  Armies.  Appeals  to  Steuben  for  Help. 
Desperate  Condition  of  Affairs. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN  201 

Invasion  of  the  State  via  James  River.  Capture  of 
Richmond.  Steuben's  Efforts  to  Save  the  Dominion 
Without  Men  or  Supplies.  Arnold  Retreats  and  is  Be- 
sieged at  Portsmouth.  Virginia's  Loyalty  to  the  Pa- 
triot Cause.     Still  Aiding  Greene. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  217 

Their  Operations  in  the  Carolinas  and  Virginia.  Vic- 
tories and  Good  Generalship  Recover  the  Carolinas. 
Arnold  Bottled  up  in  Portsmouth  and  Cornwallis  in 
Wilmington.  Arnold  Saved  Through  Refusal  of  the 
French  Commander  to  Co-operate.  Arrival  of  Lafay- 
ette. Steuben  Still  Has  the  Burden.  Second  Foray  up 
the   Tames — Capture  of  Petersburg  and   Richmond. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  235 

Lafayette  Ordered  to  Steuben's  Assistance — Cornwallis 
moves  Northward — Steuben  Prepares  to  Oppose  Him — 
Magazines  of  Supplies  Formed  and  Recruits  Gathered 
— Lafayette  Retreats  to  Fredericksburg — Steuben  Extri- 
cates Himself  from  Point  of  Fork — Important  Stores 
Saved — Brilliant  Tactics — Cornwallis  Outwitted — 
Steuben  Gives  up  Going  South,  and  Requested  to  Join 
Lafayette. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

APPROACHING  THE   CLIMAX  249 

Steuben  Joins  Lafayette  and  Forces  Cornwallis  to 
Leave  Richmond — Retreat  to  Williamsburg — Steuben's 
Illness — Arrival  of  Washington  and  Siege  of  York- 
town — Steuben  Assigned  a  Command — Closing  up  the 
Trenches — Receives  a  Deputation  from  Cornwallis — 
The  Surrender. 


CONTENTS  xv. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  269 

Review  of  the  Political  Situation — Strength  in  Weak- 
ness— Adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation — A 
Rope  of  Sand — Controversies  With  the  Virginia  Au- 
thorities— Vindication  of  Steuben — Financial  Difficul- 
ties— Attack  on  New  York  Discussed — Peace  Negotia- 
tions— France  and  Spain  Suggest  the  Alleghenies  for 
the  Western  Boundary — Steuben  Appeals  to  the  King 
of  France. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  293 

Difficulties  of  the  Officers — Peace  Officially  Announced 
— Parting  Scenes — Testimonials  to  Steuben — Plans  a 
Military  Academy — Visit  to  Frontier  Posts — Washing- 
ton's Farewell  Letter — A   Belated  Tribute. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  310 

Organized  by  Steuben — A  Storm  of  Opposition — Pre- 
senting Claims  to  Congress — A  Wearisome  Task — 
Adoption  of  the  New  Constitution — Tardy  Justice. 

CHAPTER  XX. 
LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK  328 

Activity  in  Public  Affairs — Plans  for  a  Regular  Army — 
Popularity  with  the  People — His  Memorial  on  the 
Banks  of  the  Ohio — A  Western  Land  Project — Sugges- 
tion Concerning  Prince  Henry — Washington's  Inaugu- 
ration— Social  Distinction — Wit  and  Generosity. 

CHAPTER  XXL 

THE  NEW  CINCINNATUS  339 

Character  of  the  Baron's  Grant — Liberality  to  Set- 
tlers— Visit  from  Relatives — Politics  and  Literature — 
Preparing  for  War — Important  Commission — Farm  Life 
and  Future  Prospects. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  LAST  ACT  349 

Unexpected  Death  of  Steuben — Stricken  by  Paralysis — 

A  Melancholy  Funeral — The  Baron's  Will — Desecration 

of  His  Grave,  and  Final  Resting  Place. 


xvi.  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY  356 

North,     the  Founder  and     Namer     of     Fort     Steuben — 
Walker — Duponceau — Fish — Ternant — Davies — Fleury 
— Fairlie — Smith  and  Others. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  ARTISTS'  FAVORITE  368 

Original  Portraits  of  Steuben  by  Peale,  Earle,  Simi- 
tiere,  Trumbull  and   Pine — Copies  and  Reproductions. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

POSTHUMUS  HONORS  374 

Eulogies  and  Memorials — Monuments  at  Grave  and 
Washington — Andrews's  Portrait  of  Steuben — Portraits 
of  George  Rogers  Clark  and  James  Wilson  by  Filson. 

APPENDIX. 

THREE  WARS  CELEBRATION  381 

Semi-Centennial  of  Most  Northerly  Invasion  During 
the  Civil  War — Unveiling  of  Portraits — Dedication  of 
Monuments  and  Cannon — Unveiling  Maine  Tablet. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

GENERAL  VON  STEUBEN  ....    Frontispiece 

From  Original,  by  Peale,  1786. 

Facing  Page 

PORTRAIT  OF  STEUBEN.  BY  ANDREWS    ...    50 
In  Public  Library,  Steubenville.  O. 

JONATHAN  STEUBEN'S  BIRTHPLACE  ....    80 

CONGRESS  HALL,  YORK,  1778 80 

VALLEY  FORGE,  CAMP  OF  SOUTHERN  REGIMENTS  94 

VALLEY  FORGE.  WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  94 

MARCH  OF  WASHINGTON  AND  CLINTON  . 
ACROSS  NEW  JERSEY 112 

MONMOUTH  BATTLE  GROUND 118 

STEUBEN'S  HEADQUARTERS  AT  MIDDLEBROOK  .  118 

WEST  POINT  IN  1780 156 

VERPLANCK  HOUSE 156 

STEUBEN'S   VIRGINIA   CAMPAIGN         ...  194 

HANOVER  COURT  HOUSE,  VA 208 

BLANDFORD  CHURCH,   VA 208 

CHARLES  P.  FILSON  240 

ELIPHALET  F.  ANDREWS 240 

SURRENDER  OF  CORNWALLIS 262 

WASHINGTON  MEMORIAL  CHAPEL,     .... 
VALLEY  FORGE 308 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


FORT  STEUBEN,  FROM  THE  OHIO  RIVER 
STEUBENVILLE,  O.,  BUSINESS  SECTION 
FORT  STEUBEN,  GROUND  PLAN     . 
STEUBEN'S  WOODLAND  HOME       . 
OSWEGO  AND  FORT  IN   1794     . 
WM.  NORTH'S  HOUSE  AT  DUANESBURG 


FEATHERSTONAUGH  MANSION 
at   DUANESBURG 


STEUBEN  PORTRAIT,  BY  PEALE        .    . 
STEUBEN  PORTRAIT,  BY  SIMITIERE    . 
STEUBEN  PORTRAIT,  BY  PINE 
SOLDIERS'  MONUMENT,  STEUBENVILLE 
STEUBEN'S   FIRST  MONUMENT       . 
STEUBEN'S    SECOND   MONUMENT 
STEUBEN'S  MONUMENT  AT  WASHINGTON 
GEN.  GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK       . 
HON.  JAMES  WILSON 
GEN.  JAMES  M.  SHACKELFORD      . 
GEN.  JOHN  H.  MORGAN       .... 
MAP  OF  JEFFERSON  COUNTY,  O. 


Showing  most  Northerly  Invasion  of  the  Civil  War 
MAINE  MEMORIAL  TABLET      . 
JEFFERSON  COUNTY  COURT  HOUSE 

Decorated  for  Three  Wars  Celebration. 


O. 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


INTRODUCTION 


The  differences  which  arose  during  the  second  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
American  colonies  were  not  long  in  attracting  the  atten- 
tion of  observers,  both  civil  and  military,  in  continental 
Europe.  Britain  was  coming  to  the  front  as  a  world- 
power,  and  no  important  movement  within  her  borders 
or  in  any  part  of  the  world  which  acknowledged  her  su- 
premacy, could  fail  to  interest  those  nations  which  had 
contended  with  her  for  mastery,  or  associated  with  her 
as  allies.  Even  though  there  was  no  general  comprehen- 
sion of  the  doctrines  asserted  by  the  restless  Anglo-Sax- 
ons beyond  the  ocean,  the  mere  fact  that  these  pioneers 
challenged  the  authority  of  the  Mother  Country,  no  mat- 
ter to  what  extremes  it  might  be  carried,  was  sufficient. 
Less  than  a  century  before  England  had  established  par- 
liamentary government  on  a  firm  foundation,  but  on  the 
continent  absolutism  ruled  from  the  Arctic  Ocean  to  the 
Mediterranean.  Theorists  and  Utopians  existed,  but  they 
were  beyond  the  realm  of  practical  government.  The 
term,  "Soldiers  of  Fortune,"  still  retained  its  liberal  mean- 
ing, and  when  George  III.  later  sent  a  detachment  of  his 


2        GENERAL  WILUAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Hessian  mercenaries  into  the  colonies,  he  only  did  what 
any  other  ruler  in  Europe  would  have  done  as  a  matter 
of  course.  It  received  no  condemnation  outside  of  Eng- 
land, at  least,  in  government  circles.  Even  the  brutality 
with  which  these  levies  were  made  excited  scarcely  a  re- 
monstrance beyond  the  immediate  sufferers.  Subjects 
were  simply  chattels  to  be  exploited  for  the  benefit  of  the 
ruler,  and  more  than  a  peasant  uprising  was  necessary  to 
convince  the  powers  that  were,  that  the  people  had  some 
rights  which  rulers  were  bound  to  respect.  There  had 
been  rebellions  previous  to  this,  when  the  central  govern- 
ment, weak  and  decaying,  had  not  sufficient  vitality  to 
control  the  extremities  or  the  designs  of  ambitious  lead- 
ers, or  when  a  certain  class,  goaded  to  the  quick  by  op- 
pression and  outrage,  made  a  fruitless  effort  to  break  its 
bonds,  and  there  were  mutterings  of  a  coming  storm  in 
France,  but  the  world  had  not  yet  grasped  the  conception 
of  going  to  war  for  an  idea,  especially  the  idea  of  protest- 
ing against  taxation  without  representation.  So,  as  we 
have  said,  the  conflict  attracted  attention  not  only  from  the 
position  of  the  parties  but  from  the  novelty  of  the  princi- 
ples involved.  When  it  became  evident  that  the  question 
could  not  be  solved  without  recourse  to  arms,  and  that 
the  American  patriots  were  not  averse  to  receiving  foreign 
help  in  their  struggle,  the  situation  powerfully  appealed 
to  three  classes  of  individuals.  First:  the  Utopians  of 
that  day,  who  thought  they  saw  in  America  the  rise  of  a 
new  star  whose  beams  should  diffuse  the  light  of  liberty 
over  the  whole  world.  Second,  the  soldiers  of  fortune 
already  mentioned,  who  had  no  hesitancy  in  enlisting 
under  any  banner  which  gave  promise  of  a  profitable  re- 
turn. Third,  men  trained  to  the  profession  of  arms,  who, 
while  not  altogether  unmindful  of  their  material  interest, 
yet  sympathizing  with  the  cause  in  which  the  colonists 


INTRODUCTION  3 

were  engaged,  were  ready  to  share  its  hardships  and 
its  perils,  determined  to  render  it  true  and  loyal  service 
without  regard  to  the  final  outcome.  In  this  last  class 
we  can  safely  place  Frederick  William  Augustus  Henry 
Ferdinand  Von  Steuben,  generally  known  by  his  familiar 
title,  Baron  Von  Steuben. 


STEUBEN'S  LIFE  AND  WORK 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  VON  STEUBENS 

A  Family  of  Soldiers — Rise  of  the  Prussian  Monarchy — Baron 
Von  Steuben's  Birth  and  Early  Career — Prominent  in  Seven 
Years'  War — Humiliation  of  France — Retirement — Momen- 
tous Visit  to  Paris. 

The  family  from  which  Baron  Steuben  claimed  de- 
scent traced  a  definite  genealogy  back  for  a  period  of  at 
least  six  hundred  years,  and  the  name  was  variously 
written  Steube,  Stoebe,  Stoyben  (the  present  pronuncia- 
tion) and  finally  Steuben.  Mr.  Kapp,  who  has  been  most 
industrious  in  tracing  this  genealogy,  first  hears  of  the 
Steubens  in  Franconia,  one  of  the  duchies  of  mediaeval 
Germany  lying  along  the  river  Main,  and  south  of  Sax- 
ony. In  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century  a  por- 
tion of  the  family,  at  least,  came  into  Mansfield,  now  a 
part  of  Saxony,  where  they  took  up  their  abode,  and 
were  classed  among  those  feudal  noblemen  invested  with 
manors  and  estates.  Conveyances  of  real  property  and 
other  important  legal  documents  attest  their  position  in 
the  community.  The  Steubens  ranged  themselves  on  the 
side  of  the  Reformation  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
seemed  to  have  attached  themselves  at  an  early  date  to 
the  Electors  of  Brandenburg,  predecessors  of  the  Kings 
of  Prussia.    In  the  course  of  time  they  lost  most  of  their 


6         GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

landed  estates,  and  it  is  chiefly  as  soldiers  that  they  have 
left  a  reputation  to  posterity. 

Without  going  into  their  transactions  in  detail  we 
come  to  Ernest  Nicholas  Von  Steuben,  a  captain  under 
the  German  Emperor,  Ferdinand  II.,  during  the  thirty 
years*  war  (1618-1648).  It  would  be  a  puzzling  and  un- 
profitable task  to  attempt  to  unravel  European  and  espe- 
cially German  politics  during  this  period.  A  reference, 
however,  to  the  general  situation  may  assist  the  reader  in 
understanding  the  condition  of  affairs  in  these  and  subse- 
quent years. 

"The  Holy  Roman  Empire,"  revived  by  Charle- 
magne, still  existed  so  far  as  its  name  was  concerned,  but 
it  had  long  since  ceased  to  have  any  connection  with 
Rome,  and  it  would  require  a  rather  broad  definition  of 
the  term  "Holy"  to  thus  describe  it.  The  great  heredi- 
tary kingdom  founded  by  the  Emperor  of  the  Franks  had 
degenerated  into  a  loose  confederacy  of  Teutonic  states 
held  together  by  an  elective  monarchy,  but  which  were 
so  nearly  independent  that  they  not  only  waged  war 
against  each  other,  but  sometimes  against  the  empire 
itself.  The  succession  in  the  provinces,  however,  was 
hereditary  except  in  the  case  of  ecclesiastics,  and  upon  the 
death  of  an  emperor,  sometimes  before,  his  successor  was 
chosen  by  seven  Electors,  they  being  the  Archbishops  of 
Mainz,  Cologne,  and  Trier,  and  four  lay  magnates,  the 
palatine  of  the  Rhine,  duke  of  Saxony,  margrave  of 
Brandenburg,  and  King  of  Bohemia.  They  were  not 
obliged  to  choose  one  of  their  own  number  or  even  an 
inhabitant  of  their  own  provinces,  in  fact,  choice  of  a  non- 
resident ruler  was  the  more  usual  custom.  Francis  I,  of 
France,  and  Henry  VIII. ,  of  England,  were  both  com- 
petitors for  the  Imperial  crown  when  Charles  V.,  mem- 
ber of  the  Austrian  House,  of  Hapsburg  and  King  of 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  7 

Spain  (Charles  I.),  was  the  successful  candidate,  in  1519. 
At  that  time  Spain  claimed  all  the  American  continent 
except  the  eastern  part  of  South  America,  which  the  Pope 
had  kindly  given  to  Portugal,  and  this  with  his  hereditary 
possessions  including  Austria,  most  of  Italy  and  the 
Netherlands,  together  with  the  helplessness  of  France, 
made  Charles's  authority  almost  world-wide,  so  far  as 
civilization  was  concerned,  with  England  on  the  west  and 
half-barbaric  Russia  on  the  east  to  alone  seriously  dis- 
pute his  authority.  As  a  ruler  with  such  powerful  back- 
ing the  Emperor  was  a  tremendous  force,  which  had  to 
be  reckoned  with  in  the  religious  wars  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  but  in  that  sense  Charles  had  no  successors. 
Nevertheless  the  Empire  ambled  along  amidst  stress  and 
strife,  with  varying  fortunes  for  two  centuries  and  a 
half  until  Napoleon  in  1806  compelled  the  abdication  of 
Francis  II.,  who  had  occupied  a  shadowy  throne  for  four- 
teen years,  and  "The  Holy  Roman  Empire"  ceased  to  ex* 
ist  as  a  figure,  as  it  had  long  previously  ceased  to  exist  in 
reality.  When  William  L,  King  of  Prussia,  was,  on  Jan- 
uary 18,  1871,  at  the  palace  of  Versailles,  proclaimed  Ger- 
man Emperor,  it  was  not  a  revival  of  "The  Holy  Ro- 
man Empire,"  but  the  consolidation  of  a  new  nation, 
which  had  for  sometime  been  crystalizing  out  of  old  ma- 
terial. 

Captain  Von  Steuben  was  compelled  by  wounds  to 
retire  during  the  early  part  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
and  at  his  death  left  a  son,  Ludwig,  born  in  1642.  He, 
in  turn,  had  one  son,  Augustine  Von  Steuben,  born  in 
1661,  and  the  latter  had  ten  children,  seven  of  them  being 
sons.  The  fourth  son,  Wilhelm  Augustine,  father  of  the 
subject  of  this  memoir,  was  born  on  April  22,  1699, 
doubtless  in  Brandenburg.  Two  years  later  Frederick  I., 
Margrave   of   Brandenburg,   which   may   be  translated 


8         GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

"Count  of  the  Marshes,"  brought  sufficient  pressure  to 
bear  on  the  Emperor  Leopold  I.  to  have  the  present 
province  of  East  Prussia  (of  which  he  was  duke)  elevated 
to  the  rank  of  a  Kingdom  of  Prussia,  including  all  the 
territory  heretofore  controlled  by  the  Electors  of  Bran- 
denburg. Under  his  able  administration  a  new  power 
had  come  to  the  front.  Wilhelm  Von  Steuben  entered 
the  Prussian  military  service  in  1715,  and  held  one  mili- 
tary post  after  another,  part  of  the  time  in  Russia  until 
his  death  on  April  26,  1783.  In  1729  he  married  Mary 
Dorothea  Von  Iagow  and  from  this  union  was  born  the 
son  who  was  destined  to  play  an  important  part  in  the 
American  Revolution. 

There  has  been  some  dispute  both  as  to  the  date  and 
place  of  General  Von  Steuben's  birth,  and  whether  he 
was,  after  all,  a  native  born  subject  of  the  King  of  Prus- 
sia. In  Sparks's  series  of  American  biographies,  Steuben 
is  quoted  as  saying  that  had  he  been  a  native  Prussian 
he  would  never  have  dared  to  petition  for  his  discharge  at 
the  close  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  under  penalty  of  being 
cashiered.  Hence  it  has  been  supposed  by  some  of  the 
historians  that  he  was  born  in  Suabia  or  some  other  part 
of  the  Empire  outside  of  Frederick's  jurisdiction.  Mr. 
Kapp,  however,  after  careful  investigation  into  original 
sources,  places  his  birth  on  November  15,  1730  "at 
Madgeburg,  a  large  Prussian  fortress  on  the  Elbe."  Now 
Madgeburg  is  the  capital  of  Saxony,  and  Saxony  did  not 
become  a  Prussian  province  until  1815,  when  it  was  made 
so  by  the  treaty  of  Vienna  after  the  downfall  of  Napoleon. 
It  had  an  administrative  independence,  however,  during 
the  Middle  Ages,  the  chief  officer  seeming  to  be  the  Arch- 
bishop, with  secular  powers,  and  with  whom  the  citizens 
were  generally  at  variance.  It  was  almost  destroyed  dur- 
ing the  Thirty  Years'  War,  and  at  the  peace  of  West- 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  9 

phalia,  in  1648,  the  Archbishopric  was  converted  into  a 
secular  duchy  to  come  under  control  of  the  Margrave  of 
Brandenburg  on  the  death  of  the  administrator,  Prince 
Augustus,  of  Saxony,  which  occurred  in  1680.  Thus, 
while  not  a  native  of  Prussia  proper,  Von  Steuben  was  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  a  subject  of  Frederick  William  I., 
whose  father,  thirty  years  before,  had  had  himself  de- 
clared King  of  Prussia,  and  in  whose  army  Von  Steu- 
ben's father  was  a  captain  of  engineers.  While  our  sub- 
ject was  quite  a  small  boy  his  father  was  ordered  to  the 
Crimea  at  the  request  of  the  Russian  government  to  assist 
in  the  war  against  Turkey,  and  afterward  to  Cronstadt 
as  instructor  of  Russian  officers,  and  he  did  not  return 
until  1740  In  the  meantime,  Frederick  II.,  known  as 
Frederick  the  Great,  had  ascended  the  throne.  Young 
Steuben  pursued  his  education  in  the  Jesuit  Colleges  at 
Neisse  and  Breslau  in  Silesia,  which  had  been  recently 
conquered  by  the  Prussians.  He  seems  to  have  become 
proficient  in  mathematics,  history,  German  and  French. 
Concerning  this  period  he  writes :  "The  troubles  of  a 
military  life,  the  narrow  circumstances  of  my  parents  and 
their  frequent  changes  of  residence,  did  not  permit  them 
to  give  me  any  better  education  than  that  which  a  poor 
young  nobleman  in  Prussia  always  receives.  But  while 
other  young  officers  led  a  dissolute  and  extravagant  life, 
I  applied  myself  closely  to  study,  and  exerted  myself  not 
only  to  learn  my  profession,  but  to  enlarge  my  knowledge 
of  belles-letters  and  the  practical  science.  Nevertheless, 
from  want  of  time  and  the  necessary  means,  I  made  only 
slow  progress." 

Von  Steuben's  school  life  evidently  did  not  exceed 
four  years,  for  we  find  him  with  his  father  as  a  volunteer 
at  the  siege  of  Prague  in  1744,  when  Frederick  wrested 
Prague  from  Maria  Theresa,  Archduchess  of  Austria, 


10      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

and  Queen  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  who  had  previously 
taken  the  city  from  Charles  VII.,  of  Bavaria,  then  Em- 
peror of  the  so-called  Holy  Roman  Empire.  Francis  of 
Lorraine,  later  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  had  married 
Maria  Theresa  in  1736,  who  made  him  co-regent,  and  by 
her  influence  he  was  elected  Emperor  to  succeed  Charles 
VII.,  on  September  13,  1745.  In  the  meantime,  Frede- 
rick was  operating  pretty  much  as  a  free  lance  in  Ger- 
many, and  converting  what  had  been  considered  the 
phantom  title  of  King  of  Prussia  into  very  much  of  a 
reality.  Although  he  spoke  German  incorrectly  and  pre- 
ferred French  literature,  yet  he  was  a  born  leader,  and 
around  him  clustered  the  first  impulses  of  German  (at 
least  Prussian)  nationality,  which  more  than  a  century 
later  were  to  bear  their  full  fruition. 

Young  Steuben  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Ensign 
in  1749  and  Second  Lieutenant  in  1753,  becoming  First 
Lieutenant  in  1755.  That  his  duties  were  not  always 
pleasant,  and  that  the  Seven  Years'  War  was  already 
casting  its  preliminary  shadows  is  disclosed  by  a  letter 
from  Schweidnitz  in  Silesia,  written  to  his  friend,  Count 
Henkel  Von  Donnersmark,  of  the  Supreme  Count  of 
Silesia,  dated  June  14,  1754,  in  which  he  says : 

"While  you,  my  dear  Count,  are  figuring  in  the 
Temple  of  Themis,  I  am  condemned  to  a  most  revolting 
occupation.  A  work  that  Mr.  De  Balby  has  traced  across 
a  cemetery,  requires  the  cutting  of  a  deep  ditch,  in  the 
course  of  which  half-decomposed  dead  bodies  are  contin- 
ually disinterred.  I  fear  for  my  poor  soldiers.  The 
noisome  exhalations  will  become  more  insupportable  as 
the  season  advances.  I  order  vinegar,  brandy,  tobacco, 
in  short,  everything  that  I  can  think  of  for  their  protec- 
tion, to  be  served  up  to  them.  As  yet  I  have  no  sick,  but 
I  fear  the  month  of  July.     In  order  not  to  alarm  them, 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  11 

I  am  continually  at  work,  notwithstanding  my  disgust  for 
this  abominable  occupation,  and  my  subordinates  are 
obliged  to  follow  my  example — Ora  pro  nobis!  The  for- 
tifications are  extensive,  and  appear  to  be  well  planned. 
I  should  like  them  to  be  more  solid,  and  then  this  place 
would  be  well  adapted  for  the  King's  purpose,  to  serve 
him  as  a  great  depot  in  case  we  go  to  war  with  la  grande 
dame.  I  am  occupied  in  taking  a  plan  of  the  entire  fort- 
ress, which  we  shall  discuss  when  we  meet.  Unfortun- 
nately  that  will  not  be  before  the  end  of  September. 
*  *  *  What  do  your  Berlin  correspondents  say? 
Are  Mesdames  Elizabeth  and  Mary  Therese  vexed  with 
our  Great  King?  I  should  be  happy  if  they  were.  Al- 
though I  am  more  gallant  with  the  ladies  than  my  mas- 
ter, I  am  extremely  anxious  to  have  an  encounter,  even 
as  apprentice,  with  these  two  Amazons.  Yes,  my  dear 
Henry,  if  there  is  a  war,  I  promise  you,  at  the  end  of  a 
second  campaign  your  friend  will  be  either  in  Hades,  or 
at  the  head  of  a  regiment." 

In  another  letter  Steuben  tells  of  a  visit  to  Glatz, 
also  in  Silesia,  describing  the  fortifications  of  that  place 
with  the  precision  of  an  expert. 

Frederick's  movements  had  not  been  unnoticed  by 
his  neighbors,  who  viewed  his  increasing  strength  not 
only  with  jealousy  but  with  apprehension  that  if  not 
crushed  or  at  least  curbed  he  would  become  a  serious 
menace  to  them.  He  was  already  too  strong  to  be  at- 
tacked single-handed,  so  in  1756  a  coalition  was  formed 
consisting  of  Austria,  Russia,  France,  Sweden  and  Sax- 
ony to  overcome  him.  He  could  raise  an  army  of  150,- 
000  men,  and  the  coalition  proposed  to  hurl  500,000 
soldiers  against  him,  but  lack  of  concentration  on  the  one 
side,  and  Frederick's  military  genius  on  the  other  placed 
the  contending  parties  more  on  an  equality  than  their 


12       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

comparative  resources  seemed  to  indicate.  England 
joined  with  Prussia,  and  furnished  a  welcome  contin- 
gent of  troops,  but  her  greatest  service  was  keeping 
France  busy  in  America  and  India.  Of  course  Frederick 
was  in  war  against  his  Emperor  who  was  the  husband  of 
Maria  Theresa,  although  to  do  Francis  justice,  he  was 
little  more  than  Secretary  to  his  vigorous  minded  wife, 
whose  generals  took  care  of  her  interests  in  the  field. 
There  was  the  "Army  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire"  un- 
der command  of  the  Prince  of  Saxe-Hildburghausen,  but, 
as  a  writer  remarks,  "This  latter  army  was  not  as  formid- 
able as  its  title,  and  totaled  only  some  60,000  mostly 
undisciplined  and  heterogenous  combatants."  This  is 
only  mentioned  to  show  the  shadowy  character  of  what 
had  once  been  a  world  power. 

It  would  be  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  this  memoir  to 
follow  the  varying  fortunes  of  the  Seven  Years*  War  ex- 
cept as  they  were  directly  connected  with  our  subject. 
Steuben's  regiment  was  known  as  the  Thirty-First,  being 
part  of  the  army  of  Field  Marshal,  Count  Schwerin. 
This  regiment  performed  arduous  service,  and  especially 
distinguished  itself  at  the  second  battle  of  Prague  on 
May  6th,  1757,  where  Steuben  was  wounded,  but  not 
seriously  enough  to  compel  his  withdrawal  from  the  ser- 
vice, for  on  November  5  of  the  same  year  we  find  him  en- 
gaged at  the  battle  of  Rossbach,  where  Frederick  gained 
one  of  his  most  brilliant  victories,  completely  routing  the 
allied  army  of  64,000  by  a  comparatively  small  force. 
His  part  in  that  battle  remained  as  a  fond  memory  with 
Steuben  until  his  death. 

The  next  year  Steuben  withdrew  from  the  regular 
army  and  entered  the  service  of  Gen.  John  Mayr,  proba- 
bly the  most  prominent  soldier  of  fortune  of  his  day, 
then  in  the  service  of  the  King.  Although  standing  armies 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  13 

had  largely  replaced  the  desultory  levies  of  the  feudal 
system,  yet  there  were  still  some  free  lances  who  had 
considerable  latitude,  and  Von  Mayr  was  one  of  them. 
An  illegitimate  child,  of  scarcely  any  education,  and  of 
less  character,  he  entered  the  military  service  of  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine  at  the  age  of  18  as  a  band  boy,  and  was 
soon  after  made  Sergeant.  He  attained  a  reputation  for 
skill  and  daring  during  the  Turkish  war,  and  served  the 
ten  years  from  1744  to  1754  in  the  army  of  the  Elector 
of  Saxony  and  afterward  in  the  Netherlands.  Having 
killed  a  brother  officer  in  a  duel,  he  was  compelled  to 
leave  the  Saxon  army,  and  took  service  under  Frederick 
the  Great,  to  whom  he  was  a  welcome  acquisition,  who 
gave  him  an  appointment  as  aide-de-camp,  and  after- 
wards charge  of  the  semi-independent  corps  referred  to 
above.  Here  he  performed  herculean  service  and  be- 
came a  terror  to  his  enemies,  for  which  he  was  given  the 
rank  of  Major-General.  Here  it  was  that  Steuben 
learned  thoroughly  those  tactics  and  infantry  manage- 
ment generally  which  were  to  prove  so  valuable  in  later 
years.  Von  Mayr  died  in  January,  1759,  and  Steuben, 
who  had  won  laurels  sufficient  to  be  attract  the  attention 
of  military  experts,  returned  to  the  regular  army.  He 
was  appointed  Adjutant  to  General  Von  Hulson,  then 
operating  in  Saxony.  On  June  5,  1759,  Gen.  Hulson 
with  about  10,000  men,  left  Dresden  and  united  his 
forces  with  Gen.  Von  Dohna,  near  Frankfort  on  the 
Oder,  where  Steuben  met  his  old  comrades  of  the  31st 
regiment.  On  July  23,  1759,  Gen.  Wedell,  who  had 
succeeded  Dohna,  with  only  26,000  men,  engaged  a  force 
of  70,000  Russians.  He  was  defeated  with  a  loss  of 
6,000  men,  which  gave  an  opportunity  for  the  Austrians 
and  Russians  to  concentrate  a  force  of  90,000  men  en- 
trenched at  Kunnersdorf.     Frederick  attempted  to  flank 


14      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

them  with  43,000  but  met  with  a  terrible  defeat,  losing- 
half  his  army,  and  being  wounded  himself.  Among  the 
wounded  was  Gen.  Von  Hulson,  as  well  as  Steuben.  It 
was  owing  largely  to  the  courage  and  skill  of  the  31st 
regiment  in  covering  the  retreat  of  the  Prussians  that 
Frederick's  army  was  not  completely  annihilated,  with 
possibly  the  capture  of  the  King  himself,  as  it  guarded 
him  from  the  field,  a  service  which  he  recognized  by 
awarding  a  week's  extra  pay  to  each  member  of  the  regi- 
ment. But,  although  beaten,  Frederick  was  not  con- 
quered, and  continued  with  varying  success  to  maintain 
a  bold  front  to  his  foes,  in  which  he  was  aided  by  a 
strong  British  contingent.  Steuben  took  an  active  part 
in  the  campaign  of  the  next  two  years,  and  in  September, 
1761,  he  was  sent  by  the  King,  then  at  Bunzelwitz,  with 
General  Platen  and  7,000  men  to  Poland,  to  make  a  di- 
version in  the  Russian  rear.  Frederick's  fortunes  were 
almost  as  desperate  as  those  of  Rome  when  Scipio  de- 
cided to  carry  the  first  Punic  war  into  Africa,  and  the 
results  were  somewhat  similar.  Platen's  corps  started 
on  its  march  on  September  11,  and  four  days  after  met 
a  convoy  of  Russian  provisions  and  ammunition  near 
Gostyn  in  Poland,  defeated  4,000  troops,  burned  the  train 
with  its  provisions,  and  captured  1,900  prisoners.  It  is  a 
somewhat  interesting  coincidence  that  Steuben's  father, 
while  an  engineer  in  the  Russian  service,  built  a  bridge 
over  the  river  Wartha  by  which  the  Prussian  troops  were 
enabled  to  cross.  Platen's  next  movement  was  to  the 
relief  of  Colberg,  and  Steuben's  brigade  of  2,000  troops 
was  sent  to  Treptow,  nearby  to  guard  supplies  intended 
for  Colberg.  This  latter  place  was  besieged  by  a  force 
of  8,000  men,  and  running  short  of  ammunition  General 
Knobloch,  the  commandant,  was  compelled  to  surrender, 
Steuben  negotiating  terms  with  the  enemy.     This  occur- 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  15 

red  on  October  23,  1761,  and  Steuben  with  the  other  of- 
ficers was  sent  to  St.  Petersburg  as  prisoner  of  war.  This 
turned  out  to  be  a  blessing  in  disguise  for  Frederick, 
whose  fortunes  were  now  well  nigh  desperate.  Steuben 
and  his  associates  became  very  friendly  with  the  Grand 
Duke  Peter,  who  was  also  an  admirer  of  Frederick.  The 
Empress  Elizabeth  (one  of  the  two  Amazons  whom 
Steuben  in  his  youthful  days  desired  to  meet)  died  on 
January  5,  1762,  and  was  succeeded  by  Peter,  who  at 
once  withdrew  from  the  alliance  and  opened  peace  nego- 
tiations with  Frederick.  It  is  said  that  he  even  ordered 
his  troops  in  the  field  to  co-operate  with  the  Prussians. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  an  armistice  was  signed  on  March  16, 
and  shortly  after  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  by 
which  Pomerania,  which  had  been  wrested  from  Prus- 
sia, was  given  back,  and  a  contingent  of  18,000  men 
placed  at  Frederick's  disposal.  Of  course  Steuben  and 
his  friends  were  released,  and  flattering  offers  made  to 
the  latter  to  induce  him  to  join  the  Russian  army.  He 
preferred  returning  home,  however,  with  General  Knob- 
loch,  where  the  King  manifested  his  appreciation  of 
Steuben's  services  by  appointing  him  aide-de-camp  on 
his  personal  staff  with  the  rank  of  captain.  Certainly  the 
honor  was  none  too  great,  for,  humanly  speaking,  Rus- 
sia's defection  at  this  time  was  Frederick's  salvation,  and 
this  was  largely  due  to  Steuben.  Russia's  withdrawal 
was  followed  by  that  of  Sweden,  and  although  Spain  by 
this  time  had  been  drawn  into  the  fray,  yet  her  aid,  which 
was  chiefly  naval,  could  not  offset  these  losses,  coupled 
as  they  were  with  the  exhaustion  of  France  and  Austria. 
William  North,  Steuben's  aide-de-camp,  gives  an- 
other reason  for  Steuben's  advancement  at  this  time, 
which  Mr.  Kapp  discredits,  although  he  publishes  North's 
statement  as  follows : 


16      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

The  Baron  had  been  for  sometime  in  the  family  and  friend- 
ship of  Prince  Henry  (William)  the  King's  brother,  of  whom 
he  never  spoke  but  with  the  greatest  tenderness  and  affection. 
In  an  unfortunate  campaign  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  the 
prince  incurred  the  displeasure  of  his  harsh  brother,  who  di- 
rected him  to  retire  from  the  army  and  ordered  his  aides-de- 
camp to  their  different  corps,  or  put  them  on  such  unpleasant 
duty  as  might  make  them  feel  the  misfortune  of  belonging  to  a 
man  who  had  dared  to  displease,  perhaps  to  disobey  him.  Steu- 
ben was  sent  into  Silesia  to  recruit,  equip  and  discipline  within 
a  certain  period,  a  corps  broken  down  by  long  and  hard  service. 
The  pecuniary  allowance  for  this  object  was  entirely  inadequate, 
but  who  in  the  Prussian  service  dared  to  murmur  or  remon- 
strate! By  the  assistance  of  friends  funds  were  found,  and  the 
regiment,  complete,  was  marched  to  headquarters  within  the 
time.  Pleased  with  the  prompt  performance  of  a  duty,  of  the 
arduousness  of  which  the  King  was  well  apprised,  the  Baron 
received  his  compliments,  and,  in  a  little  time  after,  the  appoint- 
ment of  aide-de-camp  to  the  monarch,  with  the  charge  of  super- 
intending the  department  of  the  quartermaster  general. 

Whether  all  this  detail  is  true  or  not,  certain  it  is  that 
Steuben  was  receiving  a  technical  training  which  most 
thoroughly  qualified  him  for  the  great  work  he  afterwards 
accomplished  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  He  is  his  own 
authority  for  the  statement  that  in  the  last  year  of  the 
was  he  was  Quartermaster  General  and  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral to  the  King,  and  that  in  the  winter  of  1762-3  he  had 
command  of  the  regiment  Von  Salmuth,  subsequently 
Hesse  Cassel.  During  this  period  he  was  also  member  of 
an  academy  of  young  officers  appointed  by  the  King  for 
the  special  purpose  of  studying  the  science  of  war  and 
military  tactics  under  the  personal  supervision  of  the 
monarch  himself. 

The  withdrawal  of  Russia  and  Sweden  did  not  end 
the  war,  but  the  odds  being  now  more  even  if  not  reversed 
Frederick  and  his  generals,  who  had  been  trained  in  the 
hard  school  of  experience,  had  matters  pretty  much  their 
own  way.  The  siege  of  Schweidnitz  in  1762,  and  the  vic- 
tory of  Prince  Henry  over  the  "Empire"  army  at  Frei- 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  17 

berg,  on  October  29  of  that  same  year,  practically  ended 
the  struggle.  The  assassination  of  Peter  III.  on  July  18, 
deprived  Frederick  of  further  assistance  from  Russia,  but 
that  had  now  ceased  to  be  a  necessity,  and  on  February 
15,  1763,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  conducted  at  Huberts- 
burg,  recognizing  Frederick's  status  quo  ante,  and  that 
position  has  never  since  been  questioned. 

If  we  except  Frederick's  successful  establishment  of 
his  position,  England  was  the  greatest  gainer  by  this  war, 
and  France  the  heaviest  loser.  By  it  were  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  the  present  British  Empire,  largely  at  the  ex- 
pense of  her  continental  neighbor,  who  lost  all  her  Amer- 
ican possessions  except  four  small  islands  in  the  West 
Indies,  while  she  was  entirely  ousted  from  India  proper. 
Probably  her  most  humiliating  position,  however,  was 
the  order  still  in  force  dating  back  to  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht  in  1713,  by  which  the  fortifications  of  Dunkirk, 
her  principal  seaport,  had  been  razed  and  the  harbor 
filled  up,  an  English  resident  being  appointed  to  see  that 
these  conditions  were  not  violated.  There  seems,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  a  gleam  of  hope  with  a  foresight,  into 
the  future  that  the  very  completeness  of  England's  vic- 
tory would  react  upon  itself.  Count  de  Vergennes,  then 
French  Ambassador  at  Constantinople,  is  said  to  have  de- 
clared that  this  treaty  had  removed  from  the  English 
colonies  their  only  fear  of  foreign  aggression,  and  that 
so  far  as  the  mother  country  was  concerned,  "They  will 
no  longer  need  her  protection;  she  will  call  upon  them 
to  contribute  toward  supporting  the  burdens  they  have 
helped  to  bring  on  her,  and  they  will  answer  by  striking 
of!  all  dependence."  We  are  not  sure  that  Vergenness  ex- 
pressed himself  as  clearly  as  is  here  quoted,  but  he  very 
likely,  with  the  rest  of  his  countrymen,  counted  on  a  day 
of  reckoning. 


18      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

The  ending  of  the  Seven  Years*  War  naturally 
threw  a  great  many  officers  out  of  active  service,  although 
a  large  standing  army  was  retained,  the  beginning  of 
that  military  burden  which  has  rested  so  heavily  on  mod- 
ern Europe.  Von  Steuben,  however,  decided  to  quit  the 
military  service,  the  reasons  for  which  have  not  been 
made  very  clear.  The  King  in  recognition  of  his  services 
had  given  him  a  lay  benefice  attached  to  the  religious 
chapter  of  Havelsberg,  which  was  equivalent  to  an  annual 
pension  of  400  thalers,  about  $300,  but  nevertheless,  it  is 
said  that  he  did  not  consider  his  claims  to  promotion 
sufficiently  recognized.  Others  say  he  had  a  duel  with 
one  Count  Anhalt,  while  a  third  report  ascribes  his  re- 
tirement to  discontent  with  the  monotony  of  garrison 
life.  A  letter  written  in  his  later  years  ascribes  his  act 
to  "an  inconsiderate  step  and  an  implacable  personal  ene- 
my/' This  would  seem  to  give  weight  to  the  duel  theory, 
but  the  baron's  reticence  leaves  the  matter  somewhat  ob- 
scure. In  order  to  get  his  discharge  he  pretended  to  have 
poor  health,  but  the  King  was  apparently  not  willing  to 
let  him  go.  Residing  a  short  time  in  Halle  and  Dessau, 
he  then  went  to  Hamburg,  where  he  met  Count  St.  Ger- 
main, at  that  time  in  the  service  of  Denmark,  who  had 
something  to  do  with  his  subsequent  career.  In  May, 
1764,  he  was  at  the  springs  of  Wildbad,  in  Suabia  in 
company  with  Prince  Frederick  of  Wurtemberg,  where 
he  met  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern-Hechingen.  By  the 
latter  he  was  tendered  the  office  of  Grand  Marshal  of  his 
Court,  upon  the  personal  recommendation  of  Prince 
Henry,  of  Prussia,  and  the  Princess  of  Wurtemburg.  In 
the  meantime,  Steuben  having  received  his  discharge 
from  the  Prussian  army  he  accepted  the  new  position,  and 
left  for  Henchingen,  the  local  capital.  His  apparent 
ditties  were  largely  ceremonial,  such  as  court  presenta- 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  19 

tions  &c,  of  more  importance  in  those  days  of  detailed 
etiquette  than  would  seem  at  first  sight.  In  addition  the 
Grand  Marshal,  if  a  man  of  ability,  was  usually  the  con- 
fidential adviser  of  the  sovereign,  where  he  had  ample 
room  to  display  his  tact  and  genius.  He  held  this  office 
for  ten  years  to  the  general  satisfaction  of  the  Prince  and 
those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  He  seems  to  have 
been  more  than  satisfied  with  this  position  after  the  ardu- 
ous labors  of  an  active  military  life  for  he  declined  an 
offer  to  enter  the  service  of  the  King  of  Sardinia  in  1764, 
and  similar  offers  made  by  the  German  Emperor,  Joseph 
II.,  in  1766  and  1769.  He  accompanied  the  Prince  on 
his  visits  to  various  courts,  especially  to  that  of  France 
in  1771,  where  he  made  acquaintances  who  were  destined 
to  materially  affect  the  future.  During  this  period  he  pur- 
chased a  county  seat  near  Hechingen,  where  he  no  doubt 
expected  to  end  his  days,  but  this  was  not  to  be.  The 
religious  dissensions  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  still  a 
disturbing  element  in  Germany,  and  the  Baron  being  a 
Lutheran,  was  obnoxious  to  the  Roman  Catholic  influ- 
ence which  was  prevalent  at  court.  Not  caring  to  be  the 
subject  of  intrigues  then  prevailing,  he  resigned  his  posi- 
tion, with  the  best  of  feelings  between  the  Prince  and 
himself,  and  went  to  Carlsrue.  Here  he  took  service  in 
the  court  of  the  Margrave  of  Baden,  who,  on  May  28, 
1769,  had  honored  him  with  the  cross  of  the  order,  "De 
la  Fidelite."  This  was  an  order  established  on  June  17, 
1715,  by  Charles,  Margrave  of  Baden,  and  was  limited  to 
thirty  members  of  noble  extraction,  unsullied  lineage  and 
irreproachable  conduct.  Steuben  was  the  167th  member 
from  the  foundation  of  the  society.  Lossing  was  in  error 
when,  in  his  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution  he  ascribed  this 
decoration  to  the  King  of  Prussia. 

Although  Steuben  had  been  released  from  the  Prus- 


20      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

sian  military  service  he  held  an  honorary  position  under 
the  Empire,  being  General  of  the  Circle  of  Suabia,  a  sort 
of  militia  rarely  called  into  active  service.  Possessing 
both  leisure  and  a  competency  he  spent  a  portion  of  his 
time  in  travel,  thus  meeting  some  prominent  men,  among 
them  Count  St.  Germain,  already  mentioned.  Steuben  was 
still  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  soon  tired  of  this  dilettante 
method  of  living.  He  desired  to  re-enter  the  military 
service,  where  there  was  a  prospect  of  active  work  in  a 
controversy  then  in  progress,  afterwards  culminating  in 
an  armed  conflict,  over  the  Electorship  of  Bavaria.  In 
accepting  positions  in  foreign  armies  Prussian  officers 
usually  demanded  a  higher  rank  than  they  had  at  home, 
which  demands  interfered  generally  with  their  prospects. 
The  German  Emperor  had  more  offers  than  he  could  ac- 
cept, especially  in  time  of  peace,  but  notwithstanding  this 
Steuben  was  urged  to  pay  his  respects  to  him  at  Stutt- 
gardt,  in  1777,  with  the  probability  that  he  would  be 
taken  into  the  Imperial  army.  Steuben,  however,  did  not 
act  on  the  suggestion,  and  the  favorable  opportunity,  if 
it  existed  outside  the  mind  of  Steuben's  advisers,  passed 
by. 

In  April  of  1777,  Steuben  started  to  visit  some  Eng- 
lish friends  whom  he  had  met  the  previous  year  in  the 
south  of  France.  He  went  by  way  of  Paris  where  he  had 
many  old  friends,  among  them  Count  De  St.  Germain, 
then  French  Minister  of  War.  This  was  on  May  2d,  and 
having  informed  the  Count  of  his  arrival,  the  latter  sent 
him  word  not  to  come  to  Versailles,  where  the  audience 
would  be  public,  but  he  would  meet  him  privately  three 
days  later  at  the  Paris  Arsenal,  when  he  would  have 
something  of  importance  to  communicate.  This  natur- 
ally aroused  considerable  curiosity  in  Steuben's  mind, 
especially  as  an  officer  was  to  be  sent  to  conduct  him  to 


THE  VON  STEUBENS  21 

the  rendezvous.  In  his  notes  he  says,  "I  had  formed  no 
ambitious  schemes,  and  was  perfectly  satisfied  with  my 
situation.  I  could  not  define  the  meaning  of  this  enigma. 
I  can  certify,  upon  my  honor,  that  among  all  the  conjec- 
tures I  made,  the  truth  never  occurred  to  me." 


CHAPTER  II. 

A  CRITICAL  PERIOD. 

Rise  of  a  Romantic  Character — Beaumarchais  and  the  American 
War — Inside  Movements  of  th  eFrench  Court — A  Politico- 
Mercantile  House. 

What  was  then  a  mystery  to  the  Baron  is  of  course 
clear  to  all  now  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events.  As  we 
have  seen  the  peace  of  1763  had  left  France  despoiled  of 
all  her  American  possessions  except  a  few  small  islands 
in  the  We^t  Indies,  and  England  became  her  beneficiary 
here  as  well  as  in  Hindostan,  while  the  degrading  condi- 
tions in  regard  to  Dunkirk  and  restriction  of  the  navy 
continued,  and  the  Kings  of  England  added  the  title  of 
France  to  that  of  their  own  land.  As  if  this  were  not 
sufficient,  England  as  mistress  of  the  seas,  boldly  claimed 
the  right  to  search  neutral  vessels  for  contraband  of  war, 
and  this  claim  was  exercised  in  a  manner  calculated  to 
provoke  the  greatest  possible  irritation.  That  the  ruling 
classes  in  France  should  be  more  than  restive  under  such 
conditions  could  be  counted  on  as  a  certainty,  but  where 
was  the  remedy?  For  two  hundred  years  bad  govern- 
ment and  ruinous  wars  had  so  exhausted  the  country  that 
it  was  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  Louis  XV.,  under 
whom  the  treaty  of  1763  had  been  signed,  was  dead,  and 
his  amiable  but  inefficient  son  had  ascended  the  throne  in 
1774.  Eleven  years  of  peace  had  somewhat  mitigated 
the  condition  of  the  wretched  peasantry,  but  it  was  the 
conviction  that  the  country  was  in  no  condition  to  at- 
tempt a  war  with  anybody,  much  less  all  powerful  Eng- 
land. There  was,  however,  in  literary  circles  at  that 
time  considerable  doctrinaire  discussion  of  freedom  and 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  23 

the  rights  of  men,  and  to  these  the  uprising  in  America 
promised  an  illustration  of  their  theories.  Consequently 
that  cause  was  earnestly  espoused  by  a  class  of  which 
Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  the  best  exponent.  Should 
America  succeed  in  breaking  the  English  fetters  it  might 
mark  the  beginning  of  the  downfall  of  the  British  Empire, 
a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished  by  every  loyal 
Frenchman.  Louis  XVI.  himself,  was  not  very  eager  to 
send  aid  to  the  colonists.  However  anxious  he  may  have 
been  to  get  even  with  England,  a  rebellion  of  subjects 
against  their  King  was  not  a  cause  which  would  appeal 
to  an  absolute  monarch.  The  colonists  themselves  were 
at  first  rather  slow  to  assert  their  independence.  What 
they  wanted  was  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  there  was 
always  danger  to  an  outsider  who  should  inject  himself 
into  a  family  quarrel,  lest  the  combatants  might  patch 
up  their  differences  and,  if  not  turning  on  the  intruder 
with  their  combined  forces,  at  least  leave  him  to  his 
fate.  And  could  America  even  with  the  assistance  of 
France,  hope  to  carry  on  a  successful  conflict  with  Eng- 
land? This  was  very  doubtful,  and  hence  the  greatest 
caution  and  circumspection  must  be  used  to  avoid  every- 
thing that  would  provoke  English  suspicion  which  would 
be  promptly  followed  by  severe  retaliation.  Lord  Stor- 
mont,  the  then  English  Ambassador  at  Paris,  had  his 
detectives  at  work,  and  kept  his  government  well  in- 
formed of  the  progress  of  events. 

Fully  aware  of  the  resentment  on  the  part  of  France 
against  England  the  Americans  counted  on  taking  ad- 
vantage of  it,  and  almost  immediately  after  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  Silas  Deane,  Arthur  Lee  and  Ben- 
jamin Franklin  were  apopinted  a  commission  to  contract 
foreign  alliances,  especially  with  France.  Deane  was  al- 
ready in  Paris,  Lee  was  the  agent  for  Massachusetts  in 


24      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

London,  while  Franklin,  though  still  in  America,  was 
well  known  in  France,  where  he  had  visited  several  years 
before.  At  this  time  Count  Vergennes,  whose  prediction 
has  already  been  quoted,  was  now  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  and  Count  de  Maurepas  was  President  of  the 
Council  of  State,  both  being  confidential  advisers  of  the 
King,  and  in  a  position  to  exercise  a  controlling  influence 
on  the  course  of  events.  But  before  pursuing  the  thread 
of  our  narrative  it  is  first  desirable  glance  at  another 
person  who  certainly  held  a  most  unique  position  in  this 
or  any  other  period. 

In  the  year  1732  in  the  St.  Denis  quarter  of  Paris 
lived  a  watchmaker  named  Andre  Charles  Caron,  who 
had  come  from  the  province  of  Brie.  On  January  24  of 
that  year,  was  born  to  him  a  son  to  whom  was  given  the 
name  of  Pierre  Augustin  Caron.  Pie  was  the  only  boy 
in  a  family  of  six  children.  He  received  a  moderate  edu- 
cation, his  father  intending  to  bring  him  up  as  a  watch- 
maker, to  which  trade  he  was  apprenticed  on  arriving  at 
suitable  age.  A  literary  and  musical  taste  shortly  de- 
veloped, and  although  he  followed  his  trade  of  watch- 
making until  the  age  of  twenty-four,  yet  his  compositions 
along  these  lines  attracted  the  attention  of  friends,  to 
the  disgust  of  his  father,  who  preferred  a  good  trades- 
man to  a  poor  poet.  That  he  was  skillful  in  his  calling 
is  evidenced  by  the  invention  of  an  escapement  for  clocks 
and  watches  which  was  pirated  by  another  party,  but 
which  a  committee  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Science 
found  to  belong  to  Caron. 

Having  presented  one  of  his  new  timepieces  to 
Louis  XV.  he  now  signs  himself  "Watchmaker  to  the 
King,"  and  as  such  had  an  entree  to  the  palace  at  Ver- 
sailles. A  favorite  with  the  ladies  Caron  attracted  the 
special  attention  of  the  wife  of    the   Controleur  de  la 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  25 

Bouche,  in  other  words  an  officer  of  the  King's  pantry, 
apparently  not  a  very  elevated  position,  but  one  of  those 
sinecures  with  which  monarchs  were  wont  to  reward 
their  favorites,  and  which  carried  with  them  a  certain  so- 
cial standing  as  well  as  a  salary,  generally  a  small  one. 
M.  Frauquet,  the  present  incumbent,  was  considerably 
older  than  his  wife,  who  in  turn  was  about  six  years 
older  than  Caron.  The  aged  husband  was  subsequently 
persuaded  to  give  up  his  post  in  favor  of  Caron,  and  two 
months  later  was  accommodating  enough  to  die  of  apo- 
plexy on  January  3,  1756,  and  on  November  22  of  that 
year,  Caron  married  his  widow.  Then  he  added  to  his 
own  name  that  of  Beaumarchais,  by  which  he  is  generally 
known.  The  title  is  said  to  have  been  borrowed  from  a 
small  fief  belonging  to  his  wife,  which,  however,  his 
enemies  did  not  fail  to  insist  existed  only  in  imagination. 
But  one  step  more  was  needed  to  enroll  his  name  in  the 
list  of  the  nobility,  and  this  was  taken  five  years  later 
when  he  purchased  the  office  of  Secretary  to  the  King 
for  85,0000  francs,  and  henceforth  he  was  legally  entitled 
to  call  himself  Monsieur  de  Beaumarchais.  In  the  mean- 
time his  wife  died  on  September  29,  1757,  from  an  attack 
of  typhus  fever.  Years  after,  when  engaged  in  lawsuits 
with  his  wife's  relatives,  he  was  charged  by  them  with 
having  poisoned  her,  but  this  charge  was  fully  disproved. 
Beaumarchais  had  become  proficient  on  the  flute  and 
harp,  and  by  this  means  helped  the  four  sisters  of  Louis 
XV.  to  while  away  many  hours  of  a  monotonous  exist- 
ence. In  a  court  permeated  by  petty  jealousies  this  fa- 
voritism was  provocative  of  insult  from  the  courtiers, 
with  one  of  whom  he  became  involved  in  a  duel  in  which 
his  adversary  received  a  fatal  sword  thrust,  a  result 
which  Beaumarchais  mourned  until  the  day  of  his  death. 
Subsequently  he  purchased  another  office  having  the  high 


26      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

sounding  title.  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Preserves  in  the 
Bailiwick  and  Captainry  of  the  Warren  of  the  Louvre.  His 
duties  here  were  sort  of  a  judgeship  to  preserve  the  right 
of  the  King  to  exclusive  sporting  within  a  radius  of 
twelve  or  fifteen  miles  around  Paris.  Misfortune  now 
fell  upon  him,  and  by  a  letter  de  cachet,  for  what  reason 
is  not  very  clear,  he  wras  consigned  to  the  prison  of  For-1'- 
Eveque.  His  detention  does  not  seem  to  have  been  very 
long,  for  we  find  him  the  next  year  (1764)  making  a 
journey  to  the  Spanish  court  on  behalf  of  his  sister,  whose 
betrothal  to  a  Spaniard  had  been  repudiated  by  the  latter. 
He  remained  more  than  a  year  at  Madrid,  engaging  in 
speculations  as  well  as  gallantries  for  which  his  musical 
and  other  accomplishments  well  fitted  him.  Returning  to 
Paris  in  1765,  he  became  involved  in  another  love  affair, 
the  details  of  which  do  not  concern  us,  and  in  1767  put 
forth  his  first  drama,  Eugenie,  and  from  this  time  was 
prominent  in  literary  as  well  as  court  circles.  He  re- 
married in  April,  1768,  his  wife  dying  November  21, 
1770.  He  was  wealthy  and  prosperous  at  this  time,  al- 
though his  enemies  did  not  hesitate  to  insinuate  marital 
poisoning  a  second  time,  but  without  offering  any  proofs. 
He  soon  after  became  involved  in  a  series  of  lawsuits 
lasting  some  seven  years,  which  greatly  embarrassed 
him,  and  at  times  threatened  his  complete  ruin.  He 
again  found  himself  at  For-l'-Eveque,  but  secured  his 
liberty  on  May  8,  1773,  and  the  following  March  was 
sent  by  Louis  XV.  on  a  secret  mission  to  London  to  pre- 
vent the  publication  of  some  court  scandals  which  an  ad- 
venturer proposed  to  print.  The  errand  was  successful, 
and  the  blackmailer  reaped  a  rich  harvest,  but  when 
Beaumarchais  returned  to  Paris  for  his  reward  Louis  XV. 
was  dying,  and  on  May  10,  1774,  he  passed  away. 

Louis  XVI.  doubtless  was  not  sufficiently  interested 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  27 

in  the  scandals  of  his  fathers  court  to  feel  under  very 
deep  obligation  to  the  agent  who  had  succeeded  in  sup- 
pressing undesirable  disclosures,  but  he  soon  had  troubles 
of  his  own.  There  were  threats  of  blackmailing  pam- 
phlets from  London  affecting  the  new  Queen  Marie  An- 
toinette, and,  mindful  of  his  previous  work,  Beaumarch- 
ais  was  naturally  invoked  to  do  what  he  could  toward 
having  them  suppressed.  So  in  June,  1774,  he  was  sent 
back  to  London.  We  have  not  space  to  recount  his  ad- 
ventures here,  at  Amsterdam  and  in  Germany,  while  pur- 
suing the  object  of  his  search.  They  would  furnish  ma- 
terials for  a  serio-comic  opera  quite  as  lively  as  his  subse- 
quent dramatization  of  "The  Barber  of  Seville.,,  He 
reached  Vienna  in  the  course  of  this  journey  where  he 
had  an  interview  with  the  Empress  Maria  Theresa, 
mother  of  Marie  Antoinette,  at  Schoenbrunn  castle.  Al- 
though possessing  a  warrant  in  the  handwriting  of  the 
King  of  France,  Beaumarchais  was  arrested  as  an  ad- 
venturer and  confined  a  month,  when  he  was  released 
with  the  offer  of  a  thousand  ducats  from  the  Empress, 
which  he  refused,  and  made  his  way  back  to  Paris.  He 
gave  his  services  gratis,  but  the  expense  connected  with 
the  affair  amounted  to  172,000  francs  ($35,000)  to  sup- 
press a  couple  of  unimportant  poems. 

The  next  adventure  of  Beaumarchais  is  more  re- 
markable than  any  of  its  predecessors.  There  was  at  this 
time  in  London  one  Chevalier  d'Eon,  who  had  played  a 
leading  part  in  French  politics,  been  a  captain  of  drag- 
oons, Secretary  of  Legation  and  temporarily  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  from  France  to  England.  Having  quar- 
reled with  the  Ambassador,  Count  de  Guerchy,  he  was 
recalled  by  Louis  XV.,  but  was  secretly  detained  by  him 
at  London  with  a  pension  of  12,000  francs.  In  some 
way  about  1771,  d'Eon  then  being  43  years  of  age,  doubts 


28      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

were  raised  concerning  his  sex,  and  bets  were  made  on 
this  question.  Instead  of  settling  the  matter  at  once  the 
Chevalier  encouraged  this  mystery,  and  furthermore 
claimed  to  possess  State  secrets  from  1763,  which  if  dis- 
closed would  start  another  war  between  France  and 
England.  Beaumarchais  was  sent  to  London  to  secure 
the  papers  bearing  on  this  matter,  and  to  him  the  Cheval- 
ier declared  himself  to  be  a  woman.  An  order  was  re- 
ceived from  Louis  XVI.  in  1775  to  make  this  declaration 
public,  and  for  d'Eon  to  assume  the  habit  of  his  (or  her 
sex).  This  was  done,  and  at  the  age  of  fifty  d'Eon 
donned  female  garments  in  which  he  appeared  at  Ver- 
sailles in  1777,  and  followed  that  attire  until  his  death 
in  1810.  Beaumarchais  appears  not  to  have  doubted 
d'Eon's  confession  to  him,  and  to  have  entertained  the 
belief  that  d'Eon  was  actually  in  love  with  him.  The  au- 
thorities at  the  French  Court,  however,  were  no  doubt 
skeptical,  but  adopted  the  theory  for  political  reasons.  A 
postmortem  examination  proved  that  d'Eon  was  a  com- 
pletely formed  man. 

The  motives  of  the  different  parties  to  this  decep- 
tion have  been  the  subject  of  much  controversy  into 
which  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  enter.  Beaumarchais's 
visits  to  London  during  this  period  have  a  deeper  inter- 
est to  us  than  speculations  concerning  a  chevalier's  sex, 
for  it  is  at  this  time  that  he  begins  to  take  an  interest  in 
American  affairs,  and  in  his  dispatches  to  the  King  he 
passes  abruptly  from  the  lesser  to  the  greater  subject.  His 
residence  in  London  at  this  time  not  only  brought  him  in 
contact  with  both  the  friends  of  America  and  the  Court 
followers,  but  his  business  furnished  a  convenient  cloak 
for  acquiring  information  which  was  promptly  conveyed 
to  his  government.  At  that  time,  John  Wilkes  was 
Mayor  of  London.     He  was   a   great   demagogue,   but 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  29 

partly  by  his  address  and  still  more  by  the  unconstitu- 
tional methods  adopted  by  the  Parliamentary  majority 
to  deprive  him  of  the  seat  to  which  he  was  elected,  he  had 
created  a  strong  following  among  the  masses.  He  took 
up  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  more  doubtless  to  annoy  the 
government  party  than  through  any  love  for  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  his  house  was  a  sort  of  rendezvous  where  Beau- 
marchais  met  disaffected  partisans  from  both  sides  of 
the  Atlantic.  It  was  now  1775,  Lexington  and  Bunker 
hill  had  demonstrated  that  the  Americans  would  contest 
by  force  the  exactions  of  the  British  Ministry,  while  the 
latter  was  preparing  to  put  forth  every  exertion  to  pre- 
vent the  rebellion  from  becoming  a  revolution.  Beau- 
marchais  carefully  studied  the  signs  of  the  times,  and 
concluded  that  now  or  never  was  France's  opportunity 
to  humble  her  hereditary  foe  and  to  restore  her  fallen 
prestige.  On  September  21  of  that  year  he  addressed  a 
long  memorial  to  King  Louis  XVI.,  urging  active  aid  to 
the  insurgents.  In  fact  his  ardor  is  such  that  he  wonder- 
fully exaggerates  the  military  strength  of  the  Americans 
as  well  as  the  power  of  their  advocates  in  Engalnd. 
Among  other  things,  he  says : 

I  have  received  particulars  from  an  inhabitant  of  Philadel- 
phia, who  had  lately  arrived  from  the  Colonies  and  had  just 
been  present  at  a  conference  of  the  English  ministers,  who  were 
thrown  into  the  greatest  trouble,  and  struck  with  terror  by  his 
recital.  The  Americans,  determined  to  suffer  everything  rather 
than  give  way.  and  full  of  that  enthusiasm  for  liberty,  which  has 
so  often  rendered  the  little  nation  of  Corsica  redoubtable  to  the 
Genoese,  have  38.000  effective  men,  armed  and  resolute  beneath 
the  walls  of  Boston:  they  have  reduced  the  English  army  to  the 
necessity  of  dying  of  hunger  in  this  town,  or  of  seeking  for  win- 
ter quarters  elsewhere,  which  it  will  do  forthwith.  About  40,000 
men  well  armed,  and  as  determined  as  the  former,  defend  the 
rest  of  the  country,  without  these  80,000  men  having  taken  away 
a  single  laborer  from  the  ground,  a  single  workman  from  the 
manufactories.  All  those  persons  who  were  engaged  in  the  fish- 
eries, which  the  English  have  destroyed,  have  become  soldiers, 
and  feel  that  they  have  to  avenge  the  ruin  of  their  families  and 


30      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  liberty  of  their  country;  all  those  persons  who  took  part  in 
maritime  commerce,  which  the  English  have  brought  to  an  end, 
have  joined  the  fishermen  to  make  war  on  their  common  perse- 
cutors; all  the  persons  who  worked  in  the  harbors  have  in- 
creased the  army  of  furious  men,  whose  actions  are  all  animated 
by  a  spirit  of  vengeance  and  hatred. 

I  say,  sir.  that  such  a  nation  must  be  invincible,  above  all 
when  it  has  at  its  back  as  much  country  as  it  can  poessibly  re- 
quire for  retreating,  even  if  the  English  could  make  themselves 
masters  of  all  their  seaboard,  which  they  are  far  from  having 
done.  All  sensible  persons,  then,  are  convinced  in  England,  that 
the  English  colonies  are  lost  to  the  mother  country,  and  that  is 
also  my  opinion.  The  open  war  which  is  taking  place  in  Amer- 
ica is  less  fatal  to  England  than  the  intestine  war  which  must 
yet  break  out  in  London.  The  bitterness  between  parties  has 
been  carried  to -the  greatest  excess  since  the  proclamation  of  the 
King  of  England  which  declares  the  Americans  to  be  rebels. 
*  *  *  The  least  check  which  the  royal  army  receives  in 
America,  by  increasing  the  audacity  of  the  people  and  the  oppo- 
sition, may  decide  the  affair  at  London  at  a  moment  when  it  is 
least  expected,  and  if  the  King  finds  himself  forced  to  yield,  I 
say  it  with  a  shudder,  I  do  not  think  his  crown  more  secure  on 
his  head  than  the  heads  of  ministers  upon  their  shoulders.  This 
unhappy  English  nation,  with  its  frantic  liberty,  may  inspire  the 
man  who  reflects  with  true  compassion.  It  has  never  tasted  the 
sweetness  of  living  peaceably  under  a  good  and  virtuous  King. 
They  despise  us,  and  treat  us  as  slaves  because  we  obey  volun- 
tarily, but  if  the  reign  of  a  weak  or  bad  prince  has  sometimes 
caused  a  momentary  evil  to  France,  the  licentious  rage,  which 
the  English  call  liberty,  has  never  left  an  instant  of  happiness 
and  true  repose  to  this  indomitable  nation.  King  and  subjects 
are  equally  unhappy.  Now,  to  increase  the  trouble  still  more,  a 
secret  subscription  has  been  opened  in  London  at  the  houses  of 
two  of  the  richest  merchants  of  the  capital,  where  all  the  disaf- 
fected send  their  gold  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Americans,  or  to 
pay  for  the  assistance  which  is  supplied  to  them  by  the  Dutch. 

It  is  apparent  that  Beaumarchais  was  not  interested 
in  America  as  such  at  this  time.  He  was  acting  solely  in 
the  interest  of  France,  keeping  the  King  informed  of  the 
progress  of  events  as  he  saw  them.  Either  his  own  en- 
thusiasm or  that  of  his  informers  led  him  into  making 
some  very  wild  statements.  The  heterogeneous  army  be- 
fore Boston  never  exceeded  20,000,  and  half  of  that  was 
useless  from  lack  of  supplies,  while,  there  was  no  army 
at  all  in  the  rest  of  the  country  unless  a  few  scattered 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  31 

companies  of  militia  be  considered  such.  Neither  was 
the  English  public  convinced  at  this  time  that  the  colonies 
were  lost.  The  gold  forwarded  to  America  at  this  pe- 
riod was  also  largely  mythical,  and  the  predictions  con- 
cerning the  future  prospects  of  the  English  and  French 
thrones  furnish  curious  reading  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events.  He  does  not  advocate  any  alliance  at  this  junc- 
ture or  open  assistance,  for  that  would  at  once  provoke  a 
war  with  England,  for  which  France  was  not  prepared. 
But  he  soon  reaches  the  conclusion  that  "The  Americans 
will  triumph,  but  they  must  be  assisted  in  their  struggle, 
for  if  they  succumbed,  they  would  join  the  English,  and 
would  turn  round  against  us.  We  are  not  yet  in  a  fit 
state  for  making  war;  we  must  prepare  ourselves,  keep 
up  the  struggle,  and  with  that  view  send  secret  assistance 
in  a  prudent  manner  to  the  Americans." 

But  Vergennes  was  cautious  and  the  King  less  than 
luewarm,  which  moves  Beaumarchais  on  February  29, 
1776  to  indite  another  long  epistle  to  his  master  in  which 
he  reviews  the  whole  situation,  and  vividly  portrays  the 
consequences  which  must  inevitably  result  to  France  from 
her  continued  inaction.  After  a  discussion  of  the  politi- 
cal situation  in  London,  he  adds : 

A  secret  deputy  (Arthur  Lee)  from  the  colonies  to  London, 
quite  discouraged  by  the  inability  of  the  efforts  he  has  made, 
through  me,  with  the  French  ministry,  to  obtain  assistance  in  the 
shape  of  powder  and  ammunitions  of  war,  says  to  me  now,  "For 
the  last  time,  is  France  absolutely  decided  to  refuse  to  us  all 
assistance,  and  to  become  the  victim  of  England  and  the  fable 
of  Europe  through  this  incredible  apathy?  Obliged  to  give  a 
positive  answer,  I  wait  for  reply  in  order  to  give  my  own.  We 
offer  France  in  return  for  her  assistance,  a  secret  treaty  of  com- 
merce, which  will  transfer  to  her  for  a  certain  number  of  years 
after  the  peace,  all  the  advantages  by  which  we  have,  for  more 
than  a  century,  enriched  England,  besides  guaranteeing  her  pos- 
sessions according  to  the  forces  at  our  disposal.  Do  you  not  ac- 
cept this?  I  only  ask  from  Lord  Shelburne  the  time  a  vessel 
would  take  to  go  and  return,  to     inform  the     Congress  of  the 


32       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


propositions  of  England,  and  I  can  tell  you  at  present  what 
resolutions  the  Congress  will  take  on  the  subject.  They  will 
immediately  make  a  public  proclamation,  by  which  they  will 
offer  to  all  the  nations  in  the  world,  in  order  to  obtain  their  as- 
sistance, the  conditions  I  now  offer  unto  you  in  secret.  And  in 
order  to  take  vengeance  on  France,  and  force  her  publicly  to 
make  a  declaration  with  respect  to  them,  if  we  commit  her  be- 
yond recall,  they  will  send  into  your  ports  the  first  prizes  they 
take  from  the  English;  then,  on  whatever  side  you  may  turn,  this 
war  which  you  avoid  and  fear  so  much,  becomes  inevitable,  for 
either  you  will  receive  our  prizes  in  your  ports,  or  you  will  send 
them  back;  if  you  receive  them,  the  rupture  with  England  is 
certain;  if  you  send  them  back,  instantly  the  Congress  accepts 
peace  on  the  conditions  imposed  by  the  Mother  Country;  the 
Americans  in  indignation,  unite  all  their  forces  to  those  of  Eng- 
land to  fall  on  your  islands, and  to  prove  to  you  that  the  fine  pre- 
cautions you  had  taken  for  preserving  your  possessions  were 
just  those  which  were  to  deprive  you  of  them  forever.  Go,  sir, 
go  to  France,  set  before  them  this  picture  of  affairs;  I  will  shut 
myself  up  in  the  country  until  your  return,  so  as  not  to  be 
forced  to  give  an  answer  before  receiving  yours.  Tell  your  min- 
isters that  I  am  ready  to  follow  you  there,  if  necessary,  in  order 
to  confirm  these  declarations;  tell  them  that  I  hear  the  Con- 
gress has  sent  two  deputies  to  the  Court  of  Madrid  with  the 
same  object,  and  I  may  add  that  they  have  received  a  very  satis- 
factory answer.  Could  the  French  council  possess  now  the 
glorious  prerogative  of  being  the  only  one  to  be  blinded  as  to 
the  glory  of  the  king  and  the  interests  of  his  kingdom?" 

Such,  sire,  is  the  terrible  and  striking  picture  of  our  posi- 
tion. Your  majesty  wishes  sincerely  for  peace.  The  resume  of 
this  memorial  will  furnish  you,  sire,  with  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing it.  Let  us  submit  all  possible  hypotheses,  and  let  us  reason. 
What  follows  is  very  important. 

Either  England  will  have  the  most  complete  success  in 
America  during  the  campaign,  or  the  Americans  will  repel  the 
English  with  loss. 

Either  England  will  come  to  the  determination  already 
adopted  by  the  King  of  abandoning  the  colonies  to  themselves, 
or  parting  from  them  in  a  friendly  manner;  or  the  opposition,  in 
taking  possession  of  the  government,  will  answer  for  the  sub- 
mission of  the  colonies  on  condition  of  their  being  restored  to 
the  position  they  were  in  1763. 

Here  are  all  the  possibilities  collected  together.  Is  there  a 
single  one  of  them  which  does  not  instantly  give  you  the  war 
you  wish  to  avoid?  Sire,  in  the  name  of  God,  deign  to  examine 
the  matter  with  me: 

First,  if  England  triumphs  over  America,  she  can  only  do  so 
by  an  enormous  expenditure  of  men  and  money.  Now  the  only 
compensation  the  English  propose  to  themselves  for  so  many 
losses  is  to  take  possession  on  their  return  of  the  French  islands. 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  33 


and  thus  irtake  themselves  the  exclusive  vendors  of  the  valuable 
supply  of  sugar,  which  can  alone  repair  all  the  injuries  done  to 
their  commerce,  and  this  capture  would  also  render  them  forever 
the  absolute  possessors  of  the  advantages  derived  from  the  con- 
traband commerce  carried  on  by  the  Continent  with  these  isl- 
ands. Then,  sire,  there  would  remain  to  you  nothing  but  the 
option  of  commencing  at  a  later  period  an  unprofitable  war,  or 
of  sacrificing  to  the  most  shameful  of  inactive  peaces  all  your 
American  colonies,  and  of  losing  280.000,000  of  capital,  and  more 
than  30,000,000  of  revenue. 

Second,  if  the  Americans  are  victorious  they  instantly  be- 
come free,  and  the  English,  in  despair  at  seeing  their  existence 
diminished  by  three-quarters,  will  only  be  the  more  anxious,  the 
more  eager  to  seek  a  compensation  which  will  have  become  in- 
dispensable in  the  easy  capture  of  our  American  possessions; 
and  we  may  be  certain  that  they  will  not  fail  to  do  so. 

Third,  if  the  English  consider  themselves  forced  to  aban- 
don the  colonies  to  themselves  without  striking  a  blow,  as  it  is 
the  secret  wish  of  the  King  they  should  do,  the  loss  being  the 
same  for  their  existence,  and  their  commerce  being  equally 
ruined,  the  result  for  us  would  be  similar  to  the  preceding  one, 
except  that  the  English,  less  weakened  by  this  amicable  surren- 
der than  by  a  bloody  and  ruinous  campaign,  would  only  derive 
from  it  more  means  and  facilities  for  gaining  possession  of  our 
islands,  which  they  would  then  be  unable  to  do  without,  if  they 
wished  to  preserve  their  own,  and  to  keep  any  footing  in 
America. 

Fourth,  if  the  opposition  takes  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  concludes  a  treaty  of  reunion  with  the  colonies,  the 
Americans,  indignant  with  France,  whose  refusal  will  alone  have 
caused  them  to  submit  to  the  Mother  Country,  threaten  us  from 
the  present  moment  to  unite  all  their  forces  with  England  in 
order  to  take  possession  of  our  islands.  They  will,  indeed,  only 
re-unite  with  the  Mother  Country  on  this  condition,  and  heaven 
only  knows  with  what  joy  the  ministry,  composed  of  Lords 
Chatham,  Shelbnrne  and  Rockingham,  whose  dispositions  to- 
wards us  are  publicly  known,  would  adopt  the  resentment  of  the 
Americans,  and  carry  on  war  against  you  without  cessation,  the 
most  obstinate  and  cruel  war. 

What,  then  is  to  be  done  in  this  extremity,  so  as  to  have 
peace  and  preserve  our  islands?  You  will  only  preserve  the 
peace  you  desire,  sire,  by  preventing  it  at  all  price  from  being 
made  between  England  and  America.and  in  preventing  one  from 
completely  triumphing  over  the  other;  and  the  only  means  of 
attaining  this  end  is  by  giving  assistance  to  the  Americans,  which 
will  put  their  forces  on  an  equality  with  those  of  England,  but 
nothing  beyond.  And.  believe  me.  sire,  that  the  economy  of  a 
few  millions  at  present,  may,  before  long,  cost  a  great  deal  of 
blood  and  money  to  France.  Believe  me  above  all,  sire,  that  the 
necessary  preparations   for  the   first  campaign  will   alone   cost 


34      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

you  more  than  all  the  assistance  you  are  asked  for  now;  and 
that  the  wretched  economy  of  two  or  three  millions  (francs) 
will  certainly  make  you  lose,  before  two  years,  more  than  three 
hundred. 

If  it  be  replied  that  we  cannot  assist  the  Americans  without 
wounding  England,  and  without  drawing  upon  us  the  storm 
which  I  wish  to  keep  off,  I  reply  in  my  turn  that  this  danger 
will  not  be  incurred  if  the  plan  1  have  so  many  times  proposed 
be  followed,  that  of  secretly  assisting  the  Americans  without 
compromising  ourselves;  imposing  upon  them  as  a  first  condi- 
tion that  they  shall  never  send  any  prizes  into  our  ports,  and 
never  commit  any  act  which  shall  tend  to  divulge  the  secret  of 
the  assistance^  which  the  first  indiscretion  on  the  part  of  Con- 
gress would  cause  it  instantly  to  lose.  And  if  your  majesty  has 
not  at  hand  a  more  clever  man  to  employ  in  the  matter  I  under- 
take and  answer  for  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  without  any 
one  being  compromised,  persuaded  that  my  zeal  will  supply  my 
want  of  talent  better  than  the  talent  of  another  could  replace 
my  zeal. 

How  much  of  the  above  was  bluff  on  the  part  of 
Arthur  Lee  and  how  much  evolved  from  the  brain  of 
Beaumarchais  it  is  impossible  to  say.  But  it  makes  very 
clear  the  underlying  motive  which  was  influencing  those 
in  control  of  French  affairs,  so  far  as  it  concerned  the 
American  war.  It  was  not  specially  to  aid  an  oppressed 
people  struggling  for  liberty,  it  was  not  even  revenge  for 
past  injuries  or  present  humiliation,  although  these  were 
strong  factors.  It  was  the  instinct  of  self  preservation. 
Possible  future  conditions  exercised  a  more  potent  in- 
fluence than  past  history,  although  that  had  taught  them 
what  to  expect.  Should  England  either  retain  or  lose  the 
colonies  without  being  crippled  she  might  be  expected  to 
further  increase  her  strength  at  the  expense  of  France, 
and  in  this  she  would  probably  be  aided  by  the  very  col- 
onists who  a  few  years  before  had  aided  in  expelling  the 
French  from  Canada.  The  policy  should  be  to  assist  the 
weaker  side  in  this  contest,  to  make  it  equal,  all  things 
considered,  with  the  stronger,  "but  nothing  beyond."  It 
was  not  peace  between  the  combatants  that  was  desired, 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  35 

but  a  war  which  should  exhaust  both  sides  to  an  extent 
that  they  would  no  longer  be  a  menace  to  their  neigh- 
bors. Sentiment  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter,  so 
far  as  the  authorities  were  concerned  it  was  a  mere  cal- 
culation of  cost  in  men  and  money,  and  what  course 
should  be  adopted  which  would  best  conserve  the  interests 
of  France. 

American  independence  had  not  yet  been  formally 
declared,  and  this,  of  course,  made  Vergennes  the  more 
cautious  upon  entering  upon  a  course  which,  to  say  the 
least,  was  beset  with  difficulties.  But  Beaumarchais  kept 
up  his  importunities,  and  the  conduct  of  the  British  in  ref- 
erence to  neutral  ships  was  not  calculated  to  soothe  the 
susceptibilities  of  the  French.  It  will  be  noted  that 
Beaumarchais  in  his  memorial  to  the  King  suggests  that 
two  or  three  million  francs  be  advanced  to  the  Americans, 
and  intimates  that  he  will  be  the  secret  agent  to  forward 
it  if  desired.  This  was  too  direct  for  Vergennes,  but 
during  the  subsequent  correspondence  he  gives  a  hint  to 
the  effect  that  "It  would  be  contrary  to  all  reasons  and 
propriety  to  pretend  that  we  ought  not  to  sell  any  article 
of  commerce  to  any  person  because  it  would  be  possible 
it  might  pass,  at  second  hand,  into  America."  This 
finally  crystalized  into  the  following  suggestions: 

We  will  give  a  million  (francs)  secretly,  we  will  try  to  in- 
duce the  Court  of  Spain  to  unite  with  us  in  this  affair,  and  sup- 
ply you  on  its  side  with  an  equal  sum;  with  these  two  millions 
and  co-operation  of  individuals  who  will  be  willing  to  take  part 
in  your  enterprise,  you  will  be  able  to  found  a  large  house  of 
commerce,  and  at  your  own  risk  can  supply  America  with  arms, 
ammunition,  articles  of  equipment,  and  all  other  articles  neces- 
sary for  keeping  up  the  war.  Our  arsenals  will  give  you  arms 
and  ammunition,  but  you  shall  replace  them  or  pay  for  them. 
You  shall  ask  for  no  money  frjom  the  Americans  as  they  have 
none,  but  you  shall  ask  them  for  returns  in  products  of  their 
soil,  and  we  help  you  to  get  rid  of  them  in  this  country,  while 
you  shall  grant  them,  on  your  side,  every  facility  possible.  In 
a  word,  the  operation,  after  being  secretly  supported  by  us  at 


36       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  commencement,  must  afterward  feed  and  support  itself;  but 
on  the  other  side,  as  we  reserve  to  ourselves  the  right  of  favor- 
ing or  discouraging  it  according  to  the  requirements  of  our 
policy,  you  shall  render  us  an  account  of  your  profits  and  your 
losses,  and  we  will  judge  whether  we  are  to  accord  you  fresh 
assistance,  or  give  you  an  acquittal  for  the  sums  previously 
granted. 

In  accordance  with  this  arrangement  Beaumarchais 
on  June  10,  1776,  received  one  million  francs  from  the 
French  government,  and  two  months  later  another  mill- 
ion from  Spain,  which,  however,  was  transmitted  through 
the  French  authorities.  These  transactions  afterwards 
proved  a  fruitful  source  of  litigation. 

About  this  time  Silas  Deane  arrived  in  Paris  as  the 
accredited  agent  of  the  American  colonies  to  solicit 
money  and  military  supplies,  in  which  the  insurgents  were 
woefully  lacking.  Deane  was  presented  to  M.  de  Ver- 
gennes  on  July  17,  1776,  and  pleaded  the  cause  of  the 
colonies..  Of  course  Vergennes  could  do  nothing  directly, 
but  sent  Deane  to  Beaumarchais  as  a  "merchant/'  with 
whom  it  might  be  advantageous  to  enter  into  business 
relations.  On  July  18,  Beaumarchais  wrote  to  Deane 
that  he  proposed  forming  a  business  house  for  the  pur- 
pose of  providing  the  Americans  with  those  things  which 
they  required  and  could  not  obtain  in  London.  On  the 
20th,  Deane  wrote  another  letter  to  Beaumarchais  asking 
a  year's  credit  on  supplies  and  promising  payment  in  to- 
bacco, which  Congress  had  purchased.  This  was  agreed 
to,  a  large  house  known  as  Hotel  de  Hollande  was  hired, 
and  Beaumarchais,  watchmaker,  comic  opera  writer  and 
diplomat,  suddenly  developed  into  a  Spanish  merchant 
at  Paris,  under  the  somewhat  fantastic  title  of  Roderique 
Hortalez  &  Co.  Within  a  few  months  he  had  quietly 
secured  from  the  public  arsenals  some  200  mortars  and 
cannon    with    shells    and   balls,    25,000    guns,    290,000 


A  CRITICAL  PERIOD  37 

pounds  of  powder  with  clothing  and  tents  for  25,000 
men.  He  also  provided  three  vessels,  the  Amphitrite, 
Seine  and  Mercury,  to  carry  this  cargo,  besides  enlisting 
a  number  of  French  officers  in  the  enterprise.  Quietly 
as  this  project  had  been  carried  out  it  could  not  fail  to 
attract  some  attention,  and  Lord  Stormont  on  behalf  of 
Great  Britain  addressed  the  most  vigorous  remonstrances 
to  the  French  Government.  Neither  King  nor  ministry 
was  ready  to  assume  the  consequences  of  an  open  rup- 
ture, and  an  order  was  issued  forbidding  the  vessels  from 
sailing.  The  Amphitrite,  largest  of  the  three  ships,  had 
already  sailed  from  Havre  but  for  some  trifling  cause 
stopped  at  Nantes  and  L'Orient,  at  which  latter  place  she 
was  detained.  Finally,  however,  all  three  vessels  got 
away,  and,  early  in  1777,  arrived  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
with  their  welcome  supplies  for  the  American  army.  Two 
more  ships  followed,  and  by  September,  1777,  there  had 
been  sent  to  America  stores  to  the  amount  of  a  million 
dollars.  Remittances  even  in  kind  from  America  were 
very  uncertain,  and  although  the  French  authorities  ad- 
vanced another  million  francs  yet  our  "merchant"  was 
considerably  embarrassed. 


CHAPTER  III. 

STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

Germain's  Plans  Disclosed — Meeting  of  Steuben  and  Beau- 
marchais — Former  Concludes  to  Go  to  America,  the  latter 
to  Furnish  Funds — Beaumarchais  Subsequently  Faces  Bank- 
ruptcy and  Death — Long  Controversy  With  Congress. 

We  now  return  to  Baron  Steuben,  who,  as  we  have 
seen,  had  arrived  in  Paris  on  May  2d,  1777,  where  a 
private  rendezvous  was  appointed  by  Count  St.  Germain, 
for  what  purpose  Steuben  could  not  conceive.  A  few 
days  after  he  was  conducted  by  Baron  De  Pagenstecher, 
Colonel  of  the  Legion  Conde,  to  Germain's  Cabinet  or 
private  room,  where  the  Count  after  congratulations, 
spread  out  a  map  of  America  with  the  declaration,  "Here 
is  your  field  of  battle.  Here  is  a  republic  which  you  must 
serve.  You  are  the  very  man  she  needs  at  this  moment 
If  you  succeed  your  fortune  is  made,  and  you  will  ac- 
quire more  glory  than  you  could  hope  for  in  Europe  for 
many  years  to  come." 

Germain  discoursed  for  sometime  on  the  American 
situation,  the  resources  of  the  country,  the  assurance  of 
aid  from  France  and  Spain,  and  intimated  the  prospect 
of  an  open  alliance  between  the  Bourbon  rulers  of  these 
two  countries  and  the  insurgents.  The  present  needs  of 
the  Americans  were  shown  to  be  that  their  army  had  no 
permanent  formation,  the  enlistments  were  for  short  pe- 
riods, that  through  lack  of  proper  management  the  waste 
was  tremendous  (as  Washington  had  frequently  pointed 
out)  and  that  among  those  officers  who  had  already 
sailed  for  America  there  was  none  specially  qualified  to 
take  up  this  work.    In  short  unless  there  was  reform  in 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  39 

this  direction  neither  their  own  resources  nor  help  from 
friends  in  Europe  would  enable  the  Americans  to  continue 
their  resistance  to  a  successful  end.  To  all  this  and  much 
more  the  Count  added :  "You  perceive  now  why  I  wished 
you  not  to  appear  at  Versailles;  I  would  not  even  wish 
you  to  be  seen  much  in  Paris ;  you  must,  however,  see  the 
Count  De  Aranda  (the  Spanish  Ambassador)  and  the 
Prince  De  Montbarey,  who  are  acquainted  with  this 
project;  and  in  order  that  you  may  have  every  possible 
information  with  respect  to  the  United  States  I  will  send 
Mr.  Deane  to  you." 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  such  a  proposition 
would  appeal  at  once  to  Steuben.  Brought  up  as  he  was 
among  the  leaders  of  his  time,  both  military  and  civil, 
accustomed  to  the  pageantry  of  the  courts  of  Europe,  to 
the  civilization  and  culture  of  his  day,  the  suggestion 
meant  that  he  should  sever  the  associations  of  a  lifetime, 
and,  as  it  turned  out,  forever ;  to  cross  the  3,000  miles  of 
stormy  Atlantic  which  was  then  no  slight  undertaking, 
only  to  reach  what  was  by  many  considered  a  wilderness 
with  a  fringe  of  civilization  along  a  hinterland  of  bound- 
less extent;  unfamiliar  with  the  language,  uncertain  as 
to  what  reception  he  might  expect,  and  at  most  to  labor 
with  untrained  levies  against  the  most  powerful  empire 
of  the  world;  these  were  considerations  which  might 
cause  any  thoughtful  man  to  hesitate.  Baron  Steuben 
was  no  adventurer  in  the  generally  accepted  sense  of 
that  term.  His  reputation  was  high,  he  had  a  small  but 
assured  income  for  life,  and  there  was  no  occasion  for 
him  to  engage  in  any  desperate  interprise  in  order  to  en- 
hance his  fame  or  secure  a  livelihood.  In  fact  it  was 
more  than  doubtful  whether  either  would  be  enhanced  by 
the  project  now  presented. 

Naturally  the  Baron  hesitated,  and  asked  Germain 


40      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

for  his  advice.  The  latter  replied,  "Sir,  as  a  minister  I 
have  no  advice  to  give  you  on  these  subjects ;  but  as  your 
friend  I  would  never  advise  you  to  do  anything  which  I 
would  not  do  myself  were  I  not  employed  in  the  King's 
service." 

Steuben  gave  up  his  proposed  trip  to  England  for 
the  present,  and  met  Germain  again  the  next  day  who 
repeated  his  advice  not  to  visit  Versailles,  but  gave  him 
a  letter  to  Caron  de  Beaumarchais,  with  whom  we  have 
already  become  acquainted,  cautioning  him  to  talk  as  lit- 
tle as  possible  concerning  the  matter.  Beaumarchais,  as 
before  related,  was  already  actively  engaged  in  Ameri- 
can affairs.  By  him  Steuben  was  introduced  to  Deane, 
and  a  few  days  later  he  met  Benjamin  Franklin,  the 
other  American  commissioner  who  had  arrived  the  pre- 
ceding December,  and  taken  quarters  at  Passy,  a  suburb 
of  Paris.  Both  of  the  commissioners  were  favorably  im- 
pressed with  Steuben,  and  from  their  information  con- 
cerning him  believed  he  would  be  most  efficient  in  reduc- 
ing the  raw  recruits  of  the  American  army  into  a  condi- 
tion which  would  enable  them  to  contend  on  somewhat 
even  terms  with  the  trained  soldiers  of  Great  Britain. 
Although  quite  a  number  of  French  officers  had  em- 
barked in  Beaumarchais's  ships  it  was  not  believed  that 
they  were  fitted  for  this  much  needed  work,  and  the 
sequel  showed  that  most  of  them  were  not  of  much  ac- 
count in  any  direction.  Among  them  was  the  marplot 
Thomas  Conway,  of  Irish  descent,  who  afterwards  gave 
his  name  to  a  cabal  against  Washington.  The  conference, 
however,  soon  met  with  an  obstacle  in  the  shape  of  Steu- 
ben's expenses  for  the  journey.  He  did  not  feel  like 
embarking  at  his  own  cost,  and  2,000  acres  of  land  which 
Franklin  offered  him  were  useless  as  a  means  of  raising 
the  ready  cash  for  the  journey.     Franklin  declared  that 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCNAIS  41 

he  could  advance  him  no  money,  and  that  he  could  not 
make  any  permanent  engagement.  This  was  not  unrea- 
sonable as  the  American  Commissioners  had  no  funds, 
and  the  utmost  they  could  do  was  to  recommend  him  to 
the  consideration  of  Congress.  While  there  was  no  seri- 
ous friction  the  conference  seemed  to  have  taken  an  air 
of  brusqueness  that  irritated  the  Baron,  who  subsequently 
declared  that  Franklin  addressed  him  in  terms  to  which 
he  "was  then  little  accustomed."  He  consequently  left 
Passy  and  returned  to  Beaumarchais,  telling  him  of  the 
result  of  the  conference,  that  he  proposed  returning  to 
Germany  and  wished  to  hear  no  more  of  America.  The 
latter  informed  him  if  money  was  the  only  obstacle  he 
would  furnish  him  with  a  thousand  Louis  d'ors  (about 
$4,000)  and  more  if  needed.  The  Baron,  while  grateful 
for  the  offer  remained  inflexible,  and  announced  his  de- 
termination to  leave  the  next  day  for  Rastadt  in  Baden 
after  calling  on  Count  St.  Germain.  He  met  the  latter 
on  July  24,  and  told  him  that  he  had  abandoned  the 
American  project,  that  he  had  not  sufficient  ready  money 
to  equip  himself  and  suite.  Besides  that  the  whole  matter 
rested  on  an  uncertainty,  that  not  long  before  one  Du 
Coudrai  had  been  rejected  by  Congress  notwithstanding 
a  pre-engagement  with  the  American  Commissioners, 
and,  last,  but  not  least  he  might  be  intercepted  by  British 
cruisers  before  reaching  America,  in  which  case  he  would 
have  no  claim  whatever  on  America  for  the  resulting  loss 
and  inconvenience.  Germain  was  vexed  at  the  outcome, 
but  requested  Steuben  to  remain  a  couple  of  days  at  Ver- 
sailles and  meet  his  former  friend,  Prince  De  Montbarey. 
That  day  after  dinner  Count  de  Aranda,  the  Spanish 
Ambassador,  joined  the  party,  and  to  him  Germain  in- 
troduced Steuben  with  the  remark,  "Here  is  a  man  who 
will  risk  nothing,  consequently  he  will  gain  nothing." 


42      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

It  may  be  noted  here  that  Spain  was  as  anxious  as 
France  to  see  Britain  humbled.  In  addition  to  the  minor 
conflicts  which  had  been  carried  on  with  more  or  less  fre- 
quency since  the  destruction  of  the  Great  Armada,  nearly 
two  hundred  years  before,  the  capture  of  Gibraltar  in 
1704,  and  its  subsequent  retention  ranked  as  a  sore  spot 
equal  to  that  of  Dunkirk  in  France.  At  the  same  time 
the  result  was  too  doubtful  to  justify  an  open  conflict,  be- 
sides the  building  up  of  an  independent  Anglo-Saxon 
power  in  America  to  threaten  or  furnish  an  example  to 
the  great  Spanish  Colonies  was  the  last  thing  to  be  de- 
sired. Consequently  the  policy  of  Spain,  like  that  of 
France,  was  to  furnish  sufficient  aid  to  the  Americans  to 
keep  England  busy,  with  the  hope  that  with  the  exhaus- 
tion of  both  combatants  the  two  Bourbon  kingdoms 
might  reap  some  advantage.  There  was  this  difference, 
however,  in  France  there  existed  a  decided  sympathy  with 
the  American  cause  on  its  merits,  while  in  Spain  there 
was  nothing  of  the  kind.  In  fact  there  could  hardly  be 
said  that  there  was  such  a  thing  as  public  sentiment  of 
any  kind  in  Spain  outside  of  Court  circles.  Bourbonism 
controlled  everything. 

Baron  Steuben's  notes,  which  furnished  the  basis  for 
accounts  of  his  personal  movements  at  this  time,  do  not 
disclose  his  conversation  with  Aranda,  if  he  had  any,  but 
the  same  day  he  met  Prince  de  Montbarey,  who  was  also 
an  active  supporter  of  the  American  project.  Both  he 
and  Germain  urged  Steuben  to  reconsider  his  determina- 
tion, but  he  said  he  would  visit  Germany  first,  and  then 
think  over  the  matter. 

He  left  for  Rastadt  the  next  day,  where  he  met 
Prince  Louis  William,  of  Baden,  who  was  a  lieutenant- 
general  in  the  Dutch  Army,  and  Governor  of  Arnheim. 
Almost  immediately  he  received  a  letter  from  Beaumar- 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  43 

chais  to  the  effect  that  Germain  was  expecting  his  return 
to  Versailles,  that  a  vessel  was  ready  to  leave  Marseilles 
for  America,  and  that  he,  Beaumarchais,  would  place  at 
his  disposal  such  funds  as  might  be  necessary.  A  similar 
letter  was  rceeived  from  Germain  urging  his  immediate 
return.  Prince  William  was  consulted,  who  urged  Steu- 
ben not  to  hesitate  but  take  his  chances,  and  that  such  an 
opportunity  to  win  distinction  was  not  likely  to  repeat 
itself.  This  turned  the  scale,  and  Steuben  decided  to  cast 
his  lot  with  the  insurgents.  By  arrangement  with  the 
King  of  Prussia  he  transferred  his  canonry  at  Havels- 
berg,  worth  4,600  francs  per  annum,  to  his  nephew, 
Baron  Van  Canitz,  and  left  for  Paris.  Arriving  at  Paris 
on  August  17,  1777,  the  Baron  on  the  18th  held  a  con- 
ference with  St.  Germain  and  Montbarey,  where  it  was 
agreed  that  he  would  not  endeavor  to  secure  from  the 
American  Commissioners  any  money  for  traveling  ex- 
pense or  otherwise,  but  inform  them  of  his  intended  de- 
parture for  the  United  States,  and  request  letters  of  in- 
troduction to  leading  members  of  Congress,  as  he  desired 
to  enter  their  army  simply  as  a  volunteer.  His  reasons 
for  this  course  were  afterwards  given  in  a  letter  to  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  dated  January  27,  1790,  in  which  he 
says: 

From  the  information  I  received  from  the  ministers  of 
France,  that  the  preferment  of  foreigners  to  military  employ- 
ments had  been  a  cause  of  discontent  in  the  American  army.  I 
foresaw  the  necessity  of  pursuing  a  different  course  from  that 
which  had  been  adopted  by  my  predecessors,  in  order  to  gain 
admission  into  your  army.  Being  sure  of  success  in  my  enter- 
prise, as  soon  as  the  Commander-in-Chief  should  be  aware  of 
the  advantages  of  my  military  arrangements,  there  was  but  one 
difficulty  to  surmount,  and  from,  ttfie  complexion  of  the  times, 
that  difficulty  was  of  the  greatest  magnitude.  It  depended  upon 
obtaining  such  a  post  in  the  army  as  would  enable  me  to  make 
use  of  the  knowledge  of  my  profession,  and  to  render  it  bene- 
ficial to  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  without  exciting  the 


44      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

dissatisfaction  and  jealousy  of  the  officers  of  your  army.  Any 
conditions  proposed  by  me,  under  these  circumstances,  tending 
to  insure  me  a  recompense  proportioned  to  my  sacrifices  and  my 
services,  would  have  rendered  all  my  negotiations  abortive.  But 
proposals  to  serve  the  United  States  as  a  volunteer,  without  rank 
or  pay,  could  give  no  umbrage.  No  person,  sir,  is  better  in- 
formed than  yourself,  how  difficult  it  was,  at  that  time,  to  in- 
troduce a  foreigner  into  your  army,  even  without  any  condition 
whatever.  If,  however,  1  should  be  charged  with  having  made 
use  of  illicit  stratagems  to  gain  admission  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  I  am  sure  the  army  will  acquit  me,  and  I  flatter 
myself,  so  also  will  the  citizens  of  this  republic  in  general. 

By  advice  of  the  Fernch  ministers  the  Baron  took 
the  title  of  General,  no  doubt  from  his  position  in  the 
Circle  of  Suabia  already  mentioned,  which  was  in  the  main 
honorary,  but  which  would  be  more  effective  in  procur- 
ing him  respectful  attention  abroad  than  that  of  Captain 
or  aide-de-campe. 

On  August  19,  by  the  introduction  of  Montbarey, 
Steuben  had  an  audience  with  Count  de  Vergennes,  who 
remarked:  "You  are  determined  then  to  go  to  America?" 
and  upon  Steuben  asking  him  if  he  thought  the  idea  ex- 
travagant, he  replied,  "On  the  contrary  it  is  the  road  to 
fame  and  distinction,  but  I  strongly  recommend  you  to 
make  ar/rangement  before  hand,  and  not  rely  too  implicit- 
ly on  republican  generosity."  This  advice  was  timely  as 
events  proved,  but  Steuben  replied  that  he  had  no  condi- 
tions to  make  with  the  Americans,  and  if  the  republic 
proved  ungrateful  that  the  French  authorities  would  not 
forget  him  To  this  Vergennes  replied,  "You  know  very 
well  that  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  make  conditions  with 
you.  I  can  only  say  to  you,  go — succeed,  and  you  will 
never  regret  the  step  you  have  taken." 

There  seems  to  have  been  considerable  discussion  as 
to  the  reforms  which  Steuben  was  expected  to  introduce 
into  the  American  army,  such  as  better  inspection  of 
arms,  accoutrements   and   everything  pertaining  to   the 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  45 

troops,  more  economical  management  of  supplies, 
maneuvres,  drill,  battle  formation  &c.  He  secured  letters 
of  introduction  from  Franklin  to  Washington,  Samuel 
Adams,  Laurens,  President  of  Congress,  Robert  Morris 
the  financier,  and  other  prominent  men.  The  amount  of 
money  furnished  by  Beaumarchais  is  not  stated,  but  that 
it  was  satisfactory  appears  from  a  letter  written  by  him 
to  his  nephew,  M.  D.  Francy,  then  in  America,  under 
date  of  December  6,  1778,  in  which  he  says : 

Recall  me  often  to  the  memory  and  good  wishes  of  Baron 
de  Steuben.  I  congratulate  myself,  from  what  he  told  me,  of 
having  given  so  great  an  officer  to  my  friends  the  "free  men," 
and  having  in  a  certain  way  forced  him  to  follow  his  noble  ca- 
reer. I  am  in  no  way  uneasy  about  the  money  I  lent  him  to 
start  with.  Never  did  I  make  so  agreeable  use  of  capital,  for  I 
have  put  a  man  of  honor  in  his  true  place.  I  hear  that  he  is  the 
inspector  general  of  all  the  American  troops.  Bravo!  Tell  him 
that  his  glory  is  the  interest  of  my  money,  and  that  I  do  not 
doubt  that  on  those  terms  he  will  pay  me  with  usury. 

Steuben  had  the  choice  of  two  ports  from  which  to 
sail,  L'Orient  and  Marseilles,  and  at  the  suggestion  of 
Aranda  he  chose  the  latter.  Beaumarchais  had  secured 
from  the  government  the  twenty-four  gun  ship,  Heureux, 
which  had  been  altered  and  the  name  changed  to  Fla- 
mand.  It  had  been  laden  with  a  quantity  of  military 
stores  including  1,700  pounds  of  powder,  22  tons  of  sul- 
phur, 52  brass  cannon,  19  mortars  with  a  quantity  of 
smaller  items  which  would  make  a  welcome  addition  to 
the  scanty  resources  of  the  Americans.  The  party  sailed 
from  Marseilles  on  September  26,  1777,  and  besides  the 
Baron  included  Peter  S.  Duponceau,  his  secretary  and 
interpreter,  De  l'Enfant,  De  Romanai,  Des  Epinieres  and 
De  Pontiere,  his  aides;  and  M.  De  Francy  above  men- 
tioned, who  was  traveling  as  Beaumarchais's  agent  in 
the  endeavor  to  get  his  accounts  straightened  out  with 
Congress.     Steuben  took  the  name  of  "Frank,"  and  for 


46      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  benefit  of  any  British  cruisers  which  might  overhaul 
them  he  bore  dispatches  from  the  French  ministry  to 
Marquis  De  Bouilly,  Governor  of  Martinique.  It  is  more 
than  doubtful,  however,  if  this  would  have  availed  any- 
thing had  they  been  overhauled,  for,  although  England 
and  France  were  still  nominally  at  peace  their  relations 
had  become  so  strained  that  every  movement  was  viewed 
with  suspicion,  and  the  captain  of  a  British  cruiser  would 
have  had  little  hesitancy  in  taking  his  prize  into  port  once 
his  suspicions  were  aroused. 

Having  started  the  Baron  on  his  journey  to  his  new 
field  in  what  afterward  became  his  adopted  country,  it 
will  not  be  amiss  to  follow  a  little  further  the  fortunes  of 
the  man  who  was  largely  if  not  chiefly  instrumental  in 
furnishing  the  facilities  which  enabled  Steuben  to  take 
the  step  which  changed  his  entire  career.  We  have  seen 
that  by  this  time  Beaumarchais  under  the  name  of  Ro- 
derique  Hortalez  &  Co.,  had  involved  himself  in  the 
American  enterprise  to  the  extent  of  five  million  francs, 
and  although  he  had  received  3,000,000  from  the  French 
and  Spanish  governments,  yet  that  did  not  prevent  him 
being  seriously  embarrassed.  All  his  private  means  had 
gone  into  this  scheme,  and  expectations  of  recoupment 
by  supplies  of  tobacco  and  other  American  products  had 
not  been  realized.  The  American  deputies  even  claimed 
as  their  own  a  cargo  of  rice  worth  150,000  francs,  which 
had  been  brought  over  by  the  Amphitrite  on  her  return 
trip.  The  deputies  had  by  this  time  begun  to  ask  and 
receive  advances  of  money  from  the  French  government 
directly,  and  Congress  was,  for  awhile,  uncertain  whether 
Beaumarchais  was  really  carrying  on  business  as  a  mer- 
chant or  was  in  fact  merely  a  political  agent  of  France. 
Beaumarchais  himself  stoutly  maintained  the  former,  but 
Arthur  Lee,  who  had  returned  to  America,  gave  out  the 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  47 

latter  impression.  Congress  was  slow  enough  in  carry- 
ing out  its  plain  obligations,  and  hence  it  was  not  surpris- 
ing that  any  claim  upon  which  rested  the  least  shadow 
was  likely  to  receive  slight  attention.  Nevertheless 
Beaumarchais  did  not  relax  his  efforts,  and  on  December 
6,  1778,  he  writes  to  Francy  that  he  has  a  fleet  of  more 
than  twelve  sail,  well  armed,  ready  to  proceed  to  the  colo- 
nies, laden  with  stores  of  every  kind.  He  also  approves 
of  advances  made  to  Lafayette  and  others,  who,  to  our 
discredit,  had  been  "devoured  by  American  usurers."  In 
the  meantime,  the  capture  of  Burgoyne,  in  which  the  sup- 
plies furnished  by  Beaumarchais  were  an  important  fac- 
tor, had  so  far  raised  the  credit  of  the  insurgents  at  Paris 
that  the  government  had  no  hesitancy  in  advancing 
money  to  Deane  and  Franklin. 

England  was  not  ignorant  of  what  was  going  on, 
and  in  August,  1777,  possibly  as  much  with  the  intention 
of  bringing  matters  to  a  crisis  as  from  any  other  motive 
made  a  suggestion  to  France  to  enter  into  a  treaty  guar- 
anteeing to  each  other  the  possessions  of  the  two  King- 
doms in  America.  Threats  were  made  that  terms  might 
be  made  with  the  Americans,  when  England  would  be  at 
liberty  to  turn  all  her  forces  against  France.  This  spider 
and  fly  proposition  was  declined,  and  Beaumarchais,  fear- 
ful that  the  threat  might  be  carried  out,  drew  up  numer- 
ous memorials  to  the  government,  protesting  against  fur- 
ther inaction,  even  drawing  a  form  of  manifesto,  which 
could  be  and  was  afterwards  used  in  notifying  the  Court 
of  London  that  France  had  recognized  the  independence 
of  the  United  States. 

News  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  reached  Paris  on  De- 
cember 4,  1777.  For  months  the  outlook  had  been  very 
discouraging,  but  it  now  appeared  as  though  America 
would  be  able  to  hold  her  own.  The  ability  to  environ 
and  defeat  a  large  army  of  regular  soldiers  commanded 


48       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

by  experienced  officers  argued  the  existence  of  at  least 
a  defacto  government,  with  which  it  would  be  good  pol- 
icy to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  amity.  This 
was  all  that  was  contemplated  in  the  first  instance.  John 
Adams  was  opposed  to  to  anything  more  than  a  commer- 
cial connection  by  which  arms,  cannon,  saltpetre,  etc., 
could  be  purchased  in  France,  and  the  original  instruc- 
tions to  the  commissioners  contemplated  nothing  more. 

An  intimation  to  the  commissioners  that  the  matter 
would  be  taken  up  led  to  an  interview  on  the  12th  between 
Vergennes  and  his  Chief  Clerk  Gerard  (afterwards  min- 
ister to  the  United  States),  on  one  side,  and  the  commis- 
sioners on  the  other,  and  on  the  16th  Gerard  called  at 
Passy  and  informed  the  latter  that  the  King  was  ready 
to  recognize  American  independence  and  enter  into  a 
treaty  of  commerce  as  well  as  an  eventual  treaty  of  al- 
liance. There  was  not  much  trouble  in  arranging  the  de- 
tails, but  it  was  at  once  recognized  that  the  moment  this 
treaty  was  promulgated  England  would  make  open  war 
against  France,  with  or  without  a  formal  declaration. 
Hence  a  treaty  of  alliance  was  made,  to  be  kept  secret  and 
only  to  become  operative  in  case  England  declared  war 
against  France.  In  that  event  the  contracting  parties 
were  to  make  common  cause,  and  neither  party  was  to  lay 
down  its  arms  until  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  was  acknowledged  by  England.  The  King  was 
to  make  no  conquests  on  the  American  continent  outside 
of  Florida  and  Louisiana,  and  the  possessions  of  each  of 
the  contracting  parties  were  respectively  guaranteed  to 
each  other.  Provision  was  also  made  for  the  admission 
of  other  parties  to  the  alliance. 

The  treaties  were  signed  on  the  6th  of  February,  but 
they  were  kept  secret,  and  notice  was  not  sent  to  London 
until   March   13.    Lord   Storm ont   left  Paris  as  soon  as 


STEUBEN  AN  DBEAUMARCHAIS  49 

he  got  word  of  the  matters  from  his  government,  arriv- 
ing at  London  on  the  27th.  As  was  expected  England 
immediately  began  preparing  for  war  with  France,  and 
the  first  shot  was  fired  on  June  18,  1778,  when  two  Eng- 
lish and  French  frigates  came  together  in  which  the  for- 
mer, was  worsted,  but  reinforcements  having  come  up 
the  Frenchman  retired  into  Brest  with  twenty-five  men 
killed  and  fifty-seven  wounded. 

At  this  point  it  may  be  profitable  to  inquire  to  what 
extent  the  aid  extended  by  France  contributed  directly  or 
indirectly  to  the  successful  issue  of  the  war  for  indepen- 
dence, and  whether  national  freedom  could  have  been 
obtained  without  that  aid.  As  has  been  noted  there  was  a 
party  in  Congress  opposed  to  an  alliance  with  France  or 
any  other  nation  other  than  what  a  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce  would  naturally  bring.  Great  as  was  the 
British  empire  the  distance  of  its  centre  from  the  seat  of 
war  gave  it  a  serious  handicap,  especially  with  the  small 
and  slow-going  vessels  of  that  day.  On  the  other  hand 
the  Americans  had  a  comparatively  immense  territory, 
which  the  thinly  stretched  line  of  Britain's  small  army 
could  hardly  expect  to  cover,  and  they  had  a  goodly  array 
of  fighting  men.  The  population  of  the  thirteen  colonies 
in  1774  was  estimated  at  about  2,600,000,  of  which  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland,  Pennsylvania  and  Massachusetts  held 
about  half,  and  of  which  500,000  were  blacks.  By  the 
census  of  1860,  the  State  of  Ohio  had  a  population  of 
2,339,511,  and  during  the  four  years  of  Civil  War  which 
followed,  sent  into  the  field  an  aggregate  of  317,133  en- 
listments. Of  course  many  of  these  men  enlisted  at  least 
twice,  but  reducing  the  whole  to  a  three-year  average, 
gives  239,976  or  nearly  one  in  ten  of  the  entire  popula- 
tion. A  similar  basis  would  have  given  the  revolution- 
ists an  army  of  260,000.    Massachusetts  alone  had  120,- 


50      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

000  men  capable  of  bearing  arms.  Of  course  nobody 
expected  to  put  an  army  of  even  half  that  size  in  the  field. 
The  population  was  scattered  over  too  great  an  extent  of 
territory,  and  the  proportion  of  those  who  were  loyal  to 
the  British  government  was  too  large  to  permit  anything 
of  the  kind.  But  allowing  for  all  this  the  results  were 
pitifully  small.  When  Washington  took  command  at 
Boston  he  found  an  army  of  16,000  men  of  which  11,500 
were  from  Massachusetts,  and  this  was  increased  to 
19,000  by  reinforcements  from  Pennsylvania,  Maryland 
and  Virginia  This  was  the  largest  single  army  of  the 
war  if  we  except  the  combined  American  and  French 
forces  at  Yorktown  in  1781,  while  during  the  dark  days 
at  Valley  Forge  the  effective  force  was  below  3,000  men. 
Small  as  was  this  force  it  was  poorly  equipped,  there  was 
a  deficiency  of  guns,  powder,  provisions  and  everything 
which  goes  toward  making  the  army  an  efficient  military 
machine.  The  men  were  enlisted  for  short  periods,  and 
not  all  the  efforts  put  forth  by  Washington  could  induce 
Congress  to  make  suitable  provisions  for  these  things. 
As  we  shall  see  later  that  body  was  powerless  to  accom- 
plish all  that  was  desired,  but  the  prejudice  against  a 
standing  army  had  much  to  do  with  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs. When  a  colony  was  invaded  the  neighboring  mili- 
tia would  come  to  the  field,  and  frequently  rendered  effi- 
cient help,  but  it  was  untrained,  and  as  soon  as  pressure 
at  that  particular  point  had  been  lifted  (and  sometimes 
before)  it  would  disperse,  leaving  a  mere  skeleton  of  Con- 
tinentals or  regulars  to  hold  the  field  or  retreat  as  the  sit- 
uation permitted.  On  one  occasion  Washington  called 
for  6,000  Massachusetts  militia,  to  which  120  persons 
responded.  The  country  was  rich  in  natural  resources, 
and  had  it  been  able  to  secure  command  of  the  sea  could 
doubtless  have  acquired  all  that  was  needful  to  equip  its 


PORTRAIT  OF  STEUBEN,   BY  ANDREWS. 
Tn  tlic   Public  Library,  Steubenvillo,   O. 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  51 

armies.  But  British  cruisers  prevented  that,  and  the 
country  being  largely  agricultural  it  was  absolutely  need- 
ful to  procure  these  things  from  the  outside  as  well  as 
money.  The  latter  probably  could  have  been  obtained,  at 
least  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  war,  had  there  been  an  ef- 
ficient system  of  taxation  which  there  was  not.  Here 
was  where  the  aid  of  France  operated  most  strongly. 
Without  the  money  and  supplies  sent  from  that  country  it 
is  difficult  to  see  how  any  sort  of  an  army  could  have 
been  kept  in  the  field.  To  such  an  extent  had  this  come 
to  be  relied  on  that  the  French  authorities  more  than  once 
protested,  and  advised  the  American  authorities  to  help 
themselves.  The  French  government  was  reimbursed 
after  the  war  for  the  advances  made.  It  should  be  noted, 
however,  that  no  effective  military  operations  were  car- 
ried on  by  the  allied  forces  until  Rochambeau  brought  his 
troops  to  Washington's  support  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown. 
An  abortive  attempt  was  made  on  Rhode  Island  (not 
the  present  state  but  the  island  on  which  Newport  stands) 
and  a  repulse  was  suffered  in  an  effort  to  recapture  Sa- 
vannah, but  whatever  was  accomplished  on  land  was  the 
work  of  Americans  alone.  A  united  America  under  good 
management  could  doubtless  have  effected  its  indepen- 
dence without  outside  aid,  but  America  was  far  from  be- 
ing united,  and  the  inefficiency,  jealousies  and  even  trea- 
son were  so  great,  that  only  the  wisdom  and  herculean 
efforts  of  Washington  were  able  to  conduct  the  ship  of 
state  through  the  stress  and  storm  of  those  years  into  a 
safe  harbor. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  note  here  the  subsequent 
career  of  Beaumarchais  who  during  this  period  had  oc- 
cupied the  centre  of  the  stage.  We  may  also  note  here  the 
fact  that  he  was  better  known  at  that  day,  by  the  general 
public  at  least,  as  the  writer  of  a  popular  comic  operas 


52      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

than  as  confidential  agent  of  the  government  or  the  main- 
spring in  furnishing  supplies  to  the  American  insurgents. 
To-day,  however,  very  few  who  listen  to  "The  Barber  of 
Seville,',  have  any  idea  that  it  is  based  on  Beaumarchais's 
original  composition.  He  began  this  work  in  1772,  but 
owing  to  lawsuits  and  the  efforts  of  his  numerous  ene- 
mies it  was  not  presented  until  February  23,  1775,  when 
it  proved  a  failure.  The  author  retouched  it,  however, 
and  upon  second  trial  was  an  unbounded  success.  Aft- 
erwards the  inspiration  of  Rossini  gave  it  a  dress  that  in- 
sured its  immortality.  Its  companion  piece,  "The  Mar- 
riage of  Figaro,"  was  completed  in  1778,  but  it  also  had 
its  tribulations,  mainly  on  account  of  its  supposed  politi- 
cal sentiments,  and  it  was  not  presented  until  April  27, 
1784,  when  it  took  Paris  by  storm.  There  were  those 
present  who  persisted  in  discerning  hidden  political  allu- 
sions in  the  composition,  and  as  a  result  upon  an  order 
issued  by  the  King,  said  to  have  been  written  at  the  card 
table  with  a  pencil  on  the  seven  of  spades,  Beaumarchais 
was  arrested  and  taken  to  St.  Lazarre  prison,  from  which, 
owing  to  murmurs  of  the  people,  he  was  released  five  days 
after.  His  specific  offense  was  that  he  had  compared 
Louis  XVI.  to  a  tiger.  The  enterprise  as  a  whole,  how- 
ever, was  profitable,  and  netted  the  author  2,275,625 
francs.  The  Parisian  popularity  of  the  drama  was  doubt- 
less due  more  to  the  libretto  than  the  music,  and  it  prob- 
ably would  soon  have  sunk  into  oblivion  had  it  not  been 
taken  up  and  re-arranged  by  Mozart,  whose  melodies 
have  given  it  a  permanent  place  as  a  favorite  with  each 
succeeding  generation. 

The  declaration  of  war  by  England  and  the  treaty 
of  alliance  between  France  and  the  United  States  dis- 
posed of  any  further  surreptitious  dealings  (if  the  almost 
open  transactions  of  the  preceding  year  could  be  called 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  53 

such),  and  the  firm  of  Hortalez  &  Co.  went  out  of  busi- 
ness. In  the  meantime  Beaumarchais  had  collected  a  fleet 
of  ten  vessels  laden  with  supplies  to  be  conveyed  across 
the  ocean  by  the  Fier  Roderique,  a  sixty-gun  frigate, 
which  was  expected  to  be  more  than  a  match  for  any  ac- 
cidental British  cruiser  which  it  might  meet.  When  off  the 
island  of  Grenada  in  the  West  Indies  it  encountered  the 
fleet  of  Admiral  d'Estaing,  who  was  preparing  to  fight 
the  English  Admiral  John  Byron.  Recognizing  that  the 
Fier  Roderique  would  make  a  welcome  addition  to  his 
force  d'Estaing  took  possession  of  the  vessel  without  re- 
gard to  the  transports,  and  in  the  engagement  which  fol- 
lowed the  ship  was  riddled  with  balls  and  her  captain 
killed.  The  French  claimed  the  victory  in  this  battle  of 
July  6,  1779,  as  the  British  fleet  retired,  and  great  credit 
was  given  to  Beaumarchais  for  the  assistance  rendered 
by  his  vessel.  But  this  did  not  recoup  his  financial  loss 
which  was  so  heavy  as  to  almost  bankrupt  him,  but  the 
French  government  subsequently  indemnified  him.  He  was 
active  afterwards  in  raising  funds  to  repair  the  loss  of 
Count  de  Grasse's  fleet  in  1782  for  which  he  received  the 
commendation  of  M.  de  Vergennes.  He  also  engaged  in 
numerous  private  speculations,  some  fortunate  and  some 
otherwise,  among  the  latter  a  great  edition  of  Voltaire's 
works,  then  tabooed  in  France.  Then  came  his  presenta- 
tion of  "The  Marriage  of  Figaro"  to  the  advantage  both 
of  purse  and  reputation,  although  he  devoted  a  consider- 
able portion  of  the  proceeds  to  charitable  purposes.  Other 
popular  dramas  kept  him  before  the  public  no  less  than  ? 
series  of  lawsuits  which  prevented  the  people  from  for- 
getting him.  In  1790  he  built  for  himself  near  the  site 
of  the  Bastile  one  of  the  most  magnificent  houses  in 
Paris,  in  fact  one  which  the  people  even  of  that  gay  city 
went  to  see  a  curiosity.    The  cost  was   over   1,600,000 


54      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

francs,  but  when  the  government  took  over  the  property 
in  1818  to  extend  a  boulevard,  his  heirs  received  only 
500,000  francs.  The  furniture  and  ornaments  were  in 
keeping,  in  fact  it  is  hard  to  tell  just  how  much  money 
was  spent  in  this  enterprise  of  which  in  less  than  thirty 
years  not  a  trace  remained. 

Beaumarchais  superintended  the  destruction  of  the 
Bastile  on  July  14,  1789,  and  during  the  early  period  of 
the  revolution  expected  great  things  from  that  movement. 
He  was  still  writing  plays  which  drew  crowds  to  the  the- 
atres, without  anticipation  of  the  troublous  times  which 
were  to  follow.  In  1792  he  undertook  to  procure  for  the 
revolutionary  government,  which  was  the  only  one  then 
in  France,  60,000  guns  which  had  been  deposited  in  Hol- 
land by  Austria  upon  disarming  of  the  Low  Countries, 
but  which  were  to  be  sent  to  the  colonies  to  prevent  their 
possible  acquisition  by  France.  De  Grave,  the  minister 
of  war,  advanced  for  this  purpose  assignats  of  the  face 
value  of  500,000  francs,  but  whose  actual  value  then  was 
only  about  sixty  per  cent.,  as  security  for  which  Beau- 
marchais deposited  paper  worth  more  than  twice  that 
amount.  He  was  to  have  further  advances  when  needed. 
Events  now  succeeded  each  other  with  dazzling  rapidity, 
and  before  arrangements  could  be  completed  with  one 
ministry  for  the  balance  necessary  to  secure  the  guns  it 
was  succeeded  by  another.  It  was  rumored  that  he  had 
secreted  the  guns  in  his  cellar,  and  a  mob  searched  his 
house  from  top  to  bottom,  but  found  nothing.  Notwith- 
standing this  he  was  arrested  on  the  23d  of  August,  but 
on  the  30th,  just  two  days  before  the  September  massa- 
cres, he  was  released.  Notwithstanding  his  narrow  es- 
cape he  went  only  a  few  miles  from  Paris,  returning  each 
night  to  urge  the  ministers  to  fulfill  their  contract.  Final- 
ly he  was  sent  to  Holland  for  the  guns  with  the  promise 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  55 

that  a  remittance  should  be  sent  him  through  the  French 
Ambassador  at  the  Hague.    He  went  via  London,  where 
he  borrowed  quite  a  large  sum  from  an  English  mercan- 
tile friend,  but  on  arrival  at  the  Hague  found  neither  re- 
mittance nor  instructions,  and  events  proved  that  he  was 
sent  away  merely  to  get  rid  of  him.     Finally  he  learned 
that  he  had  been  accused  before  the  Convention  of  secret 
correspondence  with  Louis  XVI.  and  divers  other  things. 
Private  letters  warned  him  to  return  to  England  as  he 
was  liable  to  be  abducted,  and  the  guillotine  was  sure 
to  be  his  fate  in  Paris,  provided  he  was  not  murdered  on 
the  way.     He  returned  to  London,  and  on  receiving  de- 
tails of  the  accusations  against  him  proposed  returning  to 
Paris  to  confute  them,  but  his  English  creditor  clearly 
anticipating  the  result  of  such  a  proceeding,  declared  that 
it  would  be  too  much  "to  lose  both  his  money  and  his 
friend,,,  and  arrested  the  latter  for  debt.     His  detention 
at  the  probably  not  uncomfortable  King's  Bench  prison 
was  certainly  preferable  to  a  Parisian  dungeon  with  re- 
lease only  through  the  guillotine,  but  sixty  years  of  vicis- 
situde had  not  daunted  the  vigor  of  our  subject,  and  he 
spent  his  enforced  retirement  in  preparing  a  memorial 
which  would  vindicate  him  with  the  people  if  not  with  his 
judges.     His  Paris  agent  having  raised  sufficient  funds 
to  secure  his  release,  and  learning  that  the  Convention 
held  his  family  and  property  as  hostages,  he  returned  to 
Paris  in  March,  1793.     "I  have  come,"  he  wrote  to  San- 
tene,  Commandant  of  the  National  Guard,  "to  offer  my 
head  to  the  sword  of  justice  if  I  cannot  prove  that  I  am 
a  great  citizen."     His  address  was  long  and  daring,  and 
unique  in  the  annals  of  that  period.    He  ridiculed  Murat, 
then  in  power,  and  defended  two  ministers  of  Louis  XVI. , 
who  had  been  joined  in  the  accusation  with  him.     His 
very  audacity  possibly  caused  a  hesitancy  on  the  part  of 


56      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  cut-throats  who  controlled  the  Convention,  but  a  more 
potent  influence  was  the  fact  that  the  revolutionists  now 
needed  the  guns,  and  the  only  wray  to  get  them  was 
through  Beaumarchais.  The  task  was  more  difficult  than 
at  first,  for  rumors  of  the  affair  had  reached  the  British 
government  which  was  disposed  to  seize  them  as  French 
property.  So  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  (what  a 
misnomer)  gave  Beaumarchais  a  choice  between  con- 
demnation or  going  a  second  time  to  Holland  after  the 
guns.  The  English  merchant  above  referred  to  had  been 
induced  to  claim  the  guns  as  his  property,  which  delayed 
proceedings  until  Beaumarchais  could  reach  them.  He 
succeeded  in  retaining  the  guns  at  Tervere,  where  they 
were  located,  but  the  Reign  of  Terror  was  now  on  in  full 
force  at  Paris,  so  that  not  only  was  nothing  done  towards 
securing  them,  but  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  al- 
lowed the  name  of  its  own  agent  to  be  placed  on  the  list 
of  emigres,  his  property  to  be  confiscated  anew,  and  his 
wife,  sister  and  daughter  to  be  imprisoned.  They  would 
have  undoubtedly  have  gone  to  the  guillotine,  but  before 
they  were  reached  the  9th  Thermidor  (July  27)  had  come 
when  Robespiere  was  overthrown,  and  eleven  days  later 
they  were  released.  But  they  were  in  poverty,  the  hus- 
band, brother  and  father  was  in  Hamburg,  a  prey  to  anx- 
iety and  conflicting  emotions;  their  property  was  put  up 
for  sale,  and  it  was  a  problem  as  to  how  they  were  to 
live. 

The  English  finally  seized  the  guns,  but  after  threat- 
ening to  confiscate  them  paid  a  portion  of  their  value  to 
Beaumarchais's  agent.  Returning  to  Paris  on  July  5, 
1796  Beaumarchais  found  himself  practically  ruined. 
Creditors  were  pressing  him  on  every  side,  and  even  the 
state,  which  was  found  by  one  commission  to  owe  him 
997,875  francs,  now  claimed  him  to  be  a  debtor  to  the 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  57 

extent  of  500,000  francs.  He  still  lived  in  his  palace,  but 
had  no  money  with  which  to  pay  taxes  or  make  repairs. 
Nevertheless  he  continued  to  take  interest  in  public  af- 
fairs, pursued  his  literary  labors,  became  friendly  with 
Napoleon,  and  died  suddenly  of  apoplexy  on  May  18, 
1799. 

While  the  affairs  of  Beaumarchais  at  his  death  were 
so  complicated  that  his  fortune  was  apparently  dissipated 
yet  by  good  management  his  estate  in  the  course  of  ten 
years  had  been  brought  up  to  nearly  a  million  francs. 
This  seems  to  have  been  exclusive  of  a  large  claim  against 
the  American  government  which  Beaumarchais  had  ur- 
gently pressed  during  his  lifetime,  and  was  carried  on  by 
his  daughter  after  his  death.  It  will  be  recollected  that 
on  June  10,  1776,  Beaumarchais  received  from  Count 
Vergennes  one  million  francs,  for  which  he  obligated 
himself  to  render  account  to  said  Vergennes.  There  was 
nothing  in  the  receipt  showing  the  source  of  the  fund  or 
what  was  to  be  done  with  it,  but  everybody  including  the 
principals  to  the  transaction  knew  that  it  came  from  the 
French  government,  and  that  it  was  to  be  used  in  the  pur- 
chase of  supplies  to  be  forwarded  to  America.  With  this, 
supplemented  subsequently  by  another  million  from  Ver- 
gennes and  one  from  Spain  as  well  as  his  own  private 
means,  Beaumarchais  opened  the  Hortalez  establishment, 
and  began  the  forwarding  of  supplies  &c.  to  America,  to 
be  repaid  in  the  products  of  that  country,  until  as  before 
stated,  by  the  fall  of  1777,  he  had  shipped  products  to  the 
value  of  fully  5,000,000  francs.  But  returns  were  slow, 
and  although  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Beau- 
marchais for  his  work  yet  that  did  not  pay  his  debts.  As 
the  original  transactions  were  secret  there  was  consider- 
able doubt  in  Congress  as  to  whether  he  should  be  paid 
anything,  especially  as  Arthur  Lee  had  stated  that  these 


58       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

goods  were  all  furnished  by  the  French  government  and 
that  Beaumarchais  was  a  mere  figurehead.  Finally  this 
part  was  arranged,  and  on  April  6,  1778,  a  formal  con- 
tract was  made  by  Congress  acknowledging  these  claims, 
and  in  October  of  the  following  year  bills  of  exchange 
amounting  to  2,544,000  francs  due  three  years  after  date, 
were  sent  to  him  through  Franklin  as  payment  on  ac- 
count. This  was  not  very  satisfactory,  especially  as  an 
effort  was  afterwards  made  to  avoid  payment  of  these 
bills,  but  they  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  third  parties. 
Disgusted  with  Congress  Beaumarchais  tried  for  awhile 
to  deal  with  the  states  separately,  and  sent  two  cargoes, 
one  to  Virginia  and  the  other  to  South  Carolina,  which 
were  promptly  paid  for — in  paper  money,  whose  depre- 
ciation made  it  almost  worthless.  In  1781  Silas  Deane 
returned  to  France,  when  Beaumarchais  presented  his 
unsettled  account  of  3,600,000  francs,  which  hung  fire 
for  two  years. 

In  the  meantime,  although  the  war  was  over,  the 
American  Congress,  possessing  no  power  of  taxation,  and 
the  states  treating  requisitions  with  contempt,  was  under 
the  necessity  of  making  another  appeal  to  France  for 
funds,  and  in  1783,  asked  for  a  loan  of  6,000,000  francs. 
The  latter  government  before  making  this  loan  desired  a 
re-statement  of  the  accounts  between  the  two  govern- 
ments. It  was  soon  figured  that  the  King  had  loaned 
18,000,000  francs  directly,  and  had  guaranteed  10,000,- 
000  loaned  by  Holland  on  which  he  had  paid  the  interest, 
and  now  proposed  to  advance  6,000,000  more,  making  a 
total  of  34,000,000.  He  also  had  inserted  in  the  contract 
that  previous  to  the  treaty  of  alliance  in  1778  he  had 
gratuitously  given  3,000,000  francs  and  6,000,000  more 
in  1781,  or  9,000,000  in  all.  Nobody  disputed  the  item 
of  1781,  but  as  Franklin  and  Deane  had  only  received 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  59 

2,000,000  previous  to  1778  the  query  naturally  arose  as 
to  whom  was  paid  the  other  million.  It  was  true  that  a 
concern  known  as  the  Fermiers  Generaux  had  advanced 
a  million  previous  to  1778,  which  was  partly  repaid  in 
tobacco,  and  Franklin  surmised  that  this  might  have 
come  from  the  Crown.  But  inquiry  being  made  of  Ver- 
gennes  the  reply  was  that  the  King  had  nothing  to  do 
with  it,  but  that  the  amount  referred  was  a  million  de- 
livered from  the  royal  treasury  on  June  10,  1776,  which 
was  the  exact  date  that  Beaumarchais  received  his  first 
advance.  While  the  Congress  of  that  day  was  better  at 
borrowing  than  paying,  yet  this  reply  was  a  sufficient 
justification  for  holding  off  the  claim  of  Beaumarchais 
until  the  matter  should  be  cleared  up,  for  if  he  had  been 
furnished  with  this  sum  as  a  gratuity  to  America  then 
certainly  the  latter  country  should  receive  credit  for  it  in 
the  final  settlement.  The  subsequent  conduct  of  the 
French  authorities,  however,  indicated  a  shifting  of 
ground,  either  because,  as  Beaumarchais  claimed,  he  was 
to  account  to  it  and  to  it  only  for  this  disbursement,  or 
from  an  unwillingness  to  embarrass  a  subject  in  his  settle- 
ment with  a  foreign  power.  A  copy  of  the  acknowledge- 
ment was  denied,  and  even  the  name  of  the  party  to  whom 
the  million  was  delivered  was  refused.  The  present 
writer  does  not  make  even  a  pretense  towards  unraveling 
a  mystery  which  was  a  subject  of  dispute  and  a  puzzle  to 
able  financiers  for  over  half  a  century,  but  it  occurs  to  us 
that  the  original  inclusion  of  this  million  francs  in  the 
contract  of  1783  was  a  lapsus  linguae  which  was  after- 
wards attempted  to  be  avoided  when  it  was  found  that  it 
involved  a  French  subject.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
Beaumarchais  was  not  a  party  to  the  contract  of  1783,  in 
fact  knew  nothing  about  it,  and  nothing  was  mentioned 
therein  of  the  million  subsequently  advanced  him  or  the 


60      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

million  advanced  by  Spain.  We  have  no  account  of  him 
ever  having  been  called  upon  by  either  of  those  Courts 
to  repay  any  of  these  advances,  but  inasmuch  as  America 
had  benefited  by  these  operations  they  doubtless  thought 
that  she  should  not  be  suffered  to  offset  them  against  valu- 
able services  which  had  only  partially  been  remunerated. 
Vergennes  intimated  as  much,  and  his  home  government 
gave  Beaumarchais  moral  support  in  pressing  his  claims. 
The  Continental  Congress  passed  into  that  of  the  Con- 
federation and  the  Confederation  into  the  Nation,  and 
still  our  claimant  was  pressing  for  a  settlement.  Finally, 
in  1793,  Congress  referred  the  matter  to  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who,  after  careful 
investigation  fixed  the  amount  due  at  2,280,000  francs, 
but  suggested  that  settlement  be  deferred  until  further 
light  be  received  from  the  French  government  concern- 
ing the  disputed  million.  On  June  24,  1794,  Governeur 
Morris,  United  States  Minister  to  the  French  republic, 
applied  to  Buchot,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  for  the 
receipt  given  by  Beaumarchais,  which  was  turned  over  to 
him.  This  was  sufficient  for  Congress  to  refuse  further 
allowance,  although  Beaumarchais  vigorously  declared 
that  he  had  not  received  this  or  any  sum  as  a  gift,  but 
that  all  the  money  furnished  him  was  as  a  loan  or  invest- 
ment. So  the  controversy  went  on  year  after  year,  and 
the  persistence  of  Beaumarchais  was  met  by  Congress 
with  equal  stubbornness,  that  body  taking  the  position 
that  the  interest  on  this  million  francs  had  absorbed  the 
balance  due  as  found  by  Hamilton,  and  consequently  they 
did  not  owe  the  claimant  anything. 

Upon  Beaumarchais's  death  the  claim  was  taken  up 
by  his  daughter,  and  in  1816  the  Uinted  States  Govern- 
ment asked  the  Duke  de  Richelieu,  French  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  if  his  government  would  declare  formally 


STEUBEN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS  61 

that  this  million  furnished  June  10,  1776,  had  nothing  in 
common  with  the  supplies  furnshed  by  Beaumarchais  to 
the  Unted  States.  He  did  so,  but  that  did  not  settle  the 
matter.  Presidents  Madison  and  Monroe  in  special  mes- 
sages to  Congress  advised  settlement  of  the  claim,  two 
Attorneys-General  declared  in  favor  of  its  legality,  one 
committee  of  Congress  had  reported  in  its  favor  and  one 
against,  and  in  1824  the  daughter  of  Beaumarchais  with 
her  grandson,  appeared  personally  at  the  Capitol.  Finally 
the  claim  was  pushed  in  the  name  of  France,  and  in  1835, 
the  matter  was  finally  settled  on  the  payment  of  800,000 
francs.  Beaumarchais  estimated  his  loss  in  the  Virginia 
transaction  at  3,000,000  francs  through  the  depreciation 
of  paper  money,  so  that  even  granting  that  he  had  re- 
ceived a  subvention  of  3,000,000  francs  which  was  never 
expected  to  be  repaid,  his  American  transactions  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  very  profitable. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA. 

An  Eventful  Voyage — Storms.  Fire  and  Mutiny — Reception  at 
Portsmouth  and  Boston — Journey  to  York — The  Continen- 
tal Congress — Resume  of  That  Body  and  Its  Authority — 
Desperate  Condition  of  the  Colonies. 

We  interrupted  the  story  of  Baron  Steuben's  career 
to  trace  the  character  of  one  but  for  whose  aid  the  Baron 
would  probably  not  have  come  to  America,  and  whose 
operations  at  a  critical  period  were  of  greater  importance 
than  might  be  inferred  from  the  meagre  outlines  usually 
given  in  the  histories. 

Returning  to  the  subject  of  this  biography,  it  may  be 
said  that  like  an  ancient  navigator  who  had  left  his  native 
land  in  search  of  a  new  country,  much  was  he  tossed 
about  at  least  on  sea  if  not  on  land.  From  almost  the  day 
of  sailing  the  Flamand  encountered  violent  gales,  the  first 
of  three  days*  duration  off  the  African  coast  with  no 
Father  Neptune  present  to  calm  the  elements.  Three 
times  did  her  forecastle  take  fire,  and  the  destruction  of 
the  ship  with  its  1,700  pounds  of  gunpowder  on  board 
seemed  almost  a  certainty.  Then  the  crew  mutinied  and 
there  was  a  battle  of  fourteen  to  eighty-four,  the  passen- 
gers being  in  the  former  list,  before  the  ringleaders  were 
secured.  Off  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  (they  were  evi- 
dently on  the  northerly  route)  another  storm  threatened 
to  send  the  ship  and  contents  to  the  bottom.  Mr.  Kapp 
writes  of  the  Baron  as  "hastening  to  his  journey's  end, 
and  trying  to  relieve  the  monotony  of  life  on  shipboard 
by  mathematical  calculations,  exercising  his  companions 
in  shooting  at  a  mark,  or  reading  books  like  the    Abbe 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  63 

Raynal  on  America."  We  are  not  disposed  to  take  issue 
with  this  statement,  but  from  the  facts  related  above,  and 
which  are  also  taken  from  Mr.  Kapp's  work,  it  can  hardly 
be  claimed  that  the  voyage  was  a  monotonous  one  or  very 
favorable  for  target  practice,  although  the  shooter  who 
could  hit  a  mark  while  the  vessel  was  on  its  beam  ends, 
would  have  no  occasion  to  blush  for  his  work  under  more 
favorable  circumstances.  But  all  things,  even  ocean 
voyages,  must  come  to  an  end  in  some  way  and  on  Decem- 
ber 1,  1777,  after  a  most  temptuous  voyage  of  sixty-six 
days  the  Flamand  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  Portsmouth, 
N.  H.,  which  was  at  the  time  the  usual  port  for  vessels 
coming  from  France.  Duponceau  thus  writes  of  their  ar- 
rival :  "It  was  a  fine,  clear,  bright  day.  Nature  had  put 
on  her  gaudiest  attire,  no  doubt  to  receive  us." 

We  have  some  doubt  as  to  the  gaudiness  of  nature 
at  that  date  on  the  New  England  coast,  but  to  the  sea- 
worn  mariners  anything  on  earth  under  a  bright  sky 
looked  good.  That  the  Baron  was  of  the  same  opinion 
is  apparent  from  the  following  letter  written  at  this  time 
to  his  friend,  Frank,  in  Hechingen : 

The  more  disastrous  the  passage  the  more  flattering  was 
my  arrival  in  America.  Before  entering  the  port  of  Portsmouth 
I  ordered  my  secretary  to  go  ashore  in  a  boat,  and  to  inform 
General  Langdon.  the  commander  of  the  place,  of  my  arrival, 
who  came  on  board  himself  to  take  me  and  my  officers  ashore 
in  his  boat.  While  we  were  landing,  we  were  saluted  by  the 
guns  from  the  fortress  and  from  the  ships  in  the  port.  Several 
thousand  of  inhabitants  welcomed  me  in  the  most  flattering 
way.  Mr.  Langdon  took  us  to  his  house  to  dine.  In  the  mean- 
time all  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  crowded  together  "to  see 
the  elephant?"  Although  exhausted  by  the  hardships  of  the 
voyage  I  went  the  next  day  to  examine  the  fortifications;  on 
the  following  day  I  received  the  troops  of  the  garrison. 

It  had  been  understood  by  the  Baron  that  the  Amer- 
icans had  adopted  the  British  uniform,  and  consequently 
he  and  his  suite  were  arrayed  in  red  coats  with  blue  trim- 


64      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

mings,  which  at  first  caused  them  to  be  taken  for  enemies, 
but  this  was  soon  rectified.  News  of  Burgoyne's  surren- 
der on  October  17,  previous,  was  announced  to  the  guests 
at  Langdon's  dinner  the  next  day,  at  which  everybody 
felt  greatly  encouraged.  Steuben's  first  care  was  to  write 
to  Congress  and  General  Washington  announcing  his  ar- 
rival and  tendering  his  services,  also  inclosing  copies  of 
introductory  letters  from  Deane,  Franklin  and  Beau- 
marchais.  His  letter  to  Congress,  dated  December  6,  is 
as  follows: 

Honorable  Gentlemen:  The  honor  of  serving  a  nation  en- 
gaged in  the  noble  enterprise  of  defending  its  rights  and  liber- 
ties, was  the  motive  that  brought  me  to  this  continent.  I  ask 
neither  riches  nor  titles.  I  am  come  here  from  the  remotest 
end  of  Germany,  at  my  own  expense,  and  have  given  up  an 
honorable  and  lucrative  rank.  I  have  made  no  condition  with 
your  deputies  in  France,  nor  shall  I  make  with  you.  My  only 
ambition  is  to  serve  you  as  a  volunteer,  to  deserve  the  confi- 
dence of  your  general  in  chief,  and  to  follow  him  in  all  his  oper- 
ations, as  I  have  done  during  seven  campaigns  with  the  King  of 
Prussia.  Two  and  twenty  years  spent  in  such  a  school  seem  to 
give  me  a  right  of  thinking  myself  among  the  number  of  expe- 
rienced officers;  and  if  I  am  possessed  of  the  acquirements  in 
the  art  of  war,  they  will  be  much  more  prized  by  me  if  I  can 
employ  them  in  the  service  of  a  republic  such  as  I  hope  soon  to 
see  in  America.  I  should  willingly  purchase,  at  the  expense  of 
my  blood,  the  honor  of  having  my  name  enrolled  among  those 
of  the  defenders  of  your  liberty.  Your  gracious  acceptance  will 
be  sufficient  for  me,  and  I  ask  no  other  favor  than  to  be  re- 
ceived among  your  officers.  I  venture  to  hope  that  you  will 
grant  this,  my  request,  and  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  send 
me  your  orders  to  Boston,  where  I  shall  await  them,  and  take 
suitable  measures  in  accordance. 

To  Washington  he  wrote  much  to  the  same  effect: 

Sir:  The  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter,  the  original  of  which 
I  shall  have  the  honor  to  present  to  your  excellency  will  in- 
form you  of  the  motives  that  brought  me  over  to  this  land.  I 
shall  only  add  to  it.  that  the  object  of  my  present  ambition  is 
to  render  your  country  all  the  service  in  my  power,  and  to  de- 
serve the  title  of  citizen  of  America  by  fighting  for  the  cause  of 
your  liberty.  If  the  distinguished  ranks  in  which  I  have  served 
in  Europe  should  be  an  obstacle,  I  had  rather  serve  under  your 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  65 

Excellency  as  a  volunteer  than  to  be  an  object  of  discontent  to 
such  deserving  officers  as  have  already  distinguished  them- 
selves among  you.  Such  being  the  sentiments  I  have  always 
possessed,  I  dare  hope  that  the  respectable  Congress  of  the 
United  States  of  America  will  accept  my  services.  I  could  say 
moreover,  were  it  not  for  the  fear  of  offending  your  modesty, 
that  your  Excellency  is  the  only  person  under  whom,  after  hav- 
ing served  the  King  of  Prussia,  I  could  wish  to  follow  a  pro- 
fession, to  the  study  of  which  I  have  wholly  devoted  myself. 
I  intend  to  go  to  Boston  in  a  few  days,  where  I  shall  present 
my  letters  to  Mr.  Hancock,  member  of  Congress,  and  there  I 
shall  await  your  Excellency's  orders. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  excellent  English  in 
which  the  above  letters  are  couched  came  directly  from 
the  Baron.  We  have  already  seen  that  one  objection  to 
him  coming  to  America  was  that,  unlike  German  officers 
of  to-day,  he  new  little  or  nothing  of  the  language  of  his 
new  associates,  and  although  he  doubtless  applied  himself 
to  study  and  practice  in  this  direction,  yet  there  had  not 
been  sufficient  time  or  opportunity  to  acquire  more  than 
a  mere  smattering  of  his  new  tongue.  In  fact  his  defi- 
ciency in  this  direction  was  a  serious  handicap  during  the 
early  part  of  his  American  career,  and  he  did  not  speak 
English  fluently  until  long  after  his  arrival  in  this  coun- 
try. He  doubtless  dictated  his  letters  to  Duponceau  in 
German,  or  French,  who  rendered  them  into  good  Eng- 
lish. 

Before  following  the  Baron  on  his  travels,  it  may  be 
interesting  to  note  the  military  situation  at  this  time. 
Since  Washington  had  compelled  the  evacuation  of  Bos- 
ton on  the  16th  of  March,  1776,  Massachusetts  had  been 
entirely  free  from  British  troops,  in  fact  the  war  was  over 
so  far  as  any  occupation  of  that  colony  was  concerned. 
With  the  exception  of  sporadic  forays  and  harrowing  of 
the  coast  the  same  might  be  said  of  all  New  England 
except  the  posts  at  Penobscott  and  Rhode  Island,  whose 
limited  occupation  had  no  appreciable  influence  on  the 


66      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

fortunes  of  war,  and  whose  effect  did  not  extend  any 
distance  into  the  interior.  The  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
through  Schuyler's  well  laid  plans,  had  relieved  all  imme- 
diate apprehension  as  to  the  highlands  of  the  Hudson  or 
that  the  northeastern  portion  of  the  Confederacy  could 
be  cut  off,  from  the  remainder.  The  British  had  com- 
mand of  the  sea  which,  while  not  sufficient  to  suppress 
American  privateering,  was  invaluable  in  the  movement 
of  troops,  as  there  were  no  interior  communications  ex- 
cept over  unimproved  roads  which  in  the  rainy  season 
were  converted  into  bottomless  pits.  There  had  been  one 
or  two  abortive  expeditions  against  the  South,  but  their 
failure  saved  that  section  from  the  horrors  of  war  for  two 
years  longer.  In  the  centre,  however,  the  situation  was 
different.  With  a  strong  fleet  and  army  the  British  held 
New  York  in  a  firm  grip,  and  "Philadelphia  had  taken 
Howe"  on  September  26th  preceding.  Congress  had  re- 
treated to  Lancaster,  Pa.,  and  then  to  York,  where  it  was 
carrying  on  the  shadow  of  government,  while  Washing- 
ton with  the  remnant  of  his  forces  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  woods  of  Valley  Forge,  twenty-three  miles  distant, 
where  they  were  to  spend  the  winter.  New  Jersey  was 
destined  to  be  the  field  of  contending  armies  until  near  the 
close  of  the  war,  and  from  that  cause  probably  suffered 
more  than  any  other  state.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  by 
keeping  a  sufficient  distance  from  the  coast  to  escape 
marine  marauders  and  yet  not  so  far  as  to  be  within  the 
recognized  territories  of  the  Indians,  there  was  reasonable 
facility  of  communication  from  one  end  of  the  Confedera- 
tion to  the  other,  barring  the  ordinary  perils  of  travel  in  a 
primitive  country,  including  those  from  robbers  and  false 
brethren,  otherwise  Tories. 

After  a  delay  of  twelve  days  in  Portsmouth,  Steuben 
left  for  Boston,  where  he  arrived  on  the  14th,  the  journey 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  67 

taking  two  days.  Here  he  was  well  received  and  met 
John  Hancock,  who  had  just  come  from  Congress  at 
York,  of  which  he  had  been  president.  Congress  had 
ordered  that  preparations  be  made  as  complete  as  possi- 
ble for  the  Baron's  journey  to  York,  and  Hancock  super- 
intended the  arrangements  which  were  quite  extensive, 
five  negroes  being  engaged  as  drivers  and  grooms,  and 
everything  else  in  proportion.  Washington's  reply  had 
directed  Steuben  to  go  to  York,  as  it  was  only  with  Con- 
gress that  negotiations  could  be  made.  All  this  took 
about  five  weeks,  and  in  the  meantime  the  Baron  was  hos- 
pitably received  at  dinner  parties  and  elsewhere.  Among 
the  amusing  incidents  of  that  time  Duponceau  tells  of  a 
dinner  party  given  by  Mr.  Hancock  to  the  Baron  where 
he  (Duponceau)  sat  next  to  Samuel  Adams,  and  hap- 
pened to  call  him  Mr.  John  Adams :  "Sir,"  said  he,  look- 
ing sternly  at  Duponceau,  "I  would  have  you  know  that 
there  is  a  great  difference  between  Mr.  Samuel  Adams," 
striking  his  breast  and  laying  a  strong  emphasis  on  the 
word  Samuel,  "and  Mr.  John  Adams,"  (they  were  sec- 
ond cousins).  Duponceau  says  this  remark  let  him  into 
the  little  jealousies  that  existed  between  some  of  the  great 
men  of  the  day,  and  he  was  afterwards  on  his  guard 
against  addressing  people  by  their  Christian  names. 

The  party  left  Boston  on  January  14,  1778,  and  the 
Baron's  secretary  has  fortunately  preserved  a  pretty  full 
account  of  their  travels  through  the  hinterland  towards 
Pennsylvania.    Duponceau  tells  us  that — 

"Our  party  consisted  of  Baron  Steuben  and  his  servant, 
Carl  Vogel,  a  young  lad  whom  he  had  brought  from  Ger- 
many, M.  De  Francy,  an  agent  of  Beaumarchais  and  my- 
self. We  traveled  on  horseback.  Notwithstanding  the 
recent  capture  of  General  Burgoyne,  the  situation  of  the 
United  States  at  that  time  was  extremely  critical.     The 


68       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

enemy  was  in  possession  of  Rhode  Island,  New  York  and 
Philadelphia,  with  well  organized  and  disciplined  troops, 
far  superior  in  number  to  our  own.  Our  army  (if  army 
it  might  be  called)  was  encamped  at  Valley  Forge,  in  the 
depth  of  a  severe  winter,  without  provisions,  without 
clothes,  without  regular  discipline,  destitute,  in  short,  of 
everything  but  courage  and  patriotism,  and  what  was 
worse  than  all,  disaffection  was  spreading  through  the 
land.  In  this  dismal  state  of  things  the  Baron  was  ad- 
vised to  keep  as  far  from  the  coast  as  possible,  lest  he 
should  be  surprised  by  parties  of  the  enemy  or  by  the 
Tories,  who  made  frequent  incursions  into  the  country 
between  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  We,  therefore, 
shaped  our  course  westward,  crossing  the  states  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut,  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  We 
employed  about  three  weeks  in  a  journey  of  four  hundred 
and  ten  miles  in  all,  which  at  present  (1836)  would 
hardly  require  as  many  days." 

The  party  were  at  Springfield  on  Sunday,  January  18, 
Hartford,  Conn.,  on  the  20th,  crossed  the  Hudson  at 
Fishkill,  58  miles  above  New  York  on  the  28th,  reached 
Bethlehem,  Pa.,  on  the  30th,  Reading  on  February  2, 
Manheim  on  the  4th,  and  York  on  the  5th.  No  accident 
or  misfortune  befell  the  party  while  en  route,  but  some  of 
their  adventures  as  related  by  Duponceau  were  quite  in- 
teresting, among  them  the  following : 

"We  had  been  cautioned  against  putting  up  at  a  cer- 
tain tavern  in  Worcester  County,  Massachusetts,  not  far 
from  the  frontier  of  Connecticut.  We  were  told  that  the 
landlord  was  a  bitter  Tory,  and  that  he  would  refuse  to 
receive  us,  or  at  least  treat  us  very  ill.  We  determined  to 
avoid  that  place  if  it  were  possible.  Unfortunately, 
when  we  were  some  distance  from  it.  we  were  surprised 
by  a  violent  snow  storm;  it  was  in  the  evening,  and  we 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  69 

were  compelled  to  take  shelter  in  the  very  house  we 
wished  to  avoid.  We  had  not  been  misinformed.  The 
landlord  at  once  said  that  he  could  not  accommodate  us. 
He  had  no  beds,  no  bread,  no  meat,  no  drinks,  no  milk, 
no  eggs ;  all  that  he  could  offer  us  were  the  bare  walls.  In 
vain  we  remonstrated  and  prayed,  he  remained  inflexible. 
At  last  Baron  Steuben  grew  impatient  and  flew  into  a 
violent  passion.  After  exhausting  all  his  store  of  German 
oaths,  he  called  in  that  language  to  his  servant  to  bring 
his  pistols,  which  he  did.  Then  the  Baron,  presenting 
the  deadly  weapon  at  the  frightened  landlord,  repeated 
the  questions  that  he  had  in  vain  asked  before:  "Have 
you  any  bread,  meat,  beds,  &c?"  The  answers  were 
such  as  we  desired;  we  were  accommodated  with  good 
beds  and  a  good  supper,  and  our  horses  were  properly 
taken  care  of.  In  the  morning  after  our  breakfast,  we 
politely  took  leave  of  our  host,  who  though  a  Tory  did 
not  refuse  the  continental  money  in  which  we  liberally 
paid  him. 

"Another  anecdote  which  I  now  recollect,  is  strictly 
characteristic  of  those  times.  As  we  passed  through  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  we  put  up  one  night  at  a  house, 
where,  for  some  reason  that  I  do  not  remember,  we  were 
all  obliged  to  sleep  on  the  floor  in  the  same  room  with  the 
family,  some  on  feather  beds  and  some  on  blankets ;  men, 
women  and  children,  had  all  to  bundle  together,  as  it  was 
called.  The  bedding  was  spread  all  around  the  room,  and 
everyone  took  his  place  and  went  very  composedly  to 
sleep.  The  utmost  decency  was  observed,  though  no  fuss 
was  made  about  it.  There  was  so  much  innocence  and 
simplicity  in  the  manner  in  which  these  arrangements 
were  prepared  and  made,  that  the  idea  of  indelicacy  did 
not  even  occur  to  us,  and  if  in  the  morning  we  indulged 
in  a  smile  at  manners  to  which  we  were  so  little  accus- 


70      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

tomed,  nothing  was  said  or  thought  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  morality  of  the  good  people  who  had  entertained  us 
in  the  best  manner  they  were  able.  (The  same  conditions 
prevailed  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  Virginia  moun- 
tains down  at  least  to  the  Civil  War  period,  and  similar 
instances  may  no  doubt  yet  be  found  in  out  of  the  way 
places). 

"A  great  number  of  inns  in  town  and  country,  bore  the 
sign  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  was  still  very  popular, 
particularly  among  the  Germans.  I  remember  that  at 
Manheim,  the  Baron  with  a  significant  look,  pointed  out 
to  me,  at  the  tavern  where  we  dined,  a  paltry  engraving 
hung  up  on  the  wall  on  which  was  represented  a  Prussian 
knocking  down  a  Frenchman  in  great  style.  Underneath 
was  the  following  appropriate  motto : 

*  "Ein  Franzman  zum  Prenzen  Wie  eine  Muecke.' 
(A  Frenchman  to  a  Prussian  is  no  more  than  a  mos- 
quito. ) 

"The  good  Baron  appeared  to  enjoy  that  picture  ex- 
ceedingly, and  so  no  doubt  did  the  German  landlord  to 
whom  it  belonged/ ' 

Baron  Steuben's  reception  at  York  was  a  repetition  of 
that  at  Boston.  Gen.  Gates,  who  was  then  cabaling 
against  Washington,  invited  the  Baron  to  become  his 
guest  during  his  stay,  which  offer  was  prudently  declined. 
On  the  next  day  after  his  arrival  he  writes  to  Hancock : 

Please  to  accept  my  grateful  thanks  for  all  the  kindness  you 
have  shown  me  during  my  stay  in  Boston.  In  this  very  mo- 
ment I  enjoy  the  good  effects  of  it,  having  taken  the  liberty  of 
quartering  myself  in  an  apartment  of  your  house  in  this  town. 
My  journey  has  been  extremely  painful,  but  the  kind  recption 
I  have  met  with  from  Congress  and  General  Gates  on  my  ar- 
rival here  has  made  me  forget  those  past  inconveniences.  Now. 
sir,  I  am  an  American,  and  an  American  for  life/  your  nation 
has  become  as  dear  to  me  as  your  cause  already  was.  You 
know  that  my  pretensions  are  very  moderate;  I  have  submitted 
them  to  a  committee  sent  to  me  by  Congress.    They  seem  to  be 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  71 

satisfied,  and  so  am  I.  and  shall  be  the  more  so  when  I  find 
the  opportunity  to  render  all  the  services  in  my  power  to  the 
United  States  of  America.  Three  members  of  Congress  have 
been  appointed  for •  concluding  an  arrangement  with  me  to- 
morrow; that  will  not  take  long,  my  only  claim  being  the  confi- 
dence of  your  general  in  chief. 

It  will  not  be  amiss  here  to  say  a  few  words  concern- 
ing the  body  before  which  Steuben  was  to  appear.  As 
early  as  1765,  upon  the  suggestion  of  James  Otis,  of 
Massachusetts,  that  colony  with  Rhode  Island,  Connecti- 
cut, New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland  and  South  Carolina  selected  delegates  to  a 
gathering  at  New  York  to  prepare  a  joint  protest  against 
the  stamp  act  and  other  proceedings  of  the  English  par- 
liament. Governor  Dunmore  prevented  the  assembling  of 
the  Virginia  legislature,  and  so  no  delegates  were  present 
from  that  colony,  although  public  sentiment  favored 
the  Congress.  This  assembly,  which  met  on  October  7, 
adjourned  after  preparing  suitable  memorials  to  the  King, 
and  did  not  attempt  to  exercise  any  legislative  power. 
Events  progressed  rapidly  during  the  next  nine  years,  and 
in  1774  Virginia  took  the  initiative  in  proposing  a  gen- 
eral Congress  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  Royalist  gov- 
ernor to  prevent  it.  It  may  be  news  to  many  persons  that 
the  principal  grievance  set  forth  by  the  statesmen  of  the 
Old  Dominion,  of  that  day,  so  far  as  they  were  personal- 
ly concerned,  was  that  in  spite  of  their  repeated  protests 
the  King  of  England  had  forced  them  into  tolerating 
human  slavery.  The  troubles  in  the  northern  colonies, 
such  as  the  matter  of  tea,  the  billeting  of  troops  &c.  were 
to  them  matters  of  principle  and  sympathy  with  their 
troubled  brethren,  rather  than  the  experience  of  personal 
suffering.  But  slavery  they  did  not  want,  and  they  pro- 
posed to  get  rid  of  it  if  possible.  Had  any  one  at  that 
time  ventured  the  prediction  that  Virginia  would  at  some 


72      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

future  time  engage  in  a  war  for  the  preservation  of  slavery 
he  would  have  been  classed  as  an  idiot.  In  fact  it  would 
probably  not  be  too  much  to  say  that  negro  slavery  was 
more  popular  in  New  England  than  in  Virginia  until 
climatic  conditions  demonstrated  its  undesirability. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  prevented  by  illness  from  at- 
tending the  convention  which  was  called  to  consider  the 
situation,  but  sent  a  paper  that  was  presented  by  Peyton 
Randolph  in  which,  after  enumerating  general  wrongs  he 
proceeds  to  this  pointed  declaration:  "The  abolition  of 
domestic  slavery  is  the  great  object  of  desire  in  those 
colonies  where  it  was  unhappily  introduced  in  their  infant 
state.  But,  previous  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the  slaves 
we  have,  it  is  necessary  to  exclude  all  further  importa- 
tions from  Africa ;  yet  our  repeated  attempts  to  effect  this 
by  prohibitions,  and  by  imposing  duties  which  might 
amount  to  a  prohibition,  have  hitherto  been  defeated  by 
his  majesty's  negative,  thus  preferring  the  immediate  ad- 
vantage of  a  few  British  corsairs  to  the  lasting  interests 
of  the  American  states,  and  to  the  rights  of  human  na- 
ture, deeply  wounded  by  this  infamous  practice." 

Brave  words  these,  which  the  convention  unanimously 
endorsed  by  the  following  resolution :  "After  the  first  day 
of  November  next  we  will  neither  ourselves  import  nor 
purchase  any  slave  or  slaves  imported  by  any  other  per- 
son, either  from  Africa,  the  West  Indies,  or  any  other 
place." 

George  Washington,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  Edmund  Pendleton  and  Peyton  Randolph  were 
elected  delegates,  and  when  the  first  Congress  met  in 
Carpenters'  Hall  in  Philadelphia,  on  September  5,  1774, 
the  last  named  was  elected  President.  Forty-three  dele- 
gates representing  eleven  colonies    were    presnt,    North 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  73 

Carolina  coming  in  on  the  14th,  and  Georgia  not  until  the 
following  year. 

As  to  personnel  this  gathering  probably  never  had  a 
superior  in  the  world's  history.  The  two  Adams's,  John 
Hancock,  Roger  Sherman,  Edward  Rutledge  and  Liv- 
ingstones were  only  leading  illustrations  of  the  represen- 
tative men  from  every  colony.  The  new  body  called  itself 
the  Congress,  but  what  were  its  powers  and  duties,  and 
whence  were  they  derived?  One  historian  writing  of  it 
at  this  period  speaks  of  it  as  the  Government,  but  quali- 
fies his  expression  by  adding,  "If  such  a  body  could  be 
called  a  government."  "The  delegates  themselves  were 
not  clear  on  this  point ;  some  had  been  sent  by  legislatures 
of  the  different  colonies,  and  some  by  conventions  of  the 
people,  some  claimed  their  authority  to  rest  upon  the 
natural  rights  of  man,  and  others  upon  historical  prece- 
dents which  it  must  be  confessed  were  not  very  strong. 
It  could  hardly  be  called  anything  more  than  a  committee, 
whose  acts  unless  ratified  by  some  power  behind  them,  had 
no  more  legal  force  than  the  resolutions  of  a  literary  or 
historical  society."  Yet  during  the  seven  years  of  its  ex- 
istence "it  exercised  some  of  the  highest  functions  of 
sovereignty  which  are  possible  to  any  governing  body.  It 
declared  the  independence  of  the  United  States;  it  con- 
tracted an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  France: 
it  raised  and  organized  a  Continental  army;  it  borrowed 
large  sums  of  money,  and  pledged  what  the  lenders  un- 
derstood to  be  the  national  credit  for  their  repayment ;  it 
issued  an  inconvertible  paper  currency,  granted  letters  of 
marque,  and  built  a  navy.  All  this  it  did  in  the  exercise 
of  what  in  later  times  would  have  been  called  implied  war 
powers,  and  its  authority  rested  upon  the  general  acqui- 
escence in  the  purpose  for  which  it  acted,  and  in  the 
measures  which  it  adopted."     [Fiske]. 


74      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Von  Hoist  in  his  able  Constitutional  History  takes  the 
advanced  ground  "that  Congress  being  a  revolutionary 
body  from  its  origin,  the  people  by  recognizing  its  author- 
ity placed  themselves  on  a  revolutionary  footing,  not  as 
belonging  to  the  several  colonies  but  as  a  moral  person ;" 
for  to  the  extent  that  Congress  assumed  power  to  itself 
and  made  bold  to  adopt  measures  national  in  their  na- 
ture, to  that  extent  the  colonists  declared  themselves  pre- 
pared henceforth  to  constitute  one  people,  inasmuch  as 
the  measures  taken  by  Congress  could  be  translated  from 
words  into  deeds  only  with  the  consent  of  the  people. 
Reasoning  from  these  premises  our  historian  concludes 
that  there  never  was  any  such  thing  as  a  sovereign  state 
in  this  country,  that  when  the  people  of  the  colonies  sent 
their  delegates  to  the  Congress,  and  that  body  assumed 
the  sovereign  functions  of  carrying  on  war,  making 
treaties  &c,  the  authority  which  had  been  recognized  in 
the  British  crown  was  transferred  bodily  to  Congress, 
which  by  virtue  of  its  revolutionary  authority  became  the 
sole  repository  of  power.  Hence  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation which  were  afterwards  proposed  were  not 
only  a  limitation  of  the  powers  previously  possessed  by 
Congress,  but  their  adoption  by  the  legislatures  of  the  dif- 
ferent states  was  illegal,  null  and  void.  This  was  a  mat- 
ter of  not  much  moment,  however,  as  these  Articles  were 
found  from  their  start  to  be  unworkable,  and  the  country 
was  fast  drifting  into  anarchy,  when  the  genius  and 
patriotism  of  Washington  and  his  associates  again  came 
to  the  front  and  framed  the  present  Constitution,  where 
the  "One  people"  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  ob- 
scured or  ignored  by  the  "Union  between  the  States"  ac- 
cording to  the  Articles  of  Confederation,"  was  restored 
by  "We  the  People,"  of  the  existing  instrument,  and  this 
Constitution  was  ratified,  not  by  the  legislatures  of    the 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  75 

various  states,  but  by  Conventions  chosen  directly  by  the 
people  for  this  purpose. 

But  whether  we  regard  the  powers  of  the  Continental 
Congress  as  theoretically  autocratic,  according  to  Von 
Hoist,  or  simply  those  of  a  committee  of  recommenda- 
tion, according  to  other  historians,  it  will  be  more  profit- 
able to  consider  what  it  actually  did,  rather  than  accord- 
ing to  precedents  it  was  empowered  to  do.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  its  force  in  the  beginning  existed  largely  in  the 
character  of  the  men  who  composed  it.  Those  who  con- 
trolled its  councils  exercised  a  similar  influence  in  the 
local  assemblies,  and  this  with  public  opinion  at  their 
backs  gave  to  their  recommendations  the  force  of  law. 
The  idea  of  independence  was  not  formally  considered  in 
either  the  first  or  second  Congress.  Memorials  to  the 
King,  voluntary  abstention  from  commercial  intercourse 
and  passive  resistance  were  the  weapons  with  which  it 
hoped  to  restore  to  the  people  their  rights  as  Brit- 
ish subjects.  But  Lexington,  Concord  and  Bunker's  Hill 
shattered  the  hopes  in  that  direction,  and  when  Congress 
on  June  15,  1775,  elected  George  Washington,  Com- 
mander in  Chief  of  the  "Continental  Army,"  then  back 
of  Boston,  it  assumed  in  effect  the  highest  functions  of 
government,  although  more  than  a  year  was  to  elapse  be- 
fore the  formal  declaration  of  independence  was  made. 
Canada  was  invaded  and  Montgomery  lost  his  life,  Wash- 
ington had  compelled  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  and  the 
Southern  states  had  actively  resisted  aggression,  yet  still 
America  was  counted  as  part  of  the  British  Empire.  But 
the  colonies  were  already  practically  independent,  and  Vir- 
ginia formally  so  by  the  adoption  of  a  bill  of  rights  which 
furnished  the  model  for  the  greAt  state  paper,  which, 
published  on  July  4,  1776,  created  the  American  Nation. 
Thus  Congress  proceeded  as  a  bodv  with  unlimited  pow- 


76      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

ers  to  the  culmination  of  its  work.  It  authorized  armies, 
appointed  commanders,  and  issued  state  papers  ad  libi- 
tum, and  at  the  beginning  the  patriotism  and  enthusiasm 
of  the  insurgents  prevented  the  weakness  of  the  govern- 
ment from  becoming  too  apparent.  But  the  wit  of  man 
has  never  yet  devised  a  government  that  can  exist  on  en- 
thusiasm. It  may  call  spirits  from  the  vasty  deep,  but 
will  they  come?  Congress  soon  discovered  that  they 
would  not.  As  it  had  no  power  to  coerce  a  state  or  the 
citizens  thereof  it  could  only  request  money,  men  and 
supplies,  and  frequently  none  was  forthcoming.  The 
Continental  army  was  at  all  times  pitifully  small,  and 
more  than  once  on  the  verge  of  starvation,  without  suf- 
ficient clothing  to  cover  its  nakedness.  Almost  the  sole 
material  resources  of  the  Government  were  derived  from 
French  loans,  voluntary  contributions  or  the  costly  expe- 
dient of  paper  money  issues  which  soon  became  practi- 
cally valueless.  As  a  result  of  this  condition  the  charac- 
ter of  Congress  itself  rapidly  deteriorated;  the  original 
leaders  were  in  the  army  or  at  home  taking  part  in  the 
state  governments.  Had  there  been  unity  much  of  these 
evils  might  have  been  overcome,  but,  as  if  the  situation 
were  not  bad  enough,  there  were  cabals  and  factions  which 
threatened  disaster,  and  while  Washington  with  his  little 
army  was  doing  his  best  to  confine  the  British  to  New 
York  and  neighborhood  there  were  plots  to  displace  him 
and  put  Gates  in  his  place.  There  was  such  a  prejudice 
against  anything  like  a  standing  army  that  it  was  some 
time  before  Congress,  in  response  to  the  General's  earnest 
appeals,  agreed  to  authorize  a  national  force  of  eighty- 
eight  battalions,  about  44,000  men,  and  even  then  the 
matter  might  almost  as  well  been  let  alone,  as  only  a 
small  fraction  of  that  force  was  ever  raised,  and  to  the 
end  the  battles  of  the  Revolution  were  fought  by  insignifi- 


JOURNEY  TO  AMERICA  77 

cant  forces  of  Continentals,  supplemented  in  most  cases 
by  militia  from  that  or  adjoining  states. 

That  Duponceau  fully  realized  the  situation  is  evident 
from  his  following  description  of  the  situation  during  his 
stay  at  York : 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  were  not  at  that  time 
the  illustrious  body  whose  eloquence  and  wisdom,  whose  stern 
virtues  and  unflinching  patriotism  had  astonished  the  world. 
Their  number  was  reduced  to  about  one-half  of  what  it  was 
when  independence  was  declared;  all  but  a  few  of  the  men  of 
superior  minds  had  disappeared  from  it.  Their  measures  were 
feeble  and  vacillating  and  their  party  feuds  seemed  to  forebode 
some  impending  calamity.  The  enemy  were  in  possession  of 
our  capital  city;  the^army  we  had  to  oppose  to  them  were  hun- 
gry, naked  and  destitute  of  everything.  No  foreign  govern- 
ment had  yet  acknowledged  our  independence — everything 
around  us  was  dark  and  gloomy.  The  only  ray  of  light  which 
appeared  amidst  the  darkness  was  the  capture  of  Burgoyne, 
which  cheered  the  spirits  of  those  who  might  otherwise  have 
despaired  of  the  commonwealth.  But  that  brilliant  victory 
had  nearly  produced  the  most  fatal  consequences.  Saratoga  was 
then  what  New  Orleans  has  been  since,  the  watchword  of  the 
discontented.  A  party  was  formed  even  in  Congress,  to  raise 
the  conqueror  of  Burgoyne  to  the  supreme  command  of  our 
armies.  But  the  great  figure  of  Washington  stood  calm  and 
serene  at  hi?  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  and  struck  the  conspirators 
with  awe.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  factious  chiefs,  he  was 
idolized  by  the  army  and  by  the  nation  at  large.  The  plot  was 
discovered  and  the  plan  frustrated  without  a  struggle.  Without 
any  effort  or  management  on  his  part,  and  by  the  mere  force  of 
his  character,  Washington  stood  firm  and  undaunted  in  the 
midst  of  his  enemies,  and  I  might  almost  say,  looked  them  in 
the  face.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  we  arrived  at 
York.  Parties  were  then  at  their  height,  but  as  Congress  sat 
with  closed  doors,  the  country  at  large  was  not  agitated  as  it 
would  otherwise  have  been.  There  were  not  wanting  out  of 
doors  disaffected  persons  who  railed  at  King  "Cong.,"  and  the 
bunch  of  "Kings"  (such  was  the  slang  of  the  day  among  the 
Tories)  but  the  great  mass  of  the  people  was  still  in  favor  of 
the  Revolution,  and  the  press  did  not  dare  to  utter  a  sentiment 
inimical  to  it. 


CHAPTER  V. 

CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE. 

Final  Arrangements  Made — Departure  for  the  Army — Terrible 
Condition  of  the  Troops — Supplies  and  Discipline  Equally 
Absent — Enormous  Waste — Welcomed  by  Washington — 
Appointed  Temporary  Inspector — Radical  Reforms  Intro- 
duced. 

Upon  information  that  Baron  Steuben  had  arrived  at 
York  Congress  appointed  a  committee  consisting  of  Dr. 
John  Witherspoon,  of  New  Jersey;  Messrs.  Henry,  of 
Maryland,  and  Thomas  McKean,  of  Delaware,  to  wait 
on  him  and  ascertain  the  terms  on  which  he  was  willing 
to  serve  in  the  Continental  army,  and  whether  he  had 
entered  into  any  arrangement  with  Deane  and  Franklin. 
The  conversation  was  carried  on  in  French  through  Dr. 
Witherspoon,  who  acted  as  interpreter.  As  to  previous 
arrangements  the  Baron  declared  that  there  were  none, 
and  he  did  not  demand  any  rank  or  pay.  He  desired  to 
join  the  army  as  a  volunteer  under  the  direction  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  stating  that  he  had  relinquished 
places  and  posts  in  Germany  amounting  to  about  600 
guineas  ($3,000)  per  annum,  and  in  consideration  of  this 
he  expected  the  United  States  to  defray  his  necessary  ex- 
penses while  in  the  service;  that  if  this  country  should 
fail  to  establish  its  independence,  or  if  he  should  not  suc- 
ceed in  his  endeavors,  in  either  of  these  cases  he  should 
consider  the  United  States  as  free  from  any  obligations  to- 
wards him;  but  if  on  the  other  hand,  the  United  States 
should  be  fortunate  enough  to  establish  their  freedom, 
and  if  his  efforts  should  be  successful,  in  that  case  he 
should  expect  full  indemnification  for  the  sacrifice  he  had 
made  in  coming  over,  and  such  marks  of  their  liberality 


CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE    79 

as  the  justice  of  the  United  States  should  dictate.  He 
required  commissions  for  the  officers  attached  to  his 
person,  that  of  major  and  aide-de-campe  for  De  Ro- 
manai,  captain  of  engineers  for  De  l'Enfant,  captain  of 
cavalry  for  De  Depontiere,  and  captain  for  his  secretary, 
Duponceau. 

More  generous  terms  could  hardly  have  been  offered 
as  the  Baron  not  only  tendered  his  services  freely  to  Con- 
gress, but  had  given  up  a  substantial  income  and  home 
comforts  and  surroundings  to  embark  in  a  doubtful  ad- 
venture in  a  new  country.  The  committee  reported  to 
Congress  at  once,  which  forthwith  adopted  the  following 
resolutions: 

Whereas  Baron  Steuben,  a  lieutenant  general  in  foreign  ser- 
vice, has  in  a  most  disinterested  and  heroic  manner  offered  his 
services  to  these  states  as  a  volunteer, 

'Resolved,  That  the  President  present  the  thanks  of  Con- 
gress in  behalf  of  these  United  States,  to  Baron  Steuben,  for  the 
zeal  he  has  shown  for  the  cause  of  America,  and  the  disinter- 
ested tender  he  has  been  pleased  to  make  of  his  military  talents, 
and  inform  him  that  Congress  cheerfully  accept  of  his  services 
as  a  volunteer  in  the  army  of  these  states,  and  wish  him  to  re- 
pair to  General  Washington's  quarters  as  soon  as  convenient. 

All  arrangements  being  complete  the  Baron  and  party 
left  York  for  Valley  Forge  on  the  morning  of  February 
19,  and  arrived  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  early  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  same  day.  Lancaster  was  24  miles  east  of  York 
in  an  air  line,  of  course  a  little  farther  by  the  usual  roads. 
It  was  then  the  largest  inland  town  in  the  United  States, 
and  on  his  arrival  the  Baron  was  received  by  a  committee 
with  Colonel  Gibson  at  the  head,  and  the  party  were  in- 
vited to  a  subscription  ball  to  be  given  that  evening  in 
their  honor.  The  elite  of  the  vicinity  were  present,  and 
the  Baron  was  no  doubt  highly  pleased  that  many  of  the 
young  ladies  could  converse  with  him  in  his  native  tongue, 
the    community     having     been     largely     composed     of 


80      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

German  settlers,  whose  thrift  with  that  of  their  descen- 
dants has  made  that  section  one  of  the  garden  spots  of 
the  country.  There  was  a  banquet,  and  the  festivities 
continued  until  2  A.  M. 

Here  he  met  William  North,  who  afterwards  became 
his  aide-de-camp  and  adopted  son,  who  remarks  in  a 
note,  "His  reputation  had  preceded  him,  and  those  who 
remember  his  graceful  entry  and  manner  in  a  ball  room, 
the  novel  splendor  of  his  star  and  its  accompanying  orna- 
ments, can  easily  conceive  the  feelings  of  his  countrymen 
and  of  their  assembled  wives  and  daughters;  they  might 
indeed,  with  honest  feeling,  have  thanked  God  that  they 
had  no  reason  to  be  ashamed  of  him.,, 

Whether  the  Baron  remained  over  the  next  day  at  Lan- 
caster to  recuperate  from  the  festivities  we  are  not  told. 
It  was  something  over  fifty  miles  from  there  to  Valley 
Forge,  which  was  easily  covered  by  the  23d  when  the 
cavalcade  arrived  at  its  destination.  Washington  was  al- 
ready apprised  of  its  coming,  and  Steuben  writes :, 
"Upon  my  arrival  in  camp  I  was  again  the  object  of 
more  honors  than  I  was  entitled  to.  General  Washing- 
ton came  several  miles  to  meet  me  on  the  road,  and  ac- 
companied me  to  my  quarters,  where  I  found  an  officer 
with  twenty-five  men  as  a  guard  of  honor.  When  I  de- 
clined this,  saying  that  I  wished  to  be  considered  merely 
as  a  volunteer,  the  general  answered  me  in  the  politest 
words  that  the  whole  army  would  be  gratified  to  stand 
sentinel  for  such  volunteers.  He  introduced  me  to  Ma- 
jor-General  Lord  Stirling  and  several  other  generals.  On 
the  same  day  my  name  was  given  as  watchword.  The 
following  day  the  army  was  mustered,  and  General 
Washington  accompanied  me  to  review  it.  To  be  brief, 
if  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick,  or  the  greatest  field 


JONATHAN   STEUBEN'S   BIRTHPLACE 


CONGRESS  HALL,  YORK,  PA.,   1778. 


CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE  81 

marshal  of  Europe  had  been  in  my  place  he  could  not 
have  been  received  with  greater  honor  than  I  was." 

Four  days  later  Washington  in  notifying  Congress  of 
the  Baron's  arrival,  says :  "He  appears  to  be  much  of  a 
gentleman,  and  as  far  as  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of 
judging,  a  man  of  military  knowledge  and  acquainted 
with  the  world."  The  first  favorable  impression  which 
these  two  great  men  received  of  each  other  only  deepened 
upon  close  acquaintance. 

While  the  sufferings  of  the  patriot  army  at  Valley 
Forge  during  the  dark  winter  of  1777-78  have  not  been 
exaggerated  it  is  not  necessary  to  recapitulate  them  here. 
The  whole  story  may  be  summed  up  in  the  statement 
that  of  the  17,000  men  who  at  least  nominally  composed 
the  force  at  the  beginning  of  the  winter  sickness,  naked- 
ness, death  and  desertions  had  reduced  the  number  in 
February  to  a  little  over  5,000.  There  were  provisions  in 
the  country,  but  not  all  Washington's  vigorous  remon- 
strances and  petitions  could  move  Congress  to  act  effec- 
tively in  furnishing  the  suffering  troops  with  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  let  alone  a  proper  military  equipment. 
Thomas  Conway,  born  in  Ireland,  educated  in  France, 
and  an  adventurer  in  America,  had  been  appointed  in- 
spector-general of  the  army  sometime  before,  but  he  was 
more  occupied  in  fomenting  conspiracies  against  the 
commander-in-chief  than  in  performing  the  duties  of  his 
office,  finally  resigning  his  commission  in  April,  the  most 
commendable  act  of  his  official  career.  Washington  was 
also  aware  that  in  order  to  make  effective  soldiers  of  the 
Continentals  they  must  be  taught  regular  military  tactics, 
to  maneuver  in  concert,  to  obey  promptly  and  automatic- 
ally and  operate  generally  as  an  effective  machine.  The 
militia,  acquainted  with  the  use  of  arms,  as  were  all  the 
frontiersmen  of  that  day  could  do  most  effective  work 


$2      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

while  behind  entrenchments  at  Bunker's  Hill,  and  later 
at  New  Orleans,  but  under  reversed  conditions  or  in  the 
open  field  they  were  practically  useless  before  the  trained 
veterans  of  Europe.  With  his  multiplicity  of  duties 
Washington  could  not  undertake  this  work,  even  if  he 
were  fitted  for  it,  which  is  doubtful,  for  it  has  been 
demonstrated  that  the  qualities  of  a  great  general  and 
drillmaster  are  seldom  if  ever  united  in  the  same  person, 
as  was  demonstrated  at  awful  cost  in  our  late  Civil  War. 
Had  Washington  been  a  McClellan,  it  is  safe  to  say  that 
American  independence  would  never  have  been  won.  So 
it  is  not  surprising  that  Steuben  was  a  welcome  addition 
to  the  military  family  at  Valley  Forge,  and  that  Wash- 
ington, who  was  not  slow  in  discerning  the  good  qualities 
of  his  associates,  soon  realized  that  he  had  a  valuable 
asset  in  Frederick's  aide-de-camp.  It  will  not  be  amiss 
to  detail  some  of  the  Baron's  impressions  on  reaching 
camp.    He  says : 

My  determination  must  have  been  very  firm  that  I  did  not 
abandon  my  design  when  I  saw  the  troops.  Matters  had  to  be 
remedied,  but  where  to  commence  was  the  great  difficulty.  In 
the  first  place  I  informed  myself  relative  to  the  military  adminis- 
tration. I  found  that  the  different  branches  were  divided  into 
departments.  There  were  those  of  the  quartermaster  general, 
war  commissary,  provisions  commissary,  commissary  of  the 
treasury,  or  paymaster,  of  forage  &c.  But  they  were  all  bad 
copies  of  a  bad  original.  That  is  to  say.  they  had  imitated  the 
English  administration,  which  is  certainly  the  most  imperfect 
in  Europe.  *  *  *  Each  company  and  quartermaster  had  a 
commission  of  so  much  per  cent,  on  all  money  he  expended.  It 
was  natural,  therefore,  that  expense  was  not  spared — that 
wants  were  discovered  where  there  were  none;  and  it  was  also 
natural  that  the  dearest  articles  were  those  that  suited  the  com- 
missioners best.     Hence  the  expense  of  so  many  millions. 

The  effective  strength  of  the  army  was  divided  into  divi- 
sions, commanded  by  major  generals:  into  brigades  commanded 
by  brigadier  generals;  and  into  regiments,  commanded  by  colo- 
nels. The  number  of  men  in  a  regiment  was  fixed  by  Congress, 
as  well  as  in  a  company — so  many  infantry,  cavalry  and  artillery. 
But  the  eternal  ebb  and  flow  of  men  engaged  for  three,  six  and 


CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE    83 


nine  months,  who  went  and  came  every  day.  rendered  it  impos- 
sible to  have  either  a  regiment  or  a  company  complete;  and  the 
words  company,  regiment,  brigade,  and  division  were  so  vague 
that  they  did  not  convey  any  idea  upon  which  to  form  a  calcula- 
tion, either  of  a  partcular  corps  or  of  the  army  in  general.  They 
were  so  unequal  in  their  number  that  it  would  have  been  im- 
possible to  execute  any  maneuvers.  Sometimes  a  regiment  was 
stronger  than  a  brigade.  I  have  seen  a  regiment  consisting  of 
thirty  men,  and  a  company  of  one  corporal.  Nothing  was  so 
difficult,  and  often  so  impossible,  as  to  get  a  correct  list  of  the 
state  or  a  return  of  any  company  regiment,  or  corps.  As  in  the 
English  service,  there  was  a  muster-master  general,  with  a 
number  of  assistants.  It  was  the  duty  of  this  officer  to  ascer- 
tain and  report  every  month  the  effective  state  of  the  army,  for 
the  payment  of  men  and  officers.  This  operation  took  place  as 
follows:  each  captain  made  a  roll  of  his  company,  whether  ab- 
sent or  present,  after  which  he  made  oath  before  a  superior  of- 
ficer that  this  return  was  correct  "to  the  best  of  his  knowledge 
and  belief."  The  muster-master  counted  the  men  present,  and 
the  absent  were  marked  by  him  for  their  pay  upon  the  oath  of 
the  captain.  I  am  very  far  from  supposing  that  an  officer  would 
voluntarily  commit  a  fraud,  but  let  us  examine  the  s>tate  of  the 
companies,  and  we  shall  see  the  correctness  of  such  returns. 
The  company  had  twelve  men  present;  absent,  one  man  as  a 
valet  to  the  commissary,  two  hundred  miles  distant  from  the 
army,  for  eighteen  months;  one  man  valet  to  a  quartermaster 
attached  to  the  army  of  the  north,  for  twelve  months;  two  as 
drivers  of  carriages;  and  so  many  more  as  bakers,  blacksmiths, 
carpenters,  even  as  coal  porters,  for  years  together,  although 
the  greater  number  were  only  engaged  for  nine  months  at  the 
outset.  But  a  man  once  on  the  roll  of  a  company  remained 
there  everlastingly,  as  forming  part  of  the  effective  strength,  ex- 
cept in  case  of  death  or  desertion,  under  the  very  eyes  of  the 
captain. 

According  to  these  rolls  the  strength  of  the  army  for  pay 
and  provisions  was  calculated.  The  regimental  returns  fur- 
nished to  the  adjutant  general  every  week,  for  the  information 
of  the  general  in  chief,  as  to  the  strength  of  the  army,  were  not 
much  more  exact.  I  am  sure  that  at  that  time  a  general  would 
have  thought  himself  lucky  to  find  a  third  of  the  men  ready  for 
action  whom  they  found  on  paper. 

The  soldiers  were  scattered  about  in  every  direction.  The 
army  was  looked  upon  as  a  nursery  for  servants,  and  every  one 
deemed  it  his  right  to  have  a  valet:  several  thousand  soldiers 
were  employed  in  this  way.  We  had  more  commissioners  and 
quartermasters  at  that  time  than  all  the  armies  of  Europe  to- 
gether; the  most  modest  had  only  one  servant,  but  others  had 
two  and  even  three.  If  the  captains  and  colonels  could  give  no 
account  of  their  men  they  could  give  still  less  an  account  of 
their   arms,   accoutrements,  clothing,  ammunition,   camp   equip- 


84      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


age,  etc.  Nobody  kept  an  account  but  the  commissaries,  who 
furnished  al!  the  articles.  A  company  which  consisted,  in  May, 
of  fifty  men.  was  armed,  clothed  and  equipped  in  June.  It  then 
consisted  of  thirty  men;  in  July  it  received  thirty  recruits,  who 
were  to  be  clothed,  armed  and  equipped;  and  not  only  the 
clothes  but  the  arms  were  carried  off  by  those  who  had  com- 
pleted their  time  of  service. 

General  Knox  assured  me  that  previous  to  the  establish- 
ment of  my  department  there  never  was  a  campaign  in  which 
the  military  magazines  did  not  furnish  from  5,000  to  8,000  mus- 
kets to  replace  those  which  were  lost  in  the  way  I  have  de- 
scribed above.  The  loss  of  bayonets  was  still  greater.  The 
American  soldier,  never  having  used  this  arm,  had  no  faith  in  it, 
and  never  used  it  but  to  roast  his  beefsteak,  and  indeed  often 
left  it  at  home.  This  is  not  astonishing  when  it  is  considered 
that  the  majority  of  the  states  engaged  their  soldiers  for  from 
four  to  six  months.  Each  man  who  went  away  took  his  mus- 
ket with  him,  and  his  successor  received  another  from  the  pub- 
lic store.  No  captain  kept  a  book.  Accounts  were  never  fur- 
nished or  required.  As  our  army  is,  thank  God,  little  subject 
to  desertion,  I  venture  to  say  that  during  an  entire  campaign 
there  have  not  been  twenty  muskets  lost  since  my  system 
came  into  force.  It  was  the  same  with  the  pouches  and  other 
accoutrements,  and  I  do  not  believe  that  I  exaggerate  when  I 
state  that  my  arrangements  have  saved  the  United  States  at  least 
800,000  French  lives  a  year. 

The  arms  at  Valley  Forge  were  in  a  horrible  condition, 
covered  with  rust,  half  of  them  without  bayonets,  many  from 
which  a  single  shot  could  not  be  fired.  The  pouches  were  quite 
as  bad  as  the  arms.  A  great  many  of  the  men  had  tin  boxes 
instead  of  pouches,  others  had  cow  horns;  and  muskets,  car- 
bines, fowling  pieces  and  rifles  were  to  be  seen  in  the  same 
company. 

The  description  of  dress  is  most  easily  given.  The  men 
were  literally  naked,  some  of  them  in  the  fullest  extent  of  the 
word.  The  officers  who  had  coats  had  them  of  every  color  and 
make.  I  saw  officers  at  a  grand  parade  at  Valley  Forge  mount- 
ing guard  in  a  sort  of  dressing  gown  made  of  an  old  blanket  or 
woolen  bed  cover.  With  regard  to  their  military  discipline,  I 
can  safely  say  no  such  thing  existed.  In  the  first  place  there 
was  no  regular  formation.  A  so-called  regiment  was  formed  of 
three  platoons,  another  of  five,  eight  and  nine,  and  the  Cana- 
dian regiment  of  twenty-one.  The  formation  of  the  regiments 
was  as  varied  as  their  mode  of  drill,  which  only  consisted  of  the 
manual  exercise.  Each  colonel  had  a  system  of  his  own,  the 
one  according  to  the  English,  the  other  according  to  the  Prus- 
sian or  French  style.  There  was  only  one  thing  in  which  they 
were  uniform,  and  that  was,  the  way  of  marching  in  the  maneu- 
vers and  on  the  line  of  march.  They  all  adopted  the  mode  of 
marching  in  files  used  by  the  Indians.     Mr.  De  Conway  had  in- 


CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE 


troduced  platoons  and  many  other  things,  but  as  he  was  not 
liked,  they  had  allowed  all  his  instructions  to  fall  into  disuse,  so 
that  I  scarcely  found  a  trace  of  them.  It  is  also  necessary  to 
remark  that  the  changing  of  the  men.  the  reduction  and  con- 
tinual incorporations  deprived  the  corps  and  regiments  of  all 
consistence.  There  was  another  evil  still  more  subsersive  of 
order  in  an  army:  the  captains  and  colonels  did  not  consider 
their  companies  and  regiments  as  corps  confided  to  them  by  the 
United  States  for  the  care  of  the  men  as  well  as  the  preserva- 
tion of  order  and  discipline.  The  greater  part  of  the  captains 
had  no  roll  of  their  companies,  and  had  no  idea  how  many  men 
they  had  under  their  orders.  When  I  asked  a  a  colonel  the 
strength  of  his  regiment,  the  usual  reply  was;  "something  be- 
tween two  and  three  hundred  men."  The  colonels,  and  often 
the  captains,  granted  leave  of  absence  as  they  thought  proper, 
and  not  only  that,  but  permissions  to  retire  from  the  service. 
The  officers  were  not  accustomed  to  remain  with  the  troops 
when  the  army  was  in  camp;  they  lived  in  houses,  often  several 
miles  distant.  In  winter  quarters  they  nearly  always  went  home, 
and  there  were  often  not  more  than  four  officers  with  a  regi- 
ment. In  the  campaign  of  1779  I  found  a  Massachusetts  regi- 
ment commanded  by  a  lieutenant.  The  idea  they  had  of  their 
duty  was,  that  the  officers  had  only  to  mount  guard  and  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  their  regiment  or  company  when  they 
were  going  into  action.  *  *  *  Each  colonel  encamped  his 
regiment  according  to  his  fancy.  There  were  guards  and  pick- 
ets, and  sometimes  too  many;  but  the  officers  did  not  know  their 
duty,  and  in  many  instances,  did  not  understand  the  object  of 
the  guard.  An  infantry  of  internal  guards  for  the  commissaries 
of  forage  and  provisions,  and  for  the  quartermaster,  weakened 
the  strength  of  the  army,  the  more  so,  because  these  guards 
were  never  relieved,  and  remained  from  one  year  to  the  other. 
Their  arms  were  lost  and  they  were  all  the  servants  of  the  com- 
missary, who  often  granted  them  leave  not  only  for  six  months, 
but  without  limitation.  It  would  be  an  endless  task  to  enumer- 
ate the  abuses  which  nearly  ruined  the  army.  The  above  is  a 
general  view  of  the  situation  of  the  American  army  as  I  found 
it  at  Valley  Forge  in  the  month  of  February,  1778. 

Having  given  the  views  of  a  military  expert  as  to  the 
condition  of  the  army  at  Valley  Forge  it  may  not  be 
amiss  to  turn  for  a  moment,  at  least  as  a  relief,  to  an- 
other side  of  the  picture.  Washington's  headquarters 
were  in  the  old  two-story  stone  house  still  standing  at  the 
foot  of  the  valley  near  the  present  Reading  railway  sta- 
ll.    In  front  was  a  little  stream  which  emptied  into 


86      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  Schuylkill,  the  ground  at  that  time  sloping  from  the 
side  of  the  house  down  to  the  river,  which  is  now  shut  off 
by  the  high  railway  embankment.  Here  and  close  by  was 
located  Washington's  immediate  military  family,  begin- 
ning with  Alexander  Hamilton  and  including  Greene, 
Laurens,  Meade  and  Tilghman.  Lafayette  had  compara- 
tively comfortable  quarters  on  a  neighboring  hill,  and  be- 
sides the  American  officers  there  was  the  somewhat  hete- 
rogeneous collections  of  foreign  notables  including  Steu- 
ben, Du  Portail,  De  Neuville,  Custine,  Fleury,  Du  Pies- 
sis,  three  Armands,  Ternant,  Pulaski  and  Kosciuski. 

They  were  not  altogether  without  the  presence  of  the 
gentler  sex,  for  Duponceau  says:  "We  dined  twice  or 
thrice  a  week  with  General  Washington.  We  visited  him 
also  in  the  evenings,  when  Mrs.  Washington  was  at 
headquarters.  We  were  in  a  manner  domesticated  in  the 
family.  As  to  the  situation  of  our  army  suffice  it  to  say 
that  we  were  in  want  of  provisions,  of  clothing,  of  fodder 
for  our  horses,  in  short  of  everything.  I  remember  see- 
ing the  soldiers  popping  their  heads  out  of  their  miserable 
huts,  and  calling  out  in  an  undertone,  'No  bread,  no  sol- 
dier!' Their  condition  was  truly  pitiful,  and  their  cour- 
age and  perseverance  beyond  all  praise.  We  who  lived 
in  good  quarters  did  not  feel  the  misery  of  the  times  so 
much  as  the  common  soldiers  and  the  subaltern  officers, 
yet  we  had  more  than  once  to  share  our  rations  with  the 
sentry  at  our  door.  We  put  the  best  face  we  could  upon 
the  matter.  Once,  with  the  Baron's  permission,  his  aides 
invited  a  number  of  young  officers  to  dine  at  our  quar- 
ters, on  condition  that  none  should  be  admitted  that  had 
on  a  whole  pair  of  breeches.  This  was,  of  course,  as  pars 
pro  toto;  but  torn  clothes  were  an  indispensable  requi- 
site for  admission,  and  in  this  the  guests  were  very  sure 
not  to  fail.     The  dinner  took  place.    The  guests  clubbed 


CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE    87 

their  rations,  and  we  feasted  sumptuously  on  tough 
beefsteak  and  potatoes,  with  hickorynuts  for  our  dessert. 
Instead  of  wine  we  had  some  kind  of  spirits,  with  whicli 
we  made  'salamanders',  that  is  to  say,  after  filling  our 
glasses,  we  set  the  liquor  on  fire,  and  drank  it  up  flames 
and  all.  Such  a  set  of  ragged,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
merry  fellows,  were  never  brought  together.  The  Baron 
loved  to  speak  of  that  dinner  and  his  'sanscullottes',  as 
he  called  us.  Thus  this  denomination  was  first  invented 
in  America  and  applied  to  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers 
of  our  revolutionary  army.  In  the  midst  of  all  our  dis- 
tress there  were  some  bright  sides  of  the  picture,  which 
Valley  Forge  exhibited  at  that  time.  Mrs.  Washington 
had  the  courage  to  follow  her  husband  to  that  dismal 
abode,  and  other  ladies  also  graced  the  scene.  Among 
them  was  the  lady  of  General  Greene,  a  handsome,  ele- 
gant and  accomplished  woman.  Her  dwelling  was  the 
resort  of  foreign  officers,  because  she  spoke  the  French 
language  and  was  well  versed  in  French  literature.  They 
often  met  at  each  other's  quarters,  and  sometimes  at 
General  Washington's,  where  the  evening  was  spent  over 
a  cup  of  tea  or  coffee.  There  were  no  levees  or  formal 
soirees,  no  dancing  and  playing  or  amusements  of  any 
kind,  except  singing.  Every  gentleman  or  lady  who 
could  sing,  was  called  upon  in  turn  for  a  song." 

Bad  as  wras  the  situation  Washington  had  in  mind  the 
driving  of  the  British  out  of  Philadelphia  in  the  spring, 
as  he  had  driven  them  out  of  Boston  two  years  before. 
But  with  the  army  in  its  present  condition  any  movement 
against  the  trained  levies  of  Great  Britain  would  be  worse 
than  futile.  Although  Congress  the  preceding  December 
had  created  the  office  of  inspector  general  with  the  osten- 
sible object  of  correcting  these  evils,  yet  in  the  hands  of 
the  intriguing  if  not  traitorous  Conway,  the  situation  was 


88       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

aggravated  to  the  breaking  point.  Being  answerable  to 
Congress  and  not  to  the  general  in  chief,  the  latter  was 
powerless  to  compel  the  inspector  to  perform  his  duties, 
with  the  outcome  as  given  above.  But  with  the  advent  of 
the  Baron  ready  and  anxious  to  serve  under  Washing- 
ton, the  situation  was  at  once  changed,  and  with  Con  way- 
out  of  the  road  there  was  no  delay  in  instituting  neces- 
sary reforms.  So  he  promptly  accepted  the  position  of 
temporary  inspector  to  which  Washington  appointed 
him,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  early  in  March. 

The  task  was  not  merely  to  bring  order  out  of  chaos. 
There  were  prejudices  to  overcome,  state  pride  and  other 
idiosyncracies  to  be  handled  carefully,  and  several  plans 
of  operation  were  drawn  up  before  any  was  finally 
adopted.  In  this  work  the  Baron  had  the  valuable  as- 
sistance of  General  Greene,  Colonel  Laurens  and  Colonel 
Hamilton  Time  was,  of  course  valuable,  and  the  Baron 
and  his  associates  worked  late  each  night  to  develop  their 
plans.  Finally  an  outline  was  proposed  by  which  an  in- 
spector general  should  be  appointed  at  once  who  should 
establish  a  uniform  system  for  forming  the  troops,  exer- 
cises and  maneuvers,  and  for  the  duties  of  guards,  pick- 
ets and  sentries.  Also  define  the  duties  of  every  officer, 
the  manner  in  which  lists  and  accounts  should  be  made, 
or  books  kept;  review  the  troops  at  least  once  a  month, 
and  make  written  reports  to  the  commander-in-chief  and 
war  committee  of  Congress,  with  a  number  of  other  de- 
tails not  necessary  to  enumerate  here,  but  whose  carry- 
ing out  would  bring  order  and  system  where  there  had 
heretofore  been  confusion. 

Washington  approved  the  plan  and  asked  Steuben  if 
he  were  willing  to  undertake  its  execution.  An  affirma- 
tive answer  was  given,  provided  the  necessary  support 
and  assistance  were  afforded  which  was  done  at  once,  and 


89 


brigade  and  division  inspectors  appointed,  whom  the 
Baron  praised  highly  for  their  assistance.  He  thus  tells 
how  he  began  his  work : 

I  commenced  operations  by  drafting  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men  from  the  line,  whom  I  formed  into  a  guard  for  the 
general  in  chief.  I  made  this  guard  my  military  school.  I 
drilled  them  myself  twice  a  day.  and  to  remove  that  English 
prejudice  which  some  officers  entertained,  namely,  that  to  drill 
a  recruit  was  a  sergeant's  duty  and  beneath  the  station  of  an 
officer.  I  often  took  ithe  musket  myself  to  show  the  men  that 
manual  exercise  which  I  wished  to  introduce.  All  my  inspec- 
tors were  present  at  each  drill.  We  marched  together,  wheeled, 
etc.,  and  in  a  fortnight  my  company  knew  perfectly  how  to  bear 
arms,  had  a  military  air,  knew  how  to  march,  to  form  in  column, 
deploy  and  execute  some  little  maneuvers  with  excellent  pre- 
cision. 

It  must  be  owned  that  they  did  not  know  much  of  the  man- 
ual exercise,  and  I  ought  to  mention  the  reasons  why  I  departed 
altogether  from  the  general  rule  of  all  European  armies,  and 
commenced  with  the  manual  exercise  in  drilling  recruits  like 
children  learning  their  alphabet.  In  the  first  place  I  had  no  time- 
to  do  otherwise.  In  our  European  armies  a  man  who  has  been 
drilled  for  three  months  is  called  a  recruit;  here  in  two  months 
I  must  have  a  soldier.  In  Europe  we  had  a  number  of  evolu- 
tions very  pretty  to  look  at  when  well  executed,  but  in  my 
opinion  absolutely  useless  so  far  as  essential  subjects  are  con- 
cerned. *  *  *  I  nevertheless  taught  my  company  to  carry 
arms,  stand  at  ease,  present  arms,  to  load,  take  aim,  fire  by 
platoons,  and  to  charge  bayonets.  Another  reason  that  induced 
me  to  pay  but  little  attention  to  this  eternal  manual  exercise, 
was  that  several  of  my  predecessors  commenced  with  it,  and 
before  they  had  surmounted  these  preliminaries,  were  obliged 
to  quit  the  service,  having  lost  their  influence  and  before  the 
officers  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  practical  advantage 
of  this  elementary  instruction.  This  induced  me  to  revise  the 
old  system,  and  instead  of  commencing  with  the  mannual  and 
platoon  exercises  and  ending  with  maneuvers,  I  commenced 
with  maneuvers  and  ended  with  the  exercise. 

I  had  my  company  of  guards  exactly  as  I  wished  them  to 
be.  They  were  well  dressed,  their  arms  cleaned  and  in  good 
order,  and  their  general  appearance  quite  respectable.  I  pa- 
raded them  in  the  presence  of  all  the  officers  of  the  army  and 
gave  them  the  opportunity  of  exhibiting  all  they  knew.  They 
formed  in  column,  deployed,  attacked  with  the  bayonet,  charged 
frount  etc.  It  afforded  a  new  and  agreeable  sight  for  the 
young  officers  and  soldiers.  Having  gained  my  point,  I  dis- 
persed my  apostles,  the  inspectors,  and  my  new  doctrine  was 
largely  embraced.     I  lost  no  time  in  extending  my  operations 


90      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

on  a  large  scale.  I  applied  my  system  to  battalions,  afterwards 
to  brigades,  and  in  less  than  three  weeks.  I  executed  maneuvers 
with  an  entire  division  in  presence  of  the  commander  in  chief. 

The  Baron's  efforts  met  with  favor,  and  leading  Amer- 
ican officers  were  ready  to  bear  testimony  to  the  good 
that  he  was  accomplishing.  Instead  of  carelessness  there 
was  a  generous  rivalry  among  the  regiments  and  divisions 
as  to  which  should  make  the  best  appearance,  and  do  its 
work  most  efficiently,  and  officers,  who  previously  had  a 
contempt  for  that  sort  of  thing  now  vied  with  each  other 
in  instructing  their  men  in  the  manual  of  arms.  Of 
course  the  Baron  was  considerably  hampered  by  his  want 
of  familiarity  with  the  English  language,  although  it  may 
be  presumed  that  he  had  acquired  some  knowledge  of 
it  since  his  departure  from  France  in  the  preceding 
month  of  September.  Mr.  North  relates  his  experience 
at  the  first  parade,  when  the  troops,  neither  understand- 
ing the  command  nor  how  to  follow  in  a  changement  to 
which  they  had  not  been  accustomed,  even  with  the  in- 
structor at  their  head,  were  getting  fast  into  confusion. 
At  this  moment,  Capt.  B.  Walker,  then  of  the  second 
New  York  regiment,  advanced  from  his  platoon  and  of- 
fered his  assistance  to  translate  the  orders  and  interpret 
to  the  troops.  "If  I  had  seen  an  angel  from  Heaven  I 
should  not  have  more  rejoiced/'  said  the  Baron.  Walker 
was  appointed  his  aide-de-camp,  and  remained  a  close 
friend  during  the  rest  of  his  life. 

During  this  period  the  Baron  rose  at  3  A.  M.,  smoked 
a  pipe  while  his  valet  dressed  his  hair,  drank  a  cup  of 
coffee,  was  on  horseback  at  sunrise,  and  with,  or  without, 
his  suite,  galloped  to  the  parade.  The  tardy  were  not 
reprimanded,  a  look  from  the  Baron  was  sufficient  to  in- 
duce resolutions  for  future  reform.  So  the  work  was 
inaugurated  whose  efficiency  and  good  results  were  to  be 


CONGRESS  AND  VALLEY  FORGE    91 

tested  'ere  many  months  on  the  field  of  battle,  as  well  as 
on  the  march. 

Baron  Steuben  had  been  at  Valley  Forge  about  a 
month  when  he  extended  his  instruction  to  general,  al- 
though elementary,  movements  of  the  army.  In  this  line 
Washington  on  March  28.  issued  the  following  general 
order : 

On  Sunday,  the  29th  of  March,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  fc  re- 
noon,  all  brigade  inspectors,  with  the  officers  who  are  to  mount 
guard  on  Monday,  will  attend  at  headquarters,  where  the  inspec- 
tor general  will  instruct  them  in  what  is  to  be  done  the  next 
day.  Then  Baron  Steuben,  a  lieutenant  general  in  foreign  ser- 
vice, and  a  gentleman  of  great  military  experience,  having 
obligingly  undertaken  the  exercise  of  inspector  general  in  the 
army,  the  commander  in  chief,  till  the  pleasure  of  Congress 
shall  be  known,  desires  he  may  be  respected  as  such,  and  hopes 
and  expects  that  all  officers,  of  whatever  rank  in  it,  will  afford 
every  aid  in  their  power  in  the  execution  of  his  office.  Lieuten- 
ant Colonels  Davies,  Brooks  and  Barber,  and  Mr.  Ternant,  are 
appointed  to  act  as  sub  inspectors,  the  three  former  retaining 
their  rank  and  order  in  the  line.  The  importance  of  establish- 
ing a  uniform  system  of  useful  maneuvers  and  regularity  of  dis- 
cipline, must  be  obvious;  the  deficiency  of  our  army  in  those 
respects  must  be  equally  so;  but  the  time  we  probably  shall  have 
to  introduce  the  necessary  reformation  is  short.  With  the  most 
active  exertions,  therefore,  of  officers  of  every  class,  it  may  be 
possible  to  effect  all  the  improvements  that  may  be  essential 
to  success  in  the  ensuing  campaign.  Arguments  need  not  be 
multiplied  to  kindle  the  zeal  of  officers  in  a  matter  of  such  great 
moment  to  their  own  homes,  the  advancement  of  the  service, 
and  the  prosperity  of  our  armies. 

In  a  subsequent  order  he  said : 

The  sub  and  brigade  inspectors  are  to  be  pointedly  exact 
in  pursuing  the  written  instructions  of  the  inspector  general, 
that  the  strictest  uniformity  may  be  observed  throughout  the 
army.  They  are  not  to  practice  one  single  maneuver  without 
his  direction,  nor  in  a  method  different  from  it.  Any  alteration 
or  innovation  will  again  plunge  the  army  into  that  contrariety 
and  confusion  from  which  it  is  endeavoring  to  emerge. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


DRILLING  THE  ARMY. 

Steuben's  Success  at  Converting  a  Mob  Into  Soldiers — Com- 
mendation of  Washington — Congress  Fixes  His  Status — 
Official  Jealousy — The  French  Alliance. 

Such  was  Steuben's  skill  and  industry  that  by  April 
29,  he  was  able  to  put  the  whole  army  through  the 
"grand  maneuvers,"  but  as  yet  he  was  a  mere  volunteer, 
acting  at  the  request  of  Washington,  without  rank  or 
pay.  But  the  month's  trial  had  evidently  been  fully  satis- 
factory to  the  commander-in-chief,  for  on  the  30th  we 
find  him  sending  this  report  to  Congress :  : 

The  extensive  ill  consequences  arising  from  a  want  of  uni- 
formity in  discipline  and  maneuvers  throughout  the  army, 
have  long  occasioned  me  to  wish  for  the  establishment  of  a  well- 
organized  inspectorship,  and  the  concurrence  of  Congress  in  the 
same  views  has  induced  me  to  set  on  foot  a  temporary  institu- 
tion, which,  from  the  success  that  has  hitherto  attended  it,  gives 
me  the  most  flattering  expectations,  and  will,  I  hope,  obtain 
their  approbation.  Baron  Steuben's  length  of  service  in  the  first 
military  school  in  Europe,  and  his  former  rank,  pointed  him 
out  as  a  person  peculiarly  qualified  to  be  at  the  head  of  this 
department.  This  appeared  the  least  exceptionable  way  of  in- 
troducing him  into  the  army,  and  one  that  would  give  him  the 
most  ready  opportunity  of  displaying  his  talents.  I  therefore 
proposed  to  him  to  undertake  the  office  of  inspector  general, 
which  he  agreed  to  with  the  greatest  cheerfulness,  and  has  per- 
formed the  duties  of  it  with  a  zeal  and  intelligence  equal  to  our 
wishes.  *  *  *  I  should  do  injustice,  if  I  were  to  be  longer 
silent  with  regard  to  the  merits  of  Baron  Steuben.  His  knowl- 
edge of  his  profession,  added  to  the  zeal  which  he  has  displayed 
since  he  began  the  functions  of  his  office,  leads  me  to  consider 
him  as  an  acquisition  to  the  service,  and  to  recommend  him  to 
the  attention  of  Congress.  His  expectations  with  respect  to 
rank  extended  to  that  of  major  general.  His  finances,  he  ingenu- 
ously confesses,  will  not  admit  his  serving  without  the  inciden- 
tal emoluments,  and  Congress,  I  presume,  from  his  character 
and  their  own  knowledge  of  him,  will,  without  difficulty,  gratify 
him  in  these  particulars. 


DRILLING  THE  ARMY  93 

Congress,  on  May  5,  responded  to  Washington's  appeal 
by  approving  his  plan  for  the  institution  of  a  well  organ- 
ized inspectorship,  and  appointed  Steuben  to  the  office  of 
inspector  general,  with  the  rank  and  pay  of  major-gen- 
eral, his  pay  to  commence  from  the  time  he  joined  the 
army  and  entered  into  service  of  the  United  States.  It 
was  ordered  that  there  be  two  ranks  of  inspectors  under 
the  direction  of  the  inspector  general ;  the  first  to  superin- 
tend two  or  more  brigades,  and  the  second  to  be  charged 
with  the  inspection  of  only  one  brigade.  In  response  to 
this  on  May  16,  Steuben  (now  General)  wrote  to  Con- 
gress expressing  his  thanks  for  the  honor  conferred  on 
him,  and  promising  that  he  would  endeavor  to  deserve, 
more  and  more,  the  good  opinion  it  had  entertained  of 
him  in  intrusting  to  him  so  extensive  a  department  as 
the  inspection  of  the  army. 

Matters  had  already  been  looking  much  better  in  camp 
when,  on  May  4,  was  received  intelligence  of  the  French 
alliance.  This  naturally  raised  everybody's  spirits  to  a 
remarkable  degree,  and  all  sorts  of  rejoicing  made  the 
woods  resound  during  those  bright  spring  days.  The 
reaction  was  so  great  that  it  threatened  a  detrimental  ef- 
fect. If  they  had  been  able  to  withstand  Great  Britain 
alone  what  might  they  not  be  able  to  do  with  the  aid  of 
their  powerful  ally?  Many  relaxed  their  efforts,  suppos- 
ing the  war  to  be  practically  over.  They,  especially  the 
foreign  element,  did  not  understand  the  bulldog  tenacity 
of  Great  Britain,  a  trait  inherent  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race.  It  has  been  claimed  indeed,  that  the  French  alliance 
actually  deferred  the  termination  of  the  war  instead  of 
hastening  it ;  that  after  Burgoyne's  surrender  the  strength 
of  the  peace  party  in  England  had  grown  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  overtures  looking  to  independence  would  proba- 
bly have  been  made  during  1778  had  not  the  French  al- 


94      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

liance  intervened,  which  event  roused  the  pride  of  every 
Briton  and  united  all  parties  against  their  hereditary 
enemy.  Among  those  who  thought  they  saw  peace  in 
sight  was  Baron  Steuben,  who,  on  May  7,  before  receiv- 
ing his  commission  as  Major  General,  wrote  to  Henry 
Laurens,  President  of  Congress,  congratulating  him  on 
the  treaty  so  advantageous  to  both  powers  and  expressing 
his  pleasure  in  seeing  the  independence  of  America  es- 
tablished on  so  solid  a  basis.  He  adds :  "I  may  not,  per- 
haps, have  an  opportunity  of  drawing  my  sword  in  your 
cause,  but  no  matter,  be  free  and  happy,  and  I  shall  not 
regret  having  undertaken  the  voyage  to  offer  you  my  ser- 
vices." 

Laurens  did  not  lose  his  head,  and  four  days  later 
deprecating  any  hasty  conclusions  from  recent  events,  he 
cautions,  "That  we  are  not  to  roll  down  a  green  bank 
and  toy  away  the  ensuing  surrender.  There  is  blood,  much 
blood  in  our  prospect,  and  in  all  appearance,  in  my  view, 
there  will  be  opportunity  and  incitement  to  unsheath 
your  sword.  Britain  will  not  be  humbled  by  a  stroke  of 
policy;  she  will  be  very  angry,  and  if  she  is  to  fall,  her 
fall  will  be  glorious.  We,  who  know  her,  ought  to  be  pre- 
pared. A  powerful  army  in  our  field  may,  I  should  say 
will,  be  the  only  means  of  securing  an  honorable  peace. 
If  we  universally  adopt  and  indulge  the  idea  of  peace,  it 
would  be  presumptuous  in  me  to  intimate  to  a  gentleman 
of  Baron  Steuben's  experience,  what  probably  will  be  the 
consequence.  I  am  desirous  of  banishing  from  the  minds 
of  the  people  the  assurance,  even  the  hopes,  of  a  peace  for 
the  present  year." 

As  a  matter  of  fact  three  years  and  a  half  of  bloody 
conflict  were  ahead  before  even  the  glimmer  of  peace  was 
in  prospect.  As  an  appropriate  commemoration  of  the 
alliance,  however,  Washington  requested  a  general  man- 


VALLEY  FORGE,  TOP  OF  HILL,  ENCAMPMENT  SOUTHERN  REGTS. 


WASHINGTON'S    HEADQUARTERS,   VALLEY    FORGE. 

The  wins  on  the  left  was  a  log  dining  room  built   by  Washington,  since  replaced   by  stone. 


DRILLING  THE  ARMY  95 

euver  by  the  entire  army,  which  passed  off  successfully. 
The  right  was  commanded  by  Major  General  Lord  Stirl- 
ing, Lafayette  on  the  left,  with  Baron  De  Kalb  on  the 
second  line.  The  army  advanced  in  five  columns  to  the 
signal  of  a  cannon  shot,  taking  a  position  on  the  hill  top 
where  it  deployed  and  fired  a  shot.  This  was  followed 
by  a  grand  dinner,  no  doubt  with  a  more  plentiful  supply 
of  provisions  than  was  manifest  during  the  cold  winter 
days  of  their  discontent  now  made  a  joyous  summer. 
While  still  standing  at  the  table  Washington  delivered  to 
Steuben  the  latter's  commission  of  Major  General  and 
inspector  of  the  army,  which  he  had  just  received  from 
Congress,  and  and  congratulations  and  felicitations  were 
in  order.  We  must  remember  that  the  pictures  of  Valley 
Forge  are  not  all  sombre.  The  next  day  Washington 
issued  the  following  order: 

The  commander  in  chief  takes  great  pleasure  in  acquainting 
the  army  that  its  conduct  yesterday  afforded  him  the  highest 
satisfaction.  The  exactness  and  order  with  which  all  its  move- 
ments were  formed,  is  a  pleasing  evidence  of  the  progress  it  has 
made  in  military  improvement,  and  of  the  perfection  to  which  it 
may  arrive  by  a  continuance  of  that  laudable  zeal  which  now 
happily  prevails.  The  general,  at  the  same  time,  presents  his 
thanks  to  Baron  Steuben  and  the  gentlemen  acting  under  him 
for  their  exertions  in  the  duties  of  their  office,  the  good  effects 
of  which  are  already  so  apparent,  and  for  the  care,  activity  and 
prosperity  with  which  they  conducted  the  business  of  yesterday. 

Notwithstanding  this  encouraging  outlook  trouble  was 
brewing.  At  first  sight  one  would  suppose  that  military 
officials  from  the  importance  of  their  duties  and  the  ar- 
duousness  of  their  work,  especially  in  time  of  war,  would 
be  the  last  persons  to  waste  time  and  labor  in  stickling 
for  points  of  etiquette  or  precedence.  Certainly  when  the 
bullets  begin  flying  the  leaden  balls  are  no  respecter  of 
persons,  and  will  ruthlessly  cut  down  the  highest  rank 
quite  as  readily  as  the  lowest  if  it  is  in  the  way.     But 


96      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

everybody  who  has  had  anything  to  do  with  soldiering 
knows,  sometimes  to  his  cost,  that  he  cannot  be  too  care- 
ful lest  somebody's  prerogative  be  infringed,  and  the 
slightest  breach  in  this  respect,  even  if  done  through 
ignorance  or  inadvertance,  is  at  least  next  to  an  unpar- 
donable sin.  The  most  rigid  dinner  party  rules  are  no- 
where in  comparison.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  new 
arrangement  for  drilling  the  army,  and  making  the 
troops  subject  to  the  call  of  the  general  drillmaster  for 
that  special  purpose  could  interfere  with  the  authority  of 
the  regular  commanders,  but  they  evidently  thought  dif- 
ferently. Mr.  Kapp  says  that  a  cabal  was  formed  against 
the  Baron,  headed  by  Major  Generals  Lee,  Lafayette  and 
Mifflin,  but  is  not  necessary  to  adopt  this  term  in  the 
more  offensive  sense.  These  officers  considered,  however, 
that  the  inspector  was  unwarrantably  interfering  with 
the  troops  under  their  command,  and,  doubtless  through 
their  influence,  the  general  in  chief  issued  an  order  that 
major  generals  should,  in  future  exercise  their  divisions 
themselves,  and  that  the  brigadiers  should  do  the  same 
with  their  brigades,  but  they  must  adhere  to  the  system 
prescribed  by  the  inspector.  The  result  was  that  the  of- 
ficers having  neither  leisure  nor  inclination  to  perform 
this  work  it  was  neglected,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the 
army.     Referring  to  this  Steuben  afterwards  wrote: 

All  the  brigadier  generals  threatened  to  quit  the  service. 
I,  however,  in  no  way  changed  my  conduct;  I  continually  pur- 
sued the  object  I  had  in  view,  and  flattered  nobody,  not  even 
the  general  in  chief.  The  nature  of  my  office  in  the  army 
obliged  me  to  a  severity  to  which  our  officers  were  then  little 
accustomed,  but  I  was  equally  severe  towards  my  inferiors,  and 
am  so  still  at  present.  And  here  is  my  greatest  triumph.  The 
same  brigadiers  who  opposed  the  inspectorship,  are  eager  today 
to  serve  under  my  orders.  These  same  officers,  whom  I  never 
had  flattered,  honor  me  now  with  the  title  of  friend  and  father. 
In  the  military  career  the  testimony  of  the  inferiors  is  the  most 
honorable;   our   subalterns  used   to  be   our  most   severe  judges. 


DRILLING  THE  ARMY  97 

The  affection  and  estimation  of  my  officers  fill  my  heart  with 
the  greatest  pride  and  satisfaction. 

The  situation  thus  became  rather  strained.  It  is  possi- 
ble and  not  unnatural  that  the  Baron  would  be  disposed 
to  magnify  his  office,  and  were  the  soldiers  still  in  re- 
cruiting camps  he  could  no  doubt  have  exercised  his  pow- 
ers to  the  fullest  extent  without  serious  conflict.  But 
they  were  in  the  field,  practically  confronting  the  enemy, 
and  consequently  the  claim  of  the  generals  to  authority 
over  their  commands,  subject  only  to  the  general-in-chief, 
could  not  be  ignored.  So  when  Steuben  made  a  trip  to 
Congress  to  have  his  affairs  arranged  on  a  more  perma- 
nent footing,  Hamilton,  doubtless  under  the  direction  of 
Washington,  wrote  to  that  body  as  follows : 

The  Baron  is  a  gentleman  for  whom  I  have  a  particular 
esteem,  and  whose  zeal,  intelligence  and  success,  the  conse- 
quence of  both,  entitle  him  to  the  greatest  credit.  But  I  am  ap- 
prehensive, with  all  his  good  qualities,  a  fondness  for  power  and 
importance,  natural  to  every  man,  may  lead  him  to  wish  for 
more  extensive  prerogatives  in  his  department  than  it  will  be  for 
the  good  of  the  service  to  grant.  I  should  be  sorry  to  excite 
any  prejudice  against  him  on  this  account;  perhaps  I  may  be 
mistaken  in  my  conjecture.  The  caution  I  give  will  do  no  harm 
if  I  am  right;  if  I  am  not  it  may  be  useful.  In  either  case  the 
Baron  deserves  to  be  considered  as  a  valuable  man,  and  treated 
with  all  the  deference  which  good  policy  will  warrant.  On  the 
first  institution  of  this  office  the  general  allowed  him  to  exercise 
more  ample  powers  than  would  be  proper  for  a  continuance. 
They  were  necessary  in  the  commencement  to  put  things  in  a 
train  with  a  degree  of  dispatch  which  the  exigency  of  our  af- 
fairs required;  but  it  has  been  necessary  to  restrain  them  even 
earlier  than  was  intended.  The  novelty  of  the  office  excited 
questions  about  its  boundaries;  the  extent  of  its  operations 
alarmed  the  officers  of  every  rank  for  their  own  rights.  Their 
jealousies  and  discontents  were  rising  to  a  height  that  threat- 
ened to  overturn  the  whole  plan.  It  became  necessary  to  apply 
a  remedy.  The  general  has  delineated  the  functions  of  the  in- 
spectorship in  general  orders,  a  copy  of  which  will  be  sent  to 
Congress.  The  plan  is  good  and  satisfactory  to  the  army  in 
general.  *  *  *  There  is  one  thing  which  the  Baron  has  much 
at  heart,  which,  in  good  policy  he  can  by  no  means  be  indulged 
in — it  is  the  power  of  enforcing  that  part  of  discipline  which  we 
understand  by  subordination,  or  an  obedience  to  orders.     This 


98       GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

power  can  only  be  properly  lodged  with  the  commander  in 
chief,  and  would  inflame  the  whole  army  if  put  into  other  hands. 
Each  captain  is  vested  with  it  in  his  company;  each  colonel  in 
his  regiment;  each  general  in  his  particular  command,  and  the 
commander  in  chief  in  the  whole. 

With  this  statement  before  it  Congress  was  naturally 
slow  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  Steuben,  and  the  war 
was  practically  over  before  he  realized  his  desires.  There 
was  considerable  correspondence,  and  the  war  board  of 
Congress  bore  willing  testimony  to  the  good  work  which 
had  been  accomplished  between  February  and  June  under- 
most disadvantageous  circumstances,  whose  value  was 
soon  to  be  tested  in  a  practical  way.  In  fact  the  commit- 
tee drew  up  quite  an  elaborate  report,  which  was  pre- 
sented to  Congress,  formally  creating  the  office  of  inspec- 
tor general  with  a  corps  of  brigade  inspectors  under  his 
immediate  orders.  These  were  to  be  approved  by  the 
commander  in  chief  and  reported  to  Congress,  and  were 
to  have  the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonels  or  majors.  All 
regulations  for  the  discipline  and  police  of  the  army  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  inspector  general,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  commander  in  chief,  until  Congress  should 
establish  a  permanent  system;  he  should  also  have  the 
privilege  of  selecting  six  young  men  to  act  as  light 
dragoons,  who  should  receive  the  pay  and  rations  of  en- 
signs. They  were  to  be  instructed  in  laying  out  camps 
and  other  such  proper  service  as  the  inspector  general 
should  order.  Other  officers  were  authorized  to  be  ap- 
pointed as  needed,  in  fact  the  machinery  was  so  elaborate 
that  to  a  lay  mind  it  appeared  likely  to  clog  by  its  own 
weight.  Certainly  it  was  sufficiently  complicated  for  an 
army  much  larger  than  the  Continental  force  was  then 
or  likely  to  be  in  the  near  future.  But.  however  that  may 
be  Congress  did  not  adopt  it,  and  this  department  was 
left  to  get  along  under  temporary  arrangements  made  by 


DRILLING  THE  ARMY  99 

the  commander  in  chief.  Steuben  continued  to  conduct 
his  work  as  best  he  could,  and  there  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  any  interruption  in  the  harmonious  relations 
existing  between  Washington  and  himself,  although  he 
must  have  known  that  the  general  had  not  encouraged 
Congress  to  give  him  supreme  authority  so  far  as  his 
duties  were  concerned.  On  June  15  Washington  issued 
orders  providing  that  the  brigadiers  should  exercise  their 
brigades  and  the  colonels  their  regiments  according  to 
the  rules  established  by  the  inspector  and  approved  by 
the  general  in  chief  with  "grand  maneuvers"  occasion- 
ally under  charge  of  the  inspector,  whose  directions  rela- 
tive to  the  exercise  and  agreeable  to  the  rules  laid  down 
are  to  be  observed  by  every  officer  of  inferior  rank  who 
might  command.  On  the  daily  parade  of  the  guards  the 
inspector  general  or  the  sub-inspector  of  the  day  was  to 
exercise  the  parade  under  the  general  order  of  the  day. 
This  seemed  to  satisfy  the  general  officers,  for  we  hear 
no  more  complaints,  and  if  Steuben  was  dissatisfied  he 
concealed  his  feelings,  for  on  the  18th  he  wrote  to 
Washington : 

It  gives  me  great  satisfaction  to  see  that  your  Excellency 
has  taken  such  a  wise  step  in  my  department  as  to  engage  the 
general  officers  and  field  officers  of  regiments  to  take  command 
of  the  troops  in  our  daily  exercise.  Nothing  could  be  more  use- 
ful in  the  present  moment.  I  had  wished,  sometime  ago,  it 
might  be  the  case,  but  in  meanwhile  I  was  endeavoring  with 
the  gentlemen  under  me,  to  make  the  officers  and  soldiers  a  lit- 
tle more  perfect,  in  order  to  enable  the  general  officers  to  oass 
immediately  to  grand  maneuvers,  and  save  them  the  trouble  of 
descending  to  those  toilsome  and  fastidious  details  which  we 
cheerfully  encountered  from  the  beginning  for  the  good  of  the 
service.  No  pains  will  be  spared  on  my  part  to  help  on  the 
general  officers,  and  I  shall  always  think  myself  happy  if  I  can 
contribute  in  any  manner  whatsoever  to  the  advancement  of  the 
American  army,  and  prove  a  useful  instrument  in  your  hands. 
As  it  will  take  a  few  days  for  the  general  officers  to  become  ac- 
quainted and  familiar  with  the  instructions  and  principles  here- 
tofore approved  of  and  established  by  your  Excellency,  and  for 


100      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  officers  and  soldiers  to  arrive  at  a  tolerable  degree  of  perfec- 
tion in  the  performance  of  the  evolutions  and  maneuvers  before 
practiced,  I  will  seize  this  opportunity  with  your  Excellency's 
leave,  to  take  a  short  journey  to  York,  there  to  settle  some  af- 
fairs with  my  friend.  Mr.  De  Francy,  and  take  my  leave  of  him 
before  he  goes  to  South  Carolina,  as  Congress  has  not  yet  come 
to  any  positive  determination  about  the  department.  If  your 
Excellency  foresees  that  I  can  be  of  some  use,  I  beg  you  will 
give  me  such  orders  and  directions  about  the  whole  as  you 
think  proper.  I  must  likewise  beseech  your  Excellency  to  give 
me  the  satisfaction  to  let  me  know  whether  you  are  satisfied,  as 
I  am,  with  the  officers  your  Excellency  has  appointed  under  me, 
and  whether  you  are  willing  to  have  them  continued  in  the  exer- 
cise of  that  office.  I  will  likewise  propose  to  your  Excellency 
the  reuniting  the  office  of  brigade  inspector  to  that  of  brigade 
major  with  the  denomination  of  brigade  majors,  which  officers 
will  be  taken  from  the  line  of  majors,  and  not  as  it  was  before, 
some  being  captains,  others  majors  or  colonels.  There  is  such 
an  analogy  between  both  offices  as  renders  it,  in  my  opinion, 
almost  indispensable  to  join  them  in  one  office,  were  it  but  to 
prevent  difficulties  naturally  arising  between  two  officers  acting 
in  two  different  analogous  departments,  between  which  there  is 
no  certain  line  drawn.  Upon  these  different  heads  I  beg  your 
Excellency's  opinions  and  orders. 

While  the  Baron  appears  thus  ready  to  accept  the 
situation  and  make  the  best  of  it,  the  opinion  of  compe- 
tent judges  is  that  the  army  suffered  by  the  change,  and 
although  much  had  been  accomplished  yet  it  would  have 
been  in  far  better  condition  to  accomplish  the  work  before 
it,  had  there  been  better  opportunity  for  the  Baron  to 
work  out  his  plans  in  his  own  way.  But  the  stirring 
events  which  were  now  to  follow  produced  such  an  en- 
tire change  in  the  state  of  affairs  as  to  put  the  whole 
question  of  drills  and  maneuvers  at  least  temporarily  in 
the  background. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH. 

Howe  Evacuates  Philadelphia — Movements  Across  New  Jersey; 
Battle  of  Monmouth  Court  House — Treason  of  Lee — 
Steuben's  Well-Drilled  Troops  Turn  Defeat  Into  Victory. 

By  the  middle  of  June  the  5,000  half  clothed,  half 
starved  motley  force  at  Valley  Forge  had  been  increased 
to  15,000  fairly  well  drilled  troops,  thanks  to  the  untiring 
energy  of  the  inspector  general.  The  French  alliance 
had  not  yet  brought  any  substantial  aid,  in  fact,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  first  effect  was  detrimental,  but  there  was  a 
feeling  of  encouragement  that  the  situation  on  the  whole 
had  been  bettered.  The  first  instinct  was  naturally  to- 
wards Philadelphia,  where  Lord  Howe  had  passed  a  very 
comfortable  winter.  Balls  and  dinners,  cards  and  other 
recreations  whiled  away  the  cold  months,  and  if  the  revel- 
lers thought  of  the  little  army  out  at  Valley  Forge,  it  was 
with  a  feeling  of  contempt  and  perhaps  a  determination 
to  go  and  clean  out  the  nest  as  soon  as  spring  opened. 
Washington  to  some  extent  did  interfere  with  supplies 
reaching  the  city  from  the  back  country,  but  Phliadelphia 
was  not  situated  on  a  peninsula  connected  by  a  narrow 
neck  with  the  mainland  as  was  Boston,  nor  was  the  Con- 
tinental force  as  large  as  in  the  other  case.  Then  in 
front  of  the  city  were  the  fertile  Jersey  farms,  and  so 
long  as  British  ships  commanded  the  Delaware  there  was 
little  danger  of  the  city  being  starved  out.  So  they  went 
along  with  their  gayeties  which  culminated  in  a  sort  of 
carnival  on  May  18  called  the  Michianza.  Among  those 
who  were  prominent  in  those  festivities  were  Miss  Mar- 
garet Shippen,  subsequently  the  wife  of  Benedict  Arnold, 


102    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

and  the  ill  fated  Major  Andre.  After  this  demonstration 
Lord  Howe  sailed  for  England  leaving  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton in  charge  of  the  invading  army.  When  the  latter 
heard  of  the  French  alliance  and  that  Count  D'Estaing 
was  approaching  with  a  strong  fleet,  he  was  alarmed  at 
the  prospect  of  losing  control  of  the  Delaware  in  front 
with  Washington  in  his  rear,  and  concluded  to  retreat 
towards  New  York.  The  movement  began  early  in 
June,  and  3,000  Tories  with  their  effects  having  been  sent 
around  by  water  the  army  began  its  retreat  across  New 
Jersey  encumbered  with  twelve  miles  of  baggage  wagons. 
The  rear  guard  left  Philadelphia  on  the  morning  of  the 
18th,  and  that  evening  American  troops  encamped  in  the 
city.  General  Arnold  was  placed  in  command  from  York, 
and  Philadelphia  once  more  became  the  capital. 

The  main  American  army  did  not  enter  Philadelphia, 
but  crossed  the  Delaware  into  New  Jersey,  at 
Corryell's  ferry  fifteen  miles  above  Trenton,  near 
where  Washington  had  crossed  on  Christmas  night, 
1776,  to  win  the  battle  of  Trenton.  Steuben  on  learning 
of  the  evacuation  and  that  the  army  had  moved,  left 
York  to  rejoin  it,  stopping  at  Philadelphia  en  route, 
where  he  was  joined  by  Duponceau.  Sanitary  matters 
received  littie  public  attention  in  those  days,  but  the 
British  authorities  seem  to  have  been  grossly  negligent 
even  for  that  period,  for  Duponceau  describes  the  city  as 
being  in  a  most  filthy  condition.  He  says,  "I  joined 
Baron  Steuben  at  the  State  House  in  Second  street,  the 
celebrated  boarding  house  so  much  spoken  of  in  Graydon's 
memoirs.  Such  was  the  filth  of  the  city  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  us  to  drink  a  comfortable  dish  of  tea  that 
evening.  As  fast  as  our  cups  were  filled  myraids  of  flies 
took  possession  of  them,  and  served  us  as  the  harpies  did 
the  poor  Trojans  in  the  AEneid.     Some  said  they  were 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  103 

Hessian  flies,  and  various  jokes  were  cracked  on  the  occa- 
sion, for  the  evacuation  of  the  city  had  put  us  all  in  good 
spirits,  and  we  enjoyed  ourselves  very  well,  the  filth  not- 
withstanding. The  next  day  a  house  was  provided  for  us 
in  New  street,  where  we  stayed  but  a  few  days,  being  anx- 
ious to  join  the  army.  That  quarter  of  the  city  was  then 
inhabited  almost  entirely  by  Germans;  hardly  any  other 
language  than  the  German  was  heard  in  the  streets,  or 
seen  on  the  signs  in  front  of  the  shops,  so  that  Baron 
Steuben  fancied  himself  again  in  his  native  country.  A 
great  number  of  the  inns  in  town  and  country  bore  the 
sign  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  was  very  popular,  espe- 
cially among  the  Germans.  We  were,  however,  not  capti- 
vated with  the  delights  of  Capua ;  we  bade  adieu  to  Phila- 
delphia and  all  its  German  attractions,  and  joined  General 
Washington's  army  in  New  Jersey." 

When  Clinton  left  Philadelphia  he  had  17,000  men,  a 
force  slightly  larger  than  that  of  the  Americans,  but  he 
was  hampered  by  the  long  wagon  train  already  mentioned, 
which  not  only  impeded  his  march  but  required  a  con- 
siderable force  for  its  protection.  He  crossed  the  river 
to  Gloucester  Point  opposite  the  lower  end  of  the  city, 
and  moved  eastward  to  Haddon  heights  and  Mount 
Holly,  the  latter  about  twenty-five  miles  east  of  the  pres- 
ent city  of  Camden.  From  here  there  were  two  routes  to 
New  York,  one  via  Brunswick  to  South  Amboy,  which 
would  bring  them  to  the  lower  New  York  bay,  and  the 
other  via  Freehold,  which  would  bring  them  to  Sandy 
Hook,  a  little  farther  from  their  ultimate  destination. 
There  was  very  little  difference  in  distance,  but  there  was 
enough  to  be  said  in  favor  of  the  northerly  route  to  make 
the  choice  doubtful  were  the  way  clear.  But  it  could  not 
be  said  to  be  clear.  Washington  was  twenty-five  or 
thirty  miles    above,    moving   on  almost    a   parallel  line. 


104    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Would  he  attack  Clinton  ?  was  the  question.  The  moment 
he  heard  of  the  preparation  for  evacuation  Washington 
determined  to  strike  a  blow,  notwithstanding  there  was 
some  disparity  of  strength  in  favor  of  the  British.  A 
council  of  war  was  called  on  the  17th,  at  which  Lee  de- 
clared the  enemy  would  move  south  and  it  was  not  advis- 
able to  attack.  What  motive  Clinton  could  have  for 
moving  south,  with  the  French  fleet  daily  expected  in  the 
Delaware,  is  not  discernable  at  this  late  day.  Neverthe- 
less, Lee  carried  all  the  generals  with  him  except  Greene, 
Lafayette,  Wayne  and  Cadwallader.  Washington  was 
not  deteYred,  but  pushed  across  the  river  as  above  related. 
There  he  sent  a  force  of  six  hundred  men  under  command 
of  Maxwell,  with  a  thousand  Jersey  militia  to  destroy 
the  roads,  a  work  in  which  they  were  as  much  at  home 
as  had  been  their  contemporaries  who  hampered  Bur- 
goyne's  army  the  preceding  Autumn.  Morgan  with  a 
force  of  six  hundred  men  was  ordered  to  annoy  the 
enemy's  flank  while  the  main  army  moved  to  Hopewell 
near  Princeton.  There  on  the  24th  another  council  was 
called  where  Lee  declared  that  they  should  rather  build 
a  bridge  of  gold  for  the  retreat  of  their  enemies  than 
attack  such  a  well  disciplined  army.  Lafayette  protested 
that  it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  allow  the  British  to  make 
their  way  unopposed  across  New  Jersey;  that  without 
extreme  risk  they  could  attack  the  rear,  and  take  advant- 
age of  anything  that  might  occur.  Steuben,  who  had 
again  reached  the  army,  concurred  in  this,  and  Washing- 
ton decided  to  follow  that  policy,  which  was  in  accord- 
ance with  his  own  views. 

In  order  to  a  full  understanding  of  these  and  subse- 
quent events  it  is  necessary  to  diverge  a  little  to  glance 
at  the  career  of  General  Charles  Lee,  who  will  occupy 
quite  a  prominent  place  in  the  following  pages.    He  was 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  105 

in  no  way  related  to  the  Virginia  Lees,  and  never  became 
an  American  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word.  He  was  born 
in  England  in  1731,  being  the  son  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
John  Lee  who  married  the  daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bun- 
bury,  and  afterwards  became  a  general.  Through  family 
influence  he  received  a  commission  when  only  eleven 
years  of  age,  and  although  his  education  was  not  thorough 
he  became  quite  a  linguist.  When  twenty-four  years  old 
he  commanded  a  company  of  grenadiers  in  the  44th 
British  infantry,  which  took  part  in  the  French  and  In- 
dian war  along  the  New  York  border.  He  became  so 
familiar  with  Johnson's  Mohawk  warriors  that  he  was 
adopted  into  one  of  the  tribes  under  the  name  of  Boiling 
Water.  He  was  shot  through  the  body  while  assaulting 
the  French  breastworks  at  Ticonderaga,  but  was  present 
in  the  next  campaign  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Niagara,  which 
was  successful.  Afterwards  he  took  a  military  journey 
across  Lake  Erie,  and  down  the  Allegheny  river  (then 
called  the  Ohio)  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  back  seven  hundred 
miles  across  the  country  to  Crown  Point.  Here  he  joined 
General  Amherst  and  remained  with  him  until  Canada 
was  conquered.  Two  years  later  as  a  colonel  he  served 
under  General  Burgoyne  in  Portugal,  where  he  won  some 
renown  by  capturing  an  old  Moorish  castle  which  had 
been  occupied  by  the  Spaniards.  Being  quite  as  ready 
with  pen  as  with  sword  he  became  mixed  up  in  English 
politics,  and  like  Wilkes,  was  soon  out  of  favor  with  the 
government.  Seeing  there  was  no  chance  of  advance- 
ment at  home  he  concluded  to  go  to  Poland,  where  war 
was  anticipated.  Stopping  to  see  Frederick  the  Great  en 
route  he  discussed  American  affairs  with  that  King,  and 
on  arriving  at  Warsaw  secured  the  appointment  as  aide 
to  Stanislaus  Augustus,  who  had  been  elected  King  of 
Poland.     The  latter  was  not  strong  enough  to  engage  in 


106     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

war  at  that  time,  and  at  the  King's  suggestion  he  accom- 
pained  the  Polish  ambassador  to  Constantinople,  meeting 
with  almost  as  many  adventures  as  the  redoubtable  Cap- 
tain John  Smith.  By  1766  he  was  back  in  England  with 
a  letter  from  the  King  Stanislaus,  favoring  his  appoint- 
ment to  some  military  duty.  But  the  ministry  turned  a 
cold  shoulder  to  him,  and  in  1768  he  again  left  for  Poland 
where  he  expected  to  get  a  command  in  the  Russian  ser- 
vice, which  he  evidently  did  not  consider  inconsistent 
with  his  previous  relations  with  Stanislaus,  in  fact  it  was 
apparently  with  the  approval  of  the  latter.  Writing  in 
anticipation  of  his  new  position  he  says :  "I  am  to  have 
command  of  Cossacks  and  Wallacks,  a  kind  of  people  I 
have  a  good  opinion  of.  I  am  determined  not  to  serve  in 
the  line.  One  might  as  well  be  a  church  warden."  The 
next  year  he  was  given  the  rank  of  major  general  in  the 
Russian  army,  which  crossed  into  Moldavia,  where  oc- 
curred a  battle  with  the  Turks  near  Chotzim  in  which 
Lee's  Cossacks  suffered  severely.  The  conflict  was  doubt- 
ful, but  the  threatened  approach  of  another  Turkish  army 
of  17,000  men  caused  the  Russians  to  retreat,  and  the 
campaign  was  abandoned.  After  this  Lee  spent  some- 
time traveling  over  Europe,  being  afflicted  with  rheuma- 
tism, gout  and  "Hungarian  fever,"  and  was  mixed  up  in 
several  duels,  in  one  of  which  he  killed  his  antagonist. 
He  continued  his  attacks  in  the  public  press  upon  the 
British  ministry,  wielding  a  caustic  pen,  and  for  a  while 
he  was  suspected  of  being  the  author  of  the  celebrated 
Junius  letters.  Coming  to  America  in  1773,  he  took  up 
the  cause  of  the  colonies,  not  because  he  cared  anything 
for  the  Americans  or  their  principles,  but  as  a  means  of 
getting  even  with  the  then  British  ministry.  His  Euro- 
pean adventures,  of  which  we  have  given  only  the  merest 
outline,  naturally  gave  him  considerable  prestige,  and  it 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  107 

was  generally  considered  that  he  would  be  a  most  valua- 
ble acquisition  to  the  patriot  cause.  The  two  foci  of  dis- 
affection were  Virginia  and  Massachusetts.  While  mat- 
ters in  the  latter  colony  were  rapidly  converging  to  a  dra- 
matic climax,  in  the  former  the  whole  community  was 
preparing  for  the  crisis  which  her  statesmen  foresaw 
could  not  much  longer  be  delayed.  The  natural  leader 
and  adviser  in  this  condition  of  affairs  was  Washington, 
and  visitors  to  Mount  Vernon  to  discuss  public  affairs 
were  both  frequent  and  numerous.  Among  them  were 
Charles  Lee  and  Horatio  Gates,  both  natives  of  England, 
and  the  latter  the  reputed  son  of  a  captain  in  the  British 
army,  although  it  has  been  hinted  that  his  father  was  an 
English  peer.  He  was  a  volunteer  under  General  Edward 
Cornwallis.  Governor  of  Halifax,  was  wounded  in  the 
Braddock  campaign,  served  in  the  West  Indies,  and  aft- 
erwards in  a  troop  known  as  the  Royal  Americans.  He 
desired,  however,  a  better  office,  but  failing  to  secure  it 
he  left  London  for  America  in  1772  as  deeply  soured 
against  the  British  ministry  as  Lee,  with  whom  his  career 
furnishes  a  very  close  parallel,  although  he  never  went  to 
the  length  of  selling  out  to  the  English.  Gates  purchased 
an  estate  in  Berkeley  County,  Virginia,  where  Lee  also 
came  and  settled  on  an  adjoining  tract.  Both  of  these 
gentlemen  having  had  considerable  experience  in  military 
affairs  their  visit  was  no  doubt  quite  welcome  to  Wash- 
ington, but,  as  Irving  remarks,  "It  is  doubtful  whether 
the  visits  of  Lee  were  as  interesting  to  Mrs.  Washington 
as  to  the  general.  He  was  whimsical,  eccentric,  and  at 
times  almost  rude;  negligent  also,  and  slovenly  in  person 
and  attire,  for  though  he  had  occasionally  associated  with 
kings  and  princes,  he  had  also  campaigned  with  Mohawks 
and  Cossacks,  and  seems  to  have  relished  their  'good 
breeding.'    What  was  still  more  annoying  in  a  well  regu- 


108     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

lated  mansion,  he  was  always  followed  by  a  legion  of 
dogs  which  shared  his  affections  with  his  horses,  and  took 
their  seats  by  him  when  at  table.  'I  must  have  some  ob- 
ject to  embrace/  said  he,  misanthropically,  'when  I  can 
be  convinced  that  men  are  as  worthy  objects  as  dogs,  I 
shall  transfer  my  benevolence,  and  become  as  staunch  a 
philanthropists  as  the  canting  Addison  affected  to  be.'  " 

What  the  Americans  wanted,  however,  or  thought  they 
wanted,  were  trained  soldiers  without  regard  to  their  so- 
cial qualities,  so  on  the  outbreak  of  the  hostilities  Lee  was 
welcomed  to  the  army  at  the  inflated  value  which  he  set 
upon  himself.  He  was  made  second  major  general  by  Con- 
gress, thus  placing  General  Ward  the  only  one  between 
him  and  Washington,  and  was  sent  to  assist  in  the  siege 
of  Boston.  Here  he  chiefly  distinguished  himself  by 
opening  correspondence  with  the  British  authorities  in 
that  city,  but  the  Massachusetts  Congress  promptly  re- 
pudiated him  as  a  negotiator.  Desiring  a  separate  com- 
mand Washington  assigned  him  to  New  York,  then 
threatened  by  the  British,  where  he  carried  matters  with 
a  high  hand.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  who  with  two  companies 
of  infantry  and  a  few  Highlanders  had  anchored  in  the 
harbor,  moved  down  the  bay,  and  on  January  11th,  1776, 
disappeared.  This  bloodless  victory  raised  Lee  higher 
than  ever  in  public  opinion,  as  well  as  in  his  own  conceit. 
He  wrote  to  Washington,  "When  I  leave  this  place  the 
provincial  Congress  will  relapse  into  their  hysterics,  the 
men  of  war  will  return  to  their  wharfs,  and  the  first  regi- 
ments from  England  will  take  quiet  possession  of  the 
town." 

On  March  1st  Congress,  to  the  relief  of  Washington 
who  had  already  discovered  him  to  be  both  "violent  and 
fickle,"  placed  Lee  in  command  of  the  forces  south  of  the 
Potomac,  and  on  the  7th  he  left  for  that  section.     He 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  109 

went  to  Charleston,  S.  C,  which  was  threatened  with  an 
attack  from  the  sea,  where  his  principal  occupation  seems 
to  have  been  to  ridicule  a  palmetto  fort  which  Colonel 
Moultrie  had  erected  on  Sullivan's  island,  and  advise  its 
abandonment.  Moultrie,  however,  held  on  to  the  fort, 
and  repulsed  the  British  fleet  and  army  with  such  success 
that  the  expedition  sailed  back  to  New  York,  not  to  re- 
turn until  more  than  two  years  after.  Coming  north,  and 
apapropriating  to  himself  the  honors  won  by  Colonel 
Moultrie,  a  prototype  of  some  of  our  Civil  War  generals, 
Lee  took  part  in  the  retreat  from  New  York,  more  than 
once  disobeying  the  orders  of  Washington  and  thus  im- 
periling the  safety  of  the  entire  army.  By  the  resigna- 
tion of  Ward  he  had  become  senior  major  general,  and 
by  the  death  or  other  displacement  of  Washington  he 
would  become  the  general  in  chief.  To  this  end  he  culti- 
vated disaffection  which  was  already  bordering  on  trea- 
son. He  even  wrote  letters  hinting  that  he  might  accom- 
plish something  of  importance  were  he  made  dictator,  if 
only  for  a  short  time. 

While  these  movements  were  going  on  across  New 
Jersey,  Lee  spent  a  night  at  a  tavern  four  miles  from 
Moristown.  The  next  morning  he  wrote  a  confidential 
letter  to  Gates,  saying,  among  other  things,  that  "a  cer- 
tain great  man  is  most  damnably  deficient. "  He  had 
barely  finished  the  letter  when  a  party  of  thirty  British 
dragoons  surrounded  the  house,  and  carried  him  off 
dressed  only  in  a  flannel  dressing  gown  and  slippers.  He 
was  alarmed  lest  he  might  be  treated  as  a  deserter,  having 
been  an  officer  in  the  British  army,  fears  which  his  cap- 
tors took  no  means  to  allay.  Had  they  only  known  it 
the  capture  of  Lee  was  the  greatest  blessing  that  could 
have  happened  to  the  Americans,  and  had  they  been  wise 
they  would  have  left  him  to  his  fate.     But  they  did  not 


110     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

know  this,  and  the  occurrence  was  regarded  as  one  more 
added  to  the  list  of  disasters.  In  truth  everything  looked 
desperate,  only  Washington  retained  his  poise,  until  the 
battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  again  revived  the  droop- 
ing spirits  of  the  patriots.  In  the  meantime  Lee  was  con- 
fined a  prisoner  in  New  York  City  Hall,  not  without 
danger  of  the  halter,  in  which  situation  Sir  William 
Howe  was  very  willing  to  place  him.  He  concluded, 
however,  to  write  home  for  instructions,  and  was  ordered 
to  send  Lee  to  England  for  trial.  He  was  already  on 
board  ship,  when  Washington,  hearing  of  these  proceed- 
ings notified  Lord  Howe  that  he  held  five  Hessian  officers 
as  hostages  for  Lee's  safety,  and  no  further  exchanges 
would  be  made  until  he  was  assured  that  Lee  would  be 
treated  as  prisoner  of  war.  While  all  this  was  going  on 
a  full  year  passed  away  and  Lee  had  made  up  his  mind  to 
"sell  out."  His  treason,  which  was  not  discovered  until 
eighty  years  after,  and  consequently  was  unknown  to  his 
contemporaries  and  the  early  historians,  was  worse  than 
that  of  Arnold's  because  it  was  without  provocation, 
deliberate,  selfish  and  cold  blooded.  He  first  induced  the 
Howes  to  believe  that  he  had  some  influence  with  Con- 
gress, which  might  induce  that  body  to  consider  peace 
proposals  on  the  basis  of  return  to  their  former  allegiance, 
and  by  permission  sent  a  letter  requesting  that  a  commit- 
tee be  sent  to  confer  with  him.  This  communication  was 
treated  with  contempt,  and  Lee's  next  step  was  to  suggest 
a  plan  of  campaign  by  which  the  British  might  move  on 
and  capture  Philadelphia.  He  declared  that  the  people  of 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  were  "loyal,"  and  if  Howe 
were  once  in  possession  of  the  rebel  capital  he  could  dic- 
tate terms  to  the  Americans.  To  this  end  he  suggested 
that  14,000  men  should  be  ordered  to  drive  Washington 
out  of  New  Jersey,  and  4,000  should  sail  for  Chesapeake 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  111 

bay,  and  capture  Annapolis  and  Alexandria.  The  plausi- 
bility of  the  schem  appealed  to  the  Howes,  and  had  they 
been  able  to  carry  it  out  with  the  rapidity  that  was  in- 
tended Philadelphia  would  have  fallen  in  June  instead  of 
the  latter  part  of  September,  and  a  sufficient  force  could 
have  been  detached  up  the  Hudson  to  co-operate  with 
Burgoyne.  But  Washington's  admirable  tactics  defeated 
their  plan,  and  although  Howe  entered  the  ''rebel  capi- 
tal" and  spent  the  winter  there  the  victory  was  in  the 
main  a  barren  one,  while  the  failure  to  relieve  Burgoyne 
insured  his  capture  which  was  followed  by  the  French 
alliance.  Of  course  nothing  was  known  of  Lee's  treason 
in  the  American  camp,  and  the  British  General  Prescott 
having  been  captured  Lee's  jailors,  knowing  he  would  be 
useful  to  them  in  the  American  army  while  as  a  prisoner 
he  was  simply  a  nuisance,  gladly  gave  him  in  exchange 
for  Prescott  after  having  paid  him  1,100  guineas  for  his 
services.  Pie  arrived  at  Valley  Forge  in  May,  and,  as  we 
have  seen,  immediately  began  putting  all  sorts  of  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  Washington's  plan  for  breaking  up  Clin- 
ton's army. 

Desiring  to  get  some  definite  information  as  to  Clin- 
ton's movements  Washington  now  detailed  Steuben  to 
make  a  reconnaisance,  and  the  latter  on  June  25  discov- 
ered that  the  British  were  moving  toward  Monmouth 
Court  House  (afterwards  known  as  Freehold),  and 
Sandy  Hook.  A  dispatch  to  Brigadier  General  Scott  in- 
timated that  the  British  were  on  the  direct  road  to  Mon- 
mouth Court  House,  and  suggesting  that  the  latter  ad- 
vance his  corps  to  Hightstown  a  neighboring  village,  sit- 
uated as  its  name  indicated  on  a  rising  ground,  also  mak- 
ing the  further  suggestion  that  this  information  be  com- 
municated to  the  other  officers.  While  Clinton  had  the 
start  of  Washington  from  Philadelphia,  yet  he  had  the 


112     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

longer  journey,  and  was  doubtless  hindered  by  the 
greater  quantity  of  impedimenta,  so  that  he  did  not  reach 
Monmouth  Court  House  (Freehold)  until  June  27,  with 
Steuben  close  on  his  heels.  On  the  morning  of  that  day 
the  latter  encamped  a  couple  of  miles  to  the  left  of  the 
Court  House,  and  at  noon  sent  the  following  dispatch  to 
Washington  who  was  pushing  forward  with  the  main 
army  three  miles  in  the  rear : 

We  arrived  here  this  morning,  and  it  being  the  best  position 
we  can  find  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  enemy  have  remained; 
we  have  advanced  our  parties  so  near  as  to  fire  a  pistol  at  their 
horsemen  while  feeding  their  horses.  They  now  lay  encamped, 
one  line  on  the  main  road  by  the  court  house,  and  another  line 
extended  on  their  left  from  the  head  of  the  column,  which  is  not 
advanced  150  paces  beyond  the  court  house,  having  sent  a  man 
there  to  discover;  they  have  some  tents  pitched,  and  their 
horses  are  at  pasture,  and  have  not  the  least  appearance  of  mov- 
ing. When  we  first  arrived  here,  they  had  a  party  of  infantry 
posted  in  a  wood  on  their  left  and  about  five  hundred  paces  in 
our  front,  from  which  we  could  discover  several  detachments  to 
go  to  the  adjacent  houses,  two  of  which  they  have  burnt,  viz.: 
Colonel  Henderson's  and  Mr.  Wickoff's.  So  soon  as  they  move, 
I  shall  endeavor  to  discover  their  route,  and  immediately  ac- 
quaint you. 

Steuben  was  not  without  adventures  while  obtaining 
this  information.  Once  while  alone  in  a  field  he  noticed 
two  horsemen  coming  from  a  neighboring  wood,  which 
he  knew  by  their  uniform  to  be  British  soldiers.  He  at 
once  discharged  his  pistols,  and  turning  his  horse,  he 
leaped  a  fence,  and  successfully  reached  camp,  losing  his 
hat,  however,  by  the  way,  a  feat  that  was  afterwards 
emulated  successfully  by  Sumter  in  North  Carolina.  Al- 
though the  horsemen  yelled  to  him  to  stop  they  did  not 
fire  at  him,  for  the  reason  given  below.  Steuben's  two 
aides  had  approached  the  British  lines  nearer  than  Steu- 
ben, and  he  supposed  they  were  captured,  but  while  mak- 
ing his  report  to  Washington  the  aides,  one  of  them, 
Benjamin  Walker,  put  in  an  appearance.    "How  is  this  ?" 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  113 

exclaimed  the  Baron,  "I  thought  you  were  taken  prison- 
er?" "O,  no,"  replied  Walker,  "they  were  intent  on  the 
high  prize  and  overlooked  us."  "Have  you  brought  my 
hat?"  was  next  inquiry.  "O  no,  Baron,  we  had  no  time." 
The  next  evening  a  prisoner  being  brought  to  headquar- 
ters saw  the  Baron,  and  said,  "I  believe,  General,  I  had 
the  honor  of  seeing  you  yesterday,  and  thought  to  get  a 
more  splendid  prize  than  your  hat."  "Why  did  you  not 
fire?"  said  the  Baron,  to  which  the  other  replied,  "You 
were  recognized  by  General  Knyphausen,  and  our  orders 
were  rather  to  take  you,  if  we  could  do  it  without  harm- 
ing you." 

The  accompanying  diagram  shows  the  movement  of 
the  two  armies  across  the  state  of  New  Jersey,  the  south- 
erly line  from  Gloucester  Point  through  Haddonfield, 
Mt.  Holly,  Crosswicks,  Allentown,  Freehold  (Mon- 
mouth) and  Middletown  to  Port  Monmouth  indicating 
Clinton's  march,  and  the  northerly  one  through  Hope  .veil, 
Hightstown  and  Englishtown  indicating  Washington's. 
On  the  night  of  the  27th  General  Knyphausen  had  passed 
through  Monmouth  conveying  the  wagon  train.  It  was 
the  right  wing  of  the  British  army  about  6,000  strong, 
and  encamped  on  the  Middletown  road  just  beyond  the 
Monmouth  village  as  indicated  by  figure  1  of  the  diagram. 
Clinton's  left  wing  numbering  some  8,000,  stopped  be- 
fore entering  the  village  as  indicated  by  figure  2.  Lee 
with  the  American  advance  was  five  miles  northeast  of  the 
British  line  at  a  point  indicated  by  figure  3,  while  Wash- 
ington with  the  main  army  was  at  Englishtown,  three 
miles  behind  (figure  4).  Now  was  the  time  to  fight,  if 
ever.  Clinton's  anxiety  to  avoid  a  battle  was  one  of  the 
best  indications  of  American  success,  provided  the  mat- 
ter was  properly  handled.  Although  Lee  was  second  in 
command,  yet  his  churlishness,  and  his  refusal  to  advance 


Ill     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VCtt 

on  the  ground  that  he  would  surely  be  defeated,  had  in- 
duced Washington  to  put  Lafayette  in  Iris  place.  But  on 
the  27th  Lee  repented  his  position,  and  probably  with  the 
view  of  being  better  able  to  carry  out  his  traitorous  de- 
signs petulantly  complained  of  mistreatment,  and  asked 
to  be  restored  to  his  command.  As  he  had  not  yet  lost  his 
reputation  in  the  country,  although  Washington  had  be- 
gun to  distrust  him,  it  was  decided  to  give  him  back  his 
place,  and  the  general  wrote  to  Lafayette  requesting  his 
withdrawal,  adding,  "my  fortune  and  my  honor  are  in 
your  hands;  you  are  too  generous  to  ruin  one  or  the 
other."  Lafayette  generously  acceded,  and  Lee  was 
placed  in  charge  of  the  advance.  The  Aveather  had  been 
very  warm  for  several  days,  interfering  somewhat  with 
energetic  operations,  but  at  noon  on  the  27th,  Washing- 
ton called  a  general  council,  with  instructions  to  prepare 
at  once  for  an  engagement  the  next  morning. 

We  have  seen  that  through  Steuben's  efforts  infor- 
mation was  at  hand  regarding  the  exact  whereabouts  of 
the  enemy.  Details  of  the  plan  of  attack  were  left  to  Lee, 
but  when  Lafayette,  Wayne  and  Maxwell  called  on  him 
for  orders  he  had  none  to  give,  no  plan  of  action  was 
formed,  nor  did  he  make  any  preparations  even  to  the  ex- 
tent of  familiarizing  himself  with  the  field  ot  action. 
That  night  he  was  ordered  by  Washington  to  detach  a 
party  of  skirmishers  to  delay  the  British  if  they  should 
attempt  to  retreat,  but  he  lay  quietly  in  camp,  doing 
nothing. 

At  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  Washing- 
ton learned  that  the  British  army  had  begun  to  move  from 
Monmouth  towards  the  coast.  He  ordered  Lee  to  attack 
at  once,  and  he  would  be  prompt  in  sustaining  him.  Lee 
hesitated  and  moved  so  slowly  that  Cornwallis  with  the 
left  wing  had  passed  through  Monmouth  towards  Middle- 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  115 

town  when  he  found  himself  flanked  by  the  Americans, 
with  Lee  immediately  on  the  north,  Wayne  close  behind, 
and  Lafayette,  who  had  come  through  Monmouth,  threat- 
ening him  on  the  south.  Menaced  on  three  sides  it  seemed 
that  Cornwallis  was  doomed,  but  Lee  would  neither  make 
the  attack  himself  nor  suffer  his  subordinates  to  do  so. 
Lafayette  insisted  on  attacking-  but  to  this  Lee  replied: 
"You  don't  know  the  British  soldiers,  we  cannot  stand 
against  them."  Whereupon  Lafayette  sent  a  dispatch  to 
Washington  that  his  presence  was  needed  on  he  field  at 
once,  and  Laurens  sent  two  similar  messages.  At  last 
securing  orders,  or  rather  permission,  to  attack  the  ene- 
my's left  Lafayette  started,  but  before  traversing  one- 
fourth  the  distance  he  received  counter  orders  for  his  re- 
turn. Wayne  also  started  to  make  a  charge,  but  received 
orders  to  make  only  a  feint.  The  result  of  all  this  an 
hour  or  two  were  spent  in  marching  and  counter-march- 
ing with  finally  a  complete  halt,  thus  giving  the  British 
ample  time  to  reform  their  columns  to  either  resist  a  front 
attack  or  charge  upon  the  Americans  in  turn.  This  nat- 
urally caused  some  indioT\ant  comment,  and  to  an  officer 
Lee  said :  "I  have  orders  from  Congress  and  the  com- 
mander in  chief  not  to  engage/'  a  most  palpable  false- 
hood. By  this  time  Clinton  had  gotten  his  wagon  train 
well  out  of  the  way  protected  by  Knyphausen,  who  had 
sent  back  reinforcements  to  Cornwallis.  It  was  now 
about  8  o'clock  when  Clinton  turned  a  force  against  Lee 
consisting  of  two  regiments  of  cavalry,  with  grenadiers, 
guards  and  Highlanders,  a  body  which  should  have  beer 
repulsed,  but  to  everybody's  astonishment  Lee  directed  a 
retreat.  No  good  reason  being  apparent  this  argued 
some  unknown  danger  which  created  a  panicky  feeling 
among  the  troops.  The  order  was  still  good,  however, 
with  no  serious  confusion,  thanks  to  training  which  had 


116     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

been  given  by  Baron  Steuben,  until  Lee  directed  them 
across  a  causeway  which  spanned  a  marshy  ravine. 
Crowded  into  a  narrow  space  the  ranks  were  thrown  into 
disorder  and  men  were  falling  from  heat  more  than  from 
British  bullets,  until  on  the  westerly  side  the  retreat  be- 
came a  complete  rout.  Here  they  met  Washington,  at 
the  point  indicated  by  figure  7  in  the  diagram.  The  latter 
demanded  of  Lee,  "What  is  the  meaning  of  this?"  The 
traitor  stammered,  "Sir — Sir!"  The  question  was  re- 
peated when  Lee  said  "You  know  the  attack  was  contrary 
to  my  advice  and  opinion."  Tradition  relates  that  this 
was  one  of  two  occasions  when  the  Father  of  His  Coun- 
try was  known  to  swear.  Certain  it  is  he  used  very  ener- 
getic language  in  telling  Lee  that  he  should  not  have 
taken  the  command  unless  he  intended  to  fight.  Lee  still 
protested  that  he  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  bring  on  a 
general  engagement,  but  was  sharply  interrupted  by 
Washington  with,  "I  expect  my  orders  to  be  obeyed," 
Lee  was  ordered  to  the  rear,  and  Washington  set  to  worV 
at  the  perilous  task  of  reforming  the  lines  in  the  face  of 
the  advancing  enemy. 

It  was  the  first  time  the  American  troops  had  to  face 
such  a  problem,  and  now  was  demonstrated  the  value  of 
the  four  months'  training  given  by  Baron  Steuben.  Ban- 
croft says  that  even  Laurens  hoped  for  no  more  than  an 
orderly  retreat,  and  Hamilton's  thought  was  to  die  on  the 
spot,  while  Lee  sitting  idly  on  his  horse  in  the  rear  re- 
marked to  bystanders  that  "the  attempt  was  madness, 
and  could  not  be  successful."  But,  lc  and  behold,  the  dis- 
organized mob  in  response  to  orders  immediately  wheeled 
and  formed  under  fire  with  as  much  coolness  and  preci- 
sion as  they  could  have  shown  on  parade,  and  while  they 
stopped  the  enemy's  progress,  Washington  rode  back  and 
brought  up  the  main  body  of  the  army. 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  117 

Steuben  commanded  the  left  wing,  and  in  his  subse- 
quent deposition  before  the  Lee  court  martial  he  relates 
some  of  the  incidents  of  that  day.  "After  reconnoitering," 
he  says,  "I  returned  from  Monmouth,  in  order  to  make 
my  report  to  the  commander  in  chief,  whom  I  found  at 
Englishtown.  Having  seen  that  the  enemy  was  march- 
ing and  doubting  of  our  being  able  to  overtake  them,  and 
having  seen  nothing  in  my  way  but  some  militia,  which 
followed  at  some  distance,  I  stopped  at  a  house  in  English- 
town  to  take  some  rest,  where  I  stayed  about  an  hour  and 
a  half.  I  afterwards  continued  my  road  to  meet  the  com- 
mander in  chief.  On  my  way  I  heard  several  firings  of 
cannon,  and  made  the  greatest  haste  to  arrive  near  the 
general,  whom  I  found  on  the  high  ground,  beginning  to 
form  the  troops  as  they  arrived.  It  was  there  I  saw 
General  Lee's  division  retreating  in  great  disorder,  fol- 
lowed by  the  enemy,  whose  strength  I  conceived  to  be 
1,500  men  of  infantry,  and  about  150  horse. 

"As  I  was  employed  in  placing  a  battery,  General 
Lee  passed  by  me,  without  speaking  to  one  another.  About 
a  quarter  of  an  hour  after,  the  commander  in  chief  or- 
dered me  to  stop  the  retreating  troops  and  form  them  to- 
ward Englishtown.  I  sent  some  officers  forward  to  stop 
the  men,  and  I  went  there  myself,  accompanied  by  Mr. 
Ternant  and  my  aides-de-camp  to  form  them.  As  I  passed 
through  Englishtown  I  found  General  Lee  on  horseback 
before  a  house.  He  asked  me  where  I  was  going.  I  ac- 
quainted him  with  my  orders,  upon  which  he  said  to  me 
that  he  was  very  glad  of  my  having  taken  that  charge 
upon  me  for  he  was  tired  out.  I  assembled  part  of  Gen- 
eral Maxwell's  brigade  and  part  of  General  Scott's  de- 
tachment, which  I  formed  behind  the  creek  of  English- 
town.  General  Maxwell  was  himself  there.  Scarce  had 
the  troops  taken  their  position,  when  General  Patterson 


118     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

arrived  with  three  brigades  of  the  second  line  and  de- 
sired to  know  where  he  was  to  be  stationed.  I  placed  his 
three  brigades  a  little  more  in  the  rear  on  a  high  ground, 
and  I  established  a  battery  on  the  right  wing,  in  front  of 
the  second  brigade  of  General  Smallwood.  The  cannon- 
ade continued  more  or  less  briskly  till  past  five  o'clock. 
Half  an  hour  after  it  had  cleared,  Colonel  Gemat  arrived 
and  brought  me  an  order  from  the  commander  in  chief 
that  the  enemy  was  retreating  in  confusion,  and  that  I 
should,  therefore,  bring  him  a  reinforcement.  I  ordered 
General  Maxwell  to  take  the  command  of  the  troops  I 
had  placed  behind  the  creek,  and  to  remain  there  till  fur- 
ther orders.  I  then  marched  off  with  the  three  brigades 
of  the  second  line.  As  I  passed  through  Englishtown  I 
again  met  General  Lee,  who  asked  me  where  I  was  going. 
I  imparted  him  the  order  I  had  received  from  the  general 
in  chief,  which  I  declared  in  the  very  expressions  of  Col- 
onel Gemat,  that  the  enemy  was  retreating  with  confu- 
sion. LTpon  the  word  'Confusion,'  he  took  me  up  and 
paid,  'that  they  were  only  resting  themselves,  but'  said 
he  afterward,  'I  am  sure  there  is  some  misunderstanding 
in  your  being  sent  to  advance  with  these  troops.'  I  told 
him  that  I  had  received  the  order  from  Mr.  Gemat.  I 
ordered,  however,  General  Muhlenberg  to  halt,  and  sent 
for  Captain  Walker,  my  aide-de-camp,  who  repeated,  in 
the  presence  of  General  Lee,  the  order  which  Colonel  Ge- 
mat had  brought  me.  'Then,'  said  he,  'You  are  to  march,' 
and  I  went  on  with  the  troops." 

The  British  were  now  driven  back  across  the  ravine 
over  which  Lee  had  retreated,  the  principal  action  being 
at  figure  5  indicated  in  the  diagram,  with  an  American 
battery  at  figure  6  playing  at  their  right.  Darkness  check- 
ed the  pursuit,  and  the  Americans  lay  on  their  arms  all 
night,  expecting  to  renew  the  conflict  in  the  morning.  But 


MONMOUTH  BATTUE  GROUND. 

View  from  Wayne's  position  when  Monckton  fell.  Old 
parsonage  on  left  occupied  during  battle  by  Freeman. 
Beyond  the  house  right  and  left  was  the  morass,  with 
elevations  in  the  distance  where  Washington's  army  was 
drawn  up.  The  British  grenadiers  were  on  the  elevation 
on  the  extreme  right,  and  two  figures  in  the  open  field  show  where  Mocckton   fell. 


STEUBEN'S   HEADQUARTERS  AT  MIDDLEBROOKE. 
Wings  have  since  been  added. 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  119 

at  midnight  Clinton  withdrew  his  troops  leaving  his  dead 
unburied,  his  wounded,  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans, 
and  hurriedly  retreated  to  Middletown  where  his  two 
wings  were  again  united. 

On  the  American  side  there  were  3G2  killed  and 
wounded,  and  on  the  British,  over  400,  while  over  2,000 
deserted  before  and  after  the  battle. 

While  the  treachery  of  Lee  prevented  what  might 
have  proved  the  practical  annihilation  of  Clinton's  army, 
yet  the  fruits  of  the  battle  were  decidedly  with  the  Ameri- 
cans. It  demonstrated  their  ability  to  withstand  the 
trained  levies  of  Europe,  and  once  more  confined  the 
British  to  the  occupancy  of  New  York  and  a  post  on 
Rhode  Island.  Had  the  French  fleet  come  up  to  expecta- 
tions Clinton's  army  might  still  have  been  captured  and 
the  war  ended  then  and  there.  But  Count  d'Estaing  did 
not  arrive  at  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  until  July  8,  too 
late  to  intercept  Lord  Howe's  vessels,  and  two  of  the 
largest  ships  could  not  get  over  the  bar  at  New  York,  so 
an  expedition  to  Newport  was  planned,  which  turned  out 
a  failure. 

On  receiving  British  reports  Frederick  the  Great  ex- 
claimed: "Clinton  gained  no  advantage  except  to  reach 
New  York  with  the  wreck  of  his  army.  America  is 
probably  lost  to  England."  Alexander  Hamilton  after- 
wards remarked  that  he  had  never  known  or  conceived 
the  value  of  military  discipline  till  that  day,  and  this  with 
numerous  other  expressions  which  might  be  quoted,  testi- 
fied to  the  skill  and  thoroughness  with  which  the  Baron 
had  done  his  work. 

The  battle  was  over,  and  Lee's  traitorous  project  had 
cignally  failed.  With  characteristic  impudence,  however, 
the  next  day  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Washington  demanding 
an  apology  for  the  language  used  by  the  general  on  the 


120     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

battlefield.  Washington  replied  that  what  he  had  said 
was  dictated  by  duty  and  warranted  by  the  occasion,  and 
adding  that  as  soon  as  possible  Lee  should  have  the  op- 
portunity of  justifying  himself  to  the  army,  to  Congress, 
to  America  and  to  the  world  in  general,  or  of  convincing 
them  that  he  was  guilty  of  a  breach  of  orders  and  of  mis- 
behavior before  the  enemy,  in  not  attacking  them  as  he 
had  been  directed,  and  in  making  an  unnecessary,  dis- 
orderly and  shameful  retreat.  To  this  Lee  answered, 
"You  cannot  afford  me  greater  pleasure  than  in  giving 
me  the  opportunity  of  showing  to  America  the  sufficiency 
of  her  respective  servants.  I  trust  that  temporary  power 
of  office  and  the  tinsel  dignity  attending  it  will  not  be  able, 
by  all  the  mists  they  can  raise,  to  obfuscate  the  bright  rays 
of  truth." 

It  has  long  been  said  that  whom  the  gods  would  de- 
story  they  first  made  mad,  and  in  Lee's  case  he  had  been 
so  flattered  and  cajoled  that  he  had  no  doubt  brought 
himself  to  the  belief  that  in  such  a  controversy  with 
Washington  he  would  come  out  ahead.  Lee  was  at  once 
placed  under  arrest  and  a  court  martial  convened,  which, 
after  a  month's  investigation  found  him  guilty  of  disobe- 
dience of  orders  in  not  attacking  the  enemy,  misbehavior 
on  the  field  in  making  an  unnecessary  and  shameful  re- 
treat, and  gross  disrespect  to  the  commander  in  chief. 
His  sentence,  which  in  any  European  army  at  that  time 
would  have  been  death,  was  toned  down  to  the  exceeding- 
ly mild  punishment  of  suspension  for  one  year.  This  was 
no  doubt  due  to  the  belief  that  he  had  simply  lost  his 
judgment  through  excitement.  Had  the  commission 
known  that  his  pockets  were  still  distended  with  British 
gold  in  payment  for  his  treason  he  would,  of  course,  have 
not  gotten  off  so  easily. 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  121 

We  have  noticed  that  Steuben  was  one  of  the  wit- 
nesses before  the  court  martial  which  was  the  cause  of 
some  caustic  comments  by  Lee,  that  gentleman  not  having 
yet  learned  by  experience  the  art  of  holding  his  tongue. 
This  roused  Steuben's  ire  to  such  an  extent  that  he  sent 
Lee  the  following  note  dated  Philadelphia,  December  2, 
1778: 

It  has  been  reported  to  me,  sir,  that  in  your  defense  you 
have  allowed  yourself  to  cast  indecent  reflections  on  my  ac- 
count. I  made  haste  to  arrive  at  Philadelphia  to  inquire  into  the 
matter,  and  I  find  the  report  confirmed  by  the  journal  of  the 
court  martial,  of  which  I  got  possession  an  hour  ago.  and  where 
I  read  the  following  paragraph,  "Of  all  the  very  distant  specta- 
tors &c."  were  I  now  in  my  own  country  where  my  reputation 
is  long  established,  I  should  have  put  myself  above  your  epi- 
grams and  would  have  despised  them.  But  here  I  am  a  stranger. 
You  have  offended  me,  I  desire  you  will  give  me  satisfaction. 
You  will  chose  the  place,  time  and  arms,  but  as  I  do  not  like 
to  be  a  distant  or  slow  spectator,  I  desire  to  see  you  as  near 
and  as  soon  as  possible.  You  will  explain  to  Captain  Walker, 
who  will  deliver  this  to  you,  if  your  present  situation  will  per- 
mit you  to  bring  this  affair  to  as  quick  a  conclusion  as  I  wish  it. 

Lee  evidently  did  not  want  a  duel  for  he  replied  to 
the  Baron's  epistle : 

I  believe  you  have  misunderstood  the  sense  of  this  article 
of  my  defense.  Very  likely  the  sentence,  "very  distant  specta- 
tors" has  appeared  to  you  a  reflection  cast  upon  your  courage. 
If  such  be  your  opinion,  I  assure  you  that  I  had  not  the  least 
idea  of  it.  I  am  ready  to  acknowledge  it  to  all  the  gentlemen  of 
your  acquaintance,  to  all  the  world  if  you  will.  It  is  true  that 
I  found  fault  with  your  forwardness  (as  I  took  it  to  be)  to  wit- 
ness against  me.  I  was  piqued  and  thought  myself  justified  in 
making  use  of  the  phrase  which  you  have  seen  in  print,  but  I 
repeat  it  without  the  least  intention  of  intimating  a  reflection  on 
your  courage. 

Steuben  accepted  the  apology  or  whatever  it  might 
be  called,  apparently  with  approval  of  Hamilton,  who, 
December  19,  writes  him  from  Washington's  headquar- 
ters: 


122     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

t  I  have  read  your  letter  to  Lee  with  pleasure.  It  was  con- 
ceived in  terms  which  the  offense  merited,  and  if  he  had  any 
feeling,  must  have  been  felt  by  him.  Considering  the  pointed- 
ness  and  severity  of  your  expressions,  his  answer  was  a  very 
modest  one,  and  proved  that  he  had  not  a  violent  appetite  for 
so  close  a  tete-a-tete  as  you  seem  disposed  to  insist  upon  This 
evasion,  if  known  to  the  world,  would  do  him  very  little  honor. 

With  the  closing  of  this  incident  Lee  and  his  charac- 
ter might  be  safely  dropped,  but  a  brief  reference  to  his 
subsequent  career  may  not  be  without  interest.  He  de- 
fended himself  very  plausibly  before  Congress,  which, 
after  a  consideration  of  three  months  affirmed  on  Decem- 
ber 5,  the  decision  of  the  court  martial  by  a  vote  of  15  to 
7,  the  word  "shameful"  having  been  stricken  out  of  the 
finding.  Lee  continued  to  carry  on  his  campaign  against 
Washington  through  the  press,  and  became  so  vitupera- 
tive that  Colonel  Laurens,  one  of  Washington's  aides, 
challenged  him,  and  in  the  subsequent  duel  Lee  was 
wounded  in  the  side.  In  the  spring  of  1779  he  retired  to 
his  Virginia  estate  as  he  declared,  "to  learn  to  hoe  tobac- 
co, which  is  the  best  school  to  consummate  a  general.  This 
is  a  discovery  I  have  lately  made."  Here  with  his  dogs 
and  horse  he  lived  a  kind  of  hermit  life,  in  a  shell  of  a 
house,  the  different  apartments  of  which  were  indicated 
by  chalk  lines  on  the  floor.  Towards  the  termination  of 
his  suspension  he  heard  that  Congress  proposed  to  drop 
him  from  the  service  on  the  ground  of  economy,  where- 
upon he  wrote  an  insolent  letter  to  the  President  of  that 
body  which  resulted  in  his  summary  dismissal.  His  es- 
tate running  down  through  mismanagement  he  visited 
Philadelphia  while  negotiating  its  sale.  There  he  was 
taken  down  with  fever,  and  died  in  an  obscure  inn.  One 
clause  of  his  will  read:  "I  desire  most  earnestly  that  I 
may  not  be  buried  in  any  church  or  churchyard,  or  within 
a  mile  of  any  Presbyterian  or  any  Baptist  meeting  house, 
for,  since  I  have  resided  in  this  country,  I  have  kept  so 


a  a 


FROM  VALLEY  FORGE  TO  MONMOUTH  IS 

much  bad  company  while  living  that  I  do  not  choose  to 
continue  it  when  I  am  dead." 

Probably  because  his  will  was  not  opened  until  after 
the  funeral,  this  injunction  was  not  carried  out,  and  Lee 
was  buried  with  military  honors  in  the  yard  of  Christ 
Church,  Philadelphia,  his  funeral  being  largely  attended 
by  citizens  and  prominent  men.  He  had  the  faculty  of 
making  warm  friends  who,  like  those  attached  to  Mc- 
Clellan  in  the  Civil  War,  held  to  him  through  evil  as  well 
as  good  report,  and  Washington  Irving  gives  him  credit 
for  many  good  traits,  but  none  of  these  knew  of  the  con- 
vincing proof  of  treason  afterwards  disclosed  in  the  ar- 
chives of  a  British  manor  house. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY. 


Steuben's  Dissatisfaction — Desires  a  Position  in  the  Line — New- 
Code  of  Army  Regulations — Printing  Difficulties. 

Clinton  having  reached  New  York  with  his  beaten 
army  there  was  nothing  further  to  do  in  New  Jersey,  so 
Washington  marched  almost  directly  north  along  the  west 
bank  of  the  Hudson,  which  he  crossed  at  King's  Ferry, 
and  encamped  at  White  Plains  about  thirty  miles  north- 
east of  New  York,  the  relative  positions  of  the  two  armies 
being  much  the  same  as  in  the  latter  part  of  1776.  Cer- 
tainly the  British  had  not  made  much  progress,  and  had 
Washington  been  backed  by  a  strong  government  which 
could  have  utilized  the  resources  of  the  country  the  end 
must  have  come  soon,  notwithstanding  the  British  still 
had  control  of  the  sea.  Newport  was  abandoned  that  fall, 
and  Clinton  and  Washington  sat  watching  each  other, 
neither  strong  enough  to  capture  or  oust  the  other.  In 
the  march  from  Monmouth  to  White  Plains,  where  they 
arrived  July  2,  owing  to  the  absence  of  American  officers 
at  the  Lee  court  martial  elsewhere,  Steuben  was  appointed 
to  command  Lee's  division,  a  work  which  he  performed 
with  credit.  On  the  22nd  however,  Washington  issued 
a  general  order  incorporating  this  division  in  his  own  com- 
mand, and  directed  Steuben  to  resume  his  office  of  in- 
spector general.  The  latter  was  not  unnaturally  dissat- 
isfied with  this.  He  had  been  performing  the  office  of 
drillmaster  for  several  months  and  the  value  of  his  work 
had  been  conceded.  Moreover  he  had  demonstrated  his 
capacity  to  command,  both  in  battle  and  on  the  march. 
He  was  deeply  interested  in  the  cause  of  American  inde- 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY  125 

pendence,  for  which  he  had  made  serious  sacrifices.  Be- 
sides even  the  office  of  inspector,  which  he  was  now  asked 
to  resume,  had  only  been  placed  on  a  temporary  basis, 
and  there  was  considerable  doubt  as  to  how  far  his 
jurisdiction  extended.  He  went  forthwith  to  Washing- 
ton, and  objected  to  this  arrangment,  and  intimated  a 
few  days  later,  if  not  then,  that  he  would  feel  compelled  to 
resign  if  not  given  a  command  where  he  would  be  in 
active  service.  Washington  regretted  this  situation,  but 
said  if  he  complied  with  the  Baron's  wishes  every  brig- 
adier in  the  army  would  throw  up  his  command,  that 
during  the  march  from  Monmouth  De  Kalb,  Lafayette 
and  Steuben,  all  foreigners  had  commanded  the  army 
and  that  eight  brigadiers  had  declared  that  in  making 
Steuben  inspector  Congress  had  only  intended  to  give  him 
the  nominal  rank  of  major  general,  and  that  they  did  not 
propose  to  have  him  advanced  over  their  heads.  There 
was  also  another  thorn  in  the  Baron's  side.  One  Colonel 
De  la  Neuville  who  had  been  inspector  in  Gates's  army 
refused  to  acknowledge  Steuben's  authority,  and  thus  the 
very  work  which  the  latter  had  been  appointed  to  do  was 
thrown  into  confusion.  Even  if  the  Baron  should  waive 
his  claim  to  a  command,  which  he  appears  after  consider- 
ation to  have  been  willing  to  do,  it  was  apparent  that  mat- 
ters could  not  continue  on  their  present  footing,  so  he 
asked  leave  of  absence  to  present  the  matter  before  Con- 
gress, which  had  now  resumed  its  sittings  at  Philadelphia. 
This  was  granted,  and  the  following  resume  of  the  situa- 
tion was  sent  by  Washington  to  President  Laurens : 

Baron  Steuben  will  also  be  in  Philadelphia  in  a  day  or  two. 
The  ostensible  cause  for  his  going,  is  to  fix  more  certainly  with 
Congress  his  duties  as  inspector  general,  which  is  necessary. 
However,  I  am  disposed  to  believe  that  the  real  one  is  to  ob- 
tain an  actual  command  in  the  line  as  a  major  general,  and  he 
may  urge  a  competition  set  up  by  Monsieur  Neuville  for  the 
inspector's  place  this  side  of  the  Hudson,  and  the  denial  by  him 


126     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


of  the  Baron's  authority,  as  an  argument  to  effect  it.  and  for 
granting  him  the  post  as  a  means  of  satisfying  both.  I  regard 
and  esteem  the  Baron  as  an  assiduous,  intelligent  and  expe- 
rienced officer,  but  you  may  rely  upon  it,  if  such  is  his  view, 
and  he  should  accomplish  it,  we  shall  have  the  whole  line  of 
brigadiers  in  confusion.  They  have  said  but  little  about  his 
rank  as  major  general  as  he  has  not  had  an  actual  command 
over  them;  but  when  we  marched  from  Brunswick,  as  there 
were  but  few  major  generals,  and  almost  the  whole  of  the 
brigadiers  were  engaged  at  the  court  martial,  either  as  members 
cr  witnesses,  I  appointed  him  pro  tempore,  and  so  expressed 
it  in  orders,  to  conduct  a  wing  to  the  North  river.  This  meas- 
ure, though  founded  in  evident  necessity  and  not  designated  to 
produce  to  the  brigadiers  the  least  possible  injury,  excited 
great  uneasiness  and  has  been  the  source  of  complaint.  The 
truth  is  we  have  been  very  unhappy  in  a  variety  of  appoint- 
ments, and  our  own  officers  much  injured.  Their  feelings  from 
this  cause  have  become  extremely  sensitive,  and  the  most  deli- 
cate touch  gives  them  pain.  I  write  as  a  friend,  and  therefore 
with  freedom.  The  Baron's  services  in  the  line  he  occupies  can 
be  important,  and  the  testimonials  he  has  already  received  are 
honorable.  It  will  also  be  material  to  have  the  point  of  inspec- 
tor generalship,  now  in  question  between  him  and  Monsieur 
Neuville,  adjusted.  The  appointment  of  the  latter,  it  is  said, 
calls  him  inspector  general  in  the  army  commanded  by  General 
Gates,  and  under  this,  as  I  am  informed,  he  denies  any  subor- 
dination to  the  Baron,  and  will  not  knew  him  in  his  "official 
capacity."     There  can  be  but  one  head. 

On  July  26,  Washington  wrote  another  letter  to  the 
President  of  Congress  to  be  delivered  by  the  Baron  him- 
self, in  which,  after  again  rehearsing  the  facts  previously 
related,  he  adds : 

Justice  concurring  with  inclination  constrains  me  to  testify 
that  the  Baron  has,  in  every  instance,  discharged  the  several 
trusts  reposed  in  him  with  great  zeal  and  ability,  so  as  to  give 
him  the  fullest  title  to  my  esteem  as  a  brave,  indefatigable,  ju- 
dicious and  experienced  officer.  I  regret  there  should  be  a 
necessity  that  his  services  should  be  lost  to  the  army;  at  the 
same  time  I  think  it  my  duty  explicitly  to  observe  to  Congress 
that  his  desire  of  having  an  actual  and  permanent  command  in 
the  line  cannot  be  complied  with  without  wounding  the  feelings 
of  a  number  of  officers  whose  rank  and  merits  give  them  every 
claim  to  attention,  and  that  the  doing  of  it  would  be  productive 
of  much  dissatisfaction  and  extensive  ill  consequences.  This 
does  not  proceed  from  any  personal  objections  on  the  part  of 
those  officers  against  the  Baron;  on  the  contrary  most  of  them 
whom  I  heard  speak  of  him,  express  a  high  sense  of  his  militar3r 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY  127 

worth.  It  proceeds  from  motives  of  another  nature,  which  are 
too  obvious  to  need  particular  explanation,  or  may  be  summed 
up  in  this,  that  they  conceive  such  a  step  would  be  injurious  to 
their  essential  rights  and  just  expectations.  That  this  would 
be  their  way  of  thinking  upon  the  subject  I  am  fully  convincd, 
from  the  effect  which  the  temporary  command  given  him,  even 
under  circumstances  so  peculiar  as  I  have  mentioned,  produced. 
The  strongest  symptoms  of  discontent  appeared  on  that  occa- 
sion. 

The  matter  was  reviewed  by  Alexander  Hamilton  in 
a  letter  to  Elias  Boudinot,  member  of  Congress  from  New 
Jersey,  of  the  same  date  as  that  above,  in  which  he  ex- 
pressed the  highest  opinion  of  Steuben's  military  qualifi- 
cations, and  expressed  the  hope  that  some  arrangement 
could  be  made  by  which  he  could  be  retained  in  the  army. 
Among  other  suggestions  he  says :  "Perhaps  the  princi- 
ples on  which  the  general's  arrangement  is  formed  may 
be  preserved,  and  at  the  same  time  the  objects  of  the  in- 
spectorship enlarged  so  as  to  render  it  a  more  important 
employment.  Perhaps  a  resolution  of  Congress  giving 
the  Baron  a  right  to  be  employed  on  detachments  might, 
for  the  present,  compensate  for  the  want  of  a  permanent 
command  in  the  line,  and  might  not  be  disagreeable  to  the 
officers.  You  can  sound  him  on  these  heads.  I  need  not 
caution  you  that  this  is  a  matter  of  great  delicacy  and 
importance,  and  that  every  step  taken  in  it  ought  to  be 
well  considered." 

It  will  be  plainly  seen  from  the  above  that  Washington, 
Hamilton  and  all  who  had  control  of  affairs  at  the  front 
were  anxious  to  retain  Steuben  in  the  army  upon  such 
terms  as  they  could  grant  and  he  could  honorably  accept. 
It  is  true  that  Washington  in  a  letter  to  Governeur  Mor- 
ris, discussing  this  very  matter,  gives  expression  to  the 
wish  that  they  had  not  a  single  foreigner  among  them 
except  Lafayette,  but  this  momentary  expression  of  irri- 
tation, doubtless  excited  by  the  claims  and  pretensions  of 


128     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

some  of  the  adventurers  before  mentioned,  is  not  to  be 
weighed  against  the  constant  tribute  to  the  Baron's  ef- 
ficiency which  he  always  paid,  and  the  warm  friendship 
which  always  existed  between  the  two  until  severed  by 
death.  Neither  should  it  be  taken  as  a  reflection  on  De 
Kalb,  Pulaski,  Kosciuszko  and  some  others  who  braved 
perils  even  to  death  in  the  patriotic  cause. 

However  fervent  may  have  been  the  desire  of  Baron 
Steuben  for  a  major  general's  command  in  active  service 
it  soon  became  apparent  to  him  that  this  was  out  of  the 
question,  at  least  for  the  present,  so,  on  his  arrival  at 
Philadelphia  he  accepted  the  situation,  and  devoted  his 
energies  towards  securing  the  settlement  of  the  inspector- 
ship on  a  satisfactory  basis.  Neuville's  position  was  the 
first  obstacle  in  the  way,  but  on  August  2,  1778,  Govern- 
eur  Morris  wrote  to  Washington  that  though  the  faith  of 
Congress  was,  in  some  measure,  plighted  to  Neuville  it 
was  not  their  intention  that  his  brevet  should  give  com- 
mand, and  this  he  proposed  to  have  expressed  by  a  par- 
ticular resolution.  As  to  the  claims  of  the  Baron  for  a 
command  in  the  line  he  was  satisfied  that  Congress 
would  not  grant  it. 

As  predicted  by  Morris  Congress  promptly  decided 
in  favor  of  Steuben  as  ranking  officer,  at  which  Neuville 
resigned  and  returned  to  France.  Congress  then  ap- 
pointed a  committee  consisting  of  Messrs.  Boudinot  and 
Chase  and  General  Reed  to  receive  proposals  from  the 
Baron,  who  on  August  7  presented  a  memorial  covering 
the  whole  matter  in  detail.  This  with  regulations  subse- 
quently adopted  will  be  found  quite  fully  reported  in  Mr. 
Kapp's  work,  but  an  outline  is  probably  as  much  as  will 
interest  our  present  readers.  After  referring  to  the  ab- 
solute necesisty  of  uniformity  in  the  army  and  to  the  ac- 
knowledged fact  that  the  commander  in  chief  has  it  not 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY  129 

in  his  power  to  attend  in  so  particular  a  manner  to  the 
details  of  the  different  departments  he  suggests  that  the 
office  of  inspector  general  should  be  confided  to  some  in- 
telligent general  officer,  well  versed  in  the  theory  and 
practice  of  maneuvering  troops,  the  composition  and  for- 
mation of  the  different  corps  of  an  army,  the  customs  of 
different  armies,  the  necessary  equipment  of  the  troops, 
all  which  should  come  under  his  notice.  Uniformity  in 
supplies,  discipline  and  camp  duties  was  especially  urged. 
The  inspector  should  be  under  the  immediate  control  of 
the  Congressional  board  of  war,  also  subject  to  the  com- 
mander in  chief.  No  foreigner  should  be  intrusted  with 
this  charge,  but  if  Congress  thought  otherwise  a  Conti- 
nental brigadier  (native)  should  be  associated  in  the 
work  with  the  view  of  himself  one  day  becoming  inspec- 
tor general.  Sub-inspectors  should  be  appointed  from 
the  army,  but  no  one  to  inspect  his  own  regiment.  The 
exercise  and  maneuvering  of  the  troops  should  always  be 
under  the  direction  of  the  inspector  general,  and  there 
are  many  suggestions  under  this  head.  The  practice  of 
European  armies  was  cited  and  comparisons  made  of  the 
difference  in  conditions  on  each  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The 
report  was  most  able  and  exhaustive  in  every  respect, 
but,  like  may  other  public  memorials  it  was  destined  for 
some  time  to  get  no  farther  than  the  hands  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

On  the  evening  of  August  28  intelligence  of  the  fail- 
ure of  the  French  fleet  and  General  Sullivan  to  capture 
Newport,  reached  Philadelphia,  and  Congress  adopted  a 
resolution  requesting  Steuben  to  forthwith  repair  to 
Rhode  Island,  and  give  his  advice  and  assistance  to  Major 
General  Sullivan  and  the  army  under  his  command. 
Whether  Congress  had  such  a  high  opinion  of  Steuben's 
military    abilities    that    it    believed    that    his    presence 


130    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

at  Newport  would  aid  in  extricating  Sullivan  from 
a  precarious  situation  (provided  he  arrived  in 
time)  or  whether  it  was  a  polite  method  of 
temporarily  shelving  the  inspector  problem  the  re- 
sult was  the  same.  Steuben  left  Philadelphia  the  next 
morning  and  reached  Washington's  camp  at  White  Plains 
on  the  31st,  where  he  learned  that  Sullivan's  retreat  to 
Providence  had  been  safely  effected.  There  then  being  no 
object  in  going  to  New  England  Steuben,  at  Wash- 
ington's request,  remained  at  White  Plains  until  late  in 
September,  when  the  army  moved  northward,  finally 
going  into  winter  quarters  in  the  highlands.  During  this 
period  the  Baron  continued  exercising  and  drilling  the 
troops  as  nearly  as  possible  according  to  the  methods  pre- 
scribed in  his  memorial,  relying  on  Washington's  com- 
mands for  his  authority.  On  September  17,  President 
Laurens  wrote  to  Steuben  expressing  his  gratification  that 
the  latter  had  not  proceeded  to  Rhode  Island,  as  it  would 
have  been  a  disagreeable  embassy,  and  adding  that  the 
committee  would  soon  report  on  the  inspectorship  but 
that  Congress  was  so  overcharged  with  business  as  to 
render  it  impossible  to  guess  when  it  would  be  taken  un- 
der consideration,  and  concluded. 

Richard  Peters,  of  the  War  Board,  also  wrote : 

I  hope  to  hear  of  your  being  more  agreeably  circumstanced 
than  formerly  as  to  your  business  at  camp.  It  is  an  obvious 
matter  that  our  army  are  in  want  of  discipline,  although  their 
improvements  in  this  respect  are  amazing,  and  as  our  men  are 
docile  and  caapble,  it  is  a  pity  that  any  obstacles  should  be 
thrown  in  the  way  of  their  receiving  instructions.  While  you 
are  here,  I  would  wish  to  make  every  use  of  your  willingness 
to  serve  this  country,  therefore.  I  wish  to  see  the  inspection  in 
its  full  vigor,  for  the  greater  our  discipline,  the  sooner  we  shall 
discomfit  our  enemies  and  be  at  peace,  which  to  me  is  the  most 
desirable  of  all  objects,  except  my  liberty  and  the  independence 
of  my  country.  When  you  have  ceased  to  be  serviceable  as  a 
soldier,  you  shall  sit  down  with  us  and  enjoy  the  pleasing  calm 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY  131 

which  will  succeed  the  present  tempest.  Apropos,  we  will  and 
must  take  possession  of  the  Bermudas  and  you  shall  be  gov- 
ernor. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  American  cause  did  not 
lack  optimists  even  under  discouraging  circumstances. 

Steuben,  at  this  time  also  received  a  letter  from  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Ternant  who  had  been  appointer  inspector 
of  the  Southern  troops,  and  was  now  in  Philadelphia, 
which  encouraged  the  belief  that  the  plan  would  soon  be 
adopted.  But  Congress  dallied  day  after  day,  and  finally 
recommitted  the  whole  question  to  a  committee.  Steuben 
wrote  to  Joseph  Reed,  chairman  of  the  committee,  urging 
action  and  suggesting  that  he  might  hasten  matters  by 
appearing  before  them  in  person,  but  "as  experience 
teaches  me  that  offered  services  do  not  always  prove  ac- 
ceptable, I  shall  wait  with  respectful  silence  for  the  orders 
of  Congress,  which  are  to  regulate  all  my  actions."  How- 
ever, when  winter  came  Steuben  went  to  Philadelphia 
mainly  to  arrange  and  put  in  order  a  code  of  military 
regulations  to  introduce  a  thorough  uniformity  in  the 
service.  He  pressed  upon  Congress  the  necessity  of  early 
action,  and  in  a  letter  to  the  President  he  declares  him- 
self ready  to  make  any  sacrifice  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of 
those  in  control,  with  a  few  side  remarks  concerning  his 
envious  critics.  He  also  wrote  to  Washington  on  De- 
cember 6,  in  a  somewhat  discouraging  mood,  saying : 

On  my  arrival  in  the  city  I  delivered  your  Excellency's  let- 
ter to  Mr.  President  Laurens,  accompanied  by  one  from   , 

acquainting  Congress  in  what  manner  I  intended  to  proceed  to 
business.  I  afterwards,  in  another  letter,  requested  to  know  to 
whom  I  was  to  apply  for  the  necessary  information  on  the  sub- 
ject. To  these  letters  I  have  had  no  other  reply  than  a  resolve, 
directing  the  board  of  war  to  furnish  me  with  every  informa- 
tion I  may  want  on  the  subject.  I  have  not  hitherto  been  able 
to  get  a  sight  of  the  plan  proposed  by  a  former  committee,  and 
to  which  your  excellency  subjoined  your  remarks,  nor  can  I 
get  the  least  information  in  whose  hands  that  plan  is.    All  I  can 


132     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

learn  from  Mr.  President  Reed,  who  presided  in  that  commit- 
tee, is,  that  that  plan,  though  founded  on  the  one  I  proposed, 
differed  from  it  materially,  and  that  the  authority  of  the  inspec- 
tor general  was  therein  much  more  extended  than  I  proposed, 
and  when  I  can  procure  the  other  I  shall  see  wherein  we  have 
differed.  However,  it  may  be,  I  repeat  that  I  shall,  without 
the  least  deviation,  conform  to  any  remarks  your  Excellency 
has  been  pleased  to  make.  I  shall  endeavor  to  convince  Your 
Excellency  and  the  whole  army,  that  nothing  but  the  good  of 
the  service,  and  not  any  personal  views,  shall  direct  my  actions. 
The  American  soldier  under  my  orders  is,  at  the  same  time,  a 
member  of  the  republic  I  serve.  If  every  officer  and  soldier 
would  consider  me  in  the  same  light,  it  seems  to  me  many  ob- 
stacles would  be  avoided.  With  respect  to  your  Excellency,  I 
again  beg  you  to  consider  me  as  an  instrument  in  your  hands 
for  the  good  of  the  army  which  has  the  honor  to  serve  under 
your  orders. 

Washington  replied  thanking  the  Baron  for  his  as- 
surances of  loyalty,  and  promising  his  cordial  support  to- 
wards carrying  out  any  plan  that  might  he  agreed  upon 
both  out  of  personal  considerations  and  for  the  benefit 
and  improvement  of  the  army.  Hamilton  wrote  in  the 
same  vein,  but  the  inertia  of  Congress  was  too  great  to 
be  immediately  overcome. 

It  was  February  18,  1779  when  the  report  of  the 
committee  appointed  to  confer  with  Washington  was 
taken  up,  and  a  resolution  adopted,  providing  that  there 
should  be  an  inspector  general  of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States  with  the  rank  of  major  general,  who  in  all  future 
appointments  should  be  taken  from  the  line  of  major 
generals.  The  duties  of  inspector  and  his  assistants  were 
to  be  as  has  already  been  indicated,  and  he  was  allowed 
eighty-four  dollars  per  month  for  extraordinary  expenses 
in  addition  to  the  pay  and  rations  of  a  major  general.  On 
March  29th  a  letter  was  read  from  Steuben  accompanied 
by  a  system  of  regulations  for  the  infantry  together  with 
a  communication  from  the  war  board  stating  that  the 
Baron's  plans  had  been  submitted  to  that  body  and  also 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY  133 

to  the  commander  in  chief  and  had  received  their  ap- 
proval, and  asking  the  sanction  of  Congress,  which  was 
given,  and  thus  after  a  loss  of  much  valuable  time  it 
looked  as  though  something  permanent  was  to  be  ac- 
complished. 

The  arrangement  now  made  by  Congress  involved 
the  preparation  of  a  complete  book  of  regulations  for  the 
army.  Steuben  did  not  wait  for  its  authorization  before 
beginning  this  work,  but,  anticipating  the  result,  and 
realizing  that  it  would  be  a  labor  of  weeks  if  not  of 
months  to  prepare  this  code,  began  work  on  it  soon  after 
he  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  and  spent  most  of  his  time  on 
it  during  the  winter.  He  associated  with  himself  in  this 
work  Colonel  Fleury,  Captains  Walker  and  De  TEnfant, 
and  M.  Duponceau,  his  secretary.  His  original  scheme 
included  four  divisions;  first,  the  service  of  infantry  in 
the  field ;  second,  in  garrison  and  on  parade ;  third,  caval- 
ry; fourth,  light  troops.  The  first  and  third  parts  were 
completed  during  the  winter,  the  others  were  never  fin- 
ished, and  the  cavalry  division  was  not  printed.  The  first 
part  consisted  of  twenty-five  chapters,  of  which  a  full 
summary  may  be  found  in  Mr.  Kapp's  book,  but  as  the 
details  are  of  greater  interest  to  military  tacticians  than 
to  the  general  reader  we  give  only  the  headings  of  the 
chapters  as  indicating  the  scope  of  the  work.  The  book 
was  entitled,  "Regulations  for  the  Order  and  Discipline 
of  the  Troops  of  the  United  States,"  divided  as  follows : 
Chapter  first,  arms  and  accoutrements;  second,  necessity 
of  officers  being  acquainted  with  the  manual  and  answer- 
able for  the  general  instruction  of  the  regiment;  third, 
company  formation;  fourth,  regimental  formation;  fifth, 
instruction  of  recruits ;  sixth,  company  exercises ;  seventh, 
battalion  exercises ;  eighth,  points  of  view ;  ninth,  forma- 
tion and  display  of  columns;  tenth,  march  of  columns; 


134    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

eleventh,  march  in  line ;  twelfth,  disposition  of  field  pieces 
attached  to  brigades;  thirteenth,  firings;  fourteenth, 
march  of  an  army  or  corps;  fifteenth,  baggage  on  the 
march;  sixteenth,  laying  out  a  camp  with  order  of  en- 
campment ;  seventeenth,  manner  of  entering  camp :  eight- 
eenth, regulations  for  preserving  order  and  cleanliness ; 
nineteenth,  roll  calls ;  twentieth,  general  inspection ;  twen- 
ty-first, drum  beats ;  twenty-second,  guard  service ;  twen- 
ty-third, arms  and  ammunition  and  their  preservation; 
twenty- fourth,  treatment  of  the  sick;  twenty-fifth,  re- 
views. 

In  addition  there  were  detailed  instructions  for  the 
general  conduct  of  the  officers  and  privates.  The  hu- 
manitarian spirit  of  these  instructions,  which  were  some- 
what advanced  for  that  period,  is  indicated  by  the  follow- 
ing: 

A  captain  cannot  be  too  careful  of  the  company  the  State 
has  committed  to  his  charge.  He  must  pay  the  greatest  atten- 
tion to  the  health  of  his  men,  their  discipline,  arms,  accoutre- 
ments, ammunition,  clothes  and  necessaries.  His  first  object 
should  be  to  gain  the  love  of  his  men  by  treating  them  with 
every  possible  kindness  and  humanity,  inquiring  into  their  com- 
plaints, and,  when  well  founded,  seeing  them  redressed.  He 
should  know  every  man  of  his  company  by  name  and  character. 
He  should  often  visit  those  who  are  sick,  speak  tenderly  to  them, 
see  that  the  public  provision,  whether  of  medicine  or  diet,  is 
duly  administered,  and  procure  them,  besides,  such  comforts 
and  conveniences  as  are  in  his  power.  The  attachment  that 
arises  from  this  kind  of  attention  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  is 
almost  inconceivable;  it  will,  moreover,  be  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  lives  of  many  valuable  men. 

There  is  much  more  to  the  same  effect,  which  con- 
clusively proves  that  though  the  Baron  was  a  strict  dis- 
ciplinarian, he  was  not  a  mere  martinet.  Concerning  the 
difficulties  of  the  project  Kapp  says :  "Seldom  was  a 
work  composed  in  such  a  manner  as  this.  Every  chapter 
was  first  roughly  written  in  German,  then  translated  into 


REMODELING  THE  ARMY  135 

bad  French,  then  put  in  good  French  by  Fleury,  trans- 
lated again  into  bad  English  by  Duponceau,  afterwards 
written  in  good  English  by  Captain  Walker,  and  when  all 
this  was  completed,  Steuben  did  not  understand  a  word 
of  it  himself,  from  his  ignorance  of  the  English  lan- 
guage." Notwithstanding  our  respect  and  admiration 
for  Mr.  Kapp's  careful  researches  we  are  inclined  to 
question  the  accuracy  of  this  last  statement.  Baron 
Steuben  had  now  been  in  the  country  about  sixteen 
months.  During  that  period  he  was  constantly  in  asso- 
ciation with  men  who  spoke  only  English,  was  compelled 
to  give  orders  to  troops  who  knew  no  other  language, 
and  in  various  ways  came  in  close  contact  with  it  almost 
every  hour  of  the  twenty-four,  except  the  limited  period 
allotted  to  sleep.  He  was  well  educated  and  was  already 
proficient  in  French  as  well  as  his  native  German.  It  is 
not  possible  that  he  had  learned  to  speak  English  fluently 
during  the  time  he  had  been  in  America,  in  fact  he  never 
did  so,  but  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  improbable  that  in 
all  that  time  he  had  not  learned  to  understand  a  word  of 
this  language.  The  truth  doubtless  lies  between  these 
two  extren.es.  The  Baron  was  not  able  to  write  out  his 
book  in  English  in  the  first  place,  but  when  translated  by 
his  assistants  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was 
unable  to  read  it,  or  to  understand  substantially  what  it 
meant. 

His  labors  were  greatly  increased  by  the  dearth  of 
military  publications  in  America,  so  he  had  to  depend 
mostly  on  his  recollections  of  the  Prussian  Code,  and  the 
lack  of  familiarity  of  his  translators  with  the  military 
terms  of  that  code  greatly  increased  the  difficulty.  On 
completion  of  the  work  it  was  sent  to  Washington  for 
examination,  who  gave  it  his  hearty  approval  with  the 
comment :  "As  the  fine  season  is  advancing  you  will,     I 


136     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

flatter  myself,  shortly  have  the  satisfaction,  so  rarely  en- 
joyed by  authors,  of  seeing  your  precepts  reduced  to  prac- 
tice, and  I  hope  your  success  will  be  equal  to  the  merits  cf 
your  work."    Steuben  in  reply  said : 

The  engraving  of  the  plates  and  correcting  the  press,  will, 
I  am  afraid,  detain  me  till  the  middle  of  April,  and,  as  before 
that  time  the  season  will  permit  the  troops  to  exercise,  I  think 
it  would  be  necessary  they  should  be  exercised  in  detail  on  the 
principles  laid  down.  If  Your  Excellency  approves  it,  I  will 
send  Colonel  Fleury,  who  has  assisted  me  in  composing  the 
regulations  to  receive  your  orders  on  the  subject.  *  *  *  I 
shall  have  the  honor  to  forward  to  your  Excellency  a  model  of 
the  several  tools  mentioned  in  the  regulations,  and  which  I 
think  are  necessary,  if  circumstances  will  allow  me  to  procure 
them. 

Congress  ordered  3,000  copies  of  the  work  printed, 
but  the  tr  bibles  were  not  yet  over.  Mr  North  says :  "To 
sketch,  re-sketch  the  plates,  and  fit  them  for  the  engraver 
—the  engraver,  the  paper,  the  types  and  printer,  with  dif- 
ficulty to  be  found.  None  but  those  who  lived  in  those 
dark  days  of  poverty  and  dearth  of  everything,  can  think 
a  thousandth  part  of  all  the  penury  with  which  we  were 
surrounded.  The  Blue  Book  has  at  last  appeared  and 
was  studied,  and,  except  the  Bible,  was  held  in  the  high- 
est estimation." 

In  the  face  of  these  difficulties  the  book  was  not 
ready  for  distribution  until  June,  causing  the  Baron,  who 
never  seems  to  have  been  celebrated  for  his  patience,  to 
become  more  than  restive.  As  illustrative  of  their  dif- 
ficulties Timothy  Pickering  on  June  19,  writes  to 
Steuben : 

We  expected  to  send  you  more  copies  of  the  regulations, 
of  which  the  bookbinder  gave  us  encouragement,  but  his  work- 
men failed  him.  It  is  not  so  easy  to  get  work  executed  in 
America  as  in  Europe.  Here,  under  the  present  scarcity  of 
hands,  you  can  place  no  dependence  on  your  workmen — to-day 
they  are  with  you,  and  to-morrow  on  board  of  a  privateer,  with 
hopes  of    making  their  fortunes.    I  have,  indeed,  had  much  trou- 


Remodeling  the  Army  137 

ble  with  the  Regulations,  but  I  went  through  it  with  pleasure, 
because  I  judged  they  would  prove  highly  useful  to  my  country. 
*  *  *  Should  I  again  discover  marks  of  extreme  impa- 
tience, and  even  asperity,  in  the  inspector  general,  I  will  impute 
them  to  his  anxiety  to  introduce  a  perfect  order  and  discipline 
in  the  army,  and  to  his  zeal  in  securing  the  safety  and  indepen- 
dence of  America. 

Peters  writes  to  the  same  effect,  and  after  a  some- 
what jocular  introduction  concerning  the  Baron's  impa- 
tience, adds  seriously: 

We  should  violate  our  private  feelings  if  we  personally  dis- 
regarded you,  and  we  should,  in  my  opinion,  our  public  trust, 
did  we  not  by  every  means  in  our  power,  assist  you  in  the  im- 
portant business  of  your  department  Real  embarrassments 
have  occasioned  our  not  complying  with  our,  as  well  as  your, 
wishes,  and  however  trifling  the  rubs  thrown  in  our  way  may 
seem  to  one  used  to  countries  full  of  needy  artificers,  and  stored 
with  materials  for  work,  yet  to  us  they  are  not  unimportant,  or, 
what  is  worse,  uncommon.  These  difficulties  will  continue  dur- 
ing our  present  war,  and  as  we  cannot  conquer  we  must  en- 
deavor to  bear  them. 

There  is  considerably  more  along  the  same  line, 
mixed  with  mild  reproof,  which  the  Baron  doubtless  took 
in  good  part.  As  an  illustration  of  the  minor  difficulties 
of  the  occasion  it  is  related  that  two  copies  of  the  Regula- 
tions which  the  Baron  had  ordered  handsomely  bound 
for  Washington  and  the  French  minister  could  not  be 
completed,  because  the  bookbinder,  (there  seems  to  have 
been  but  one  in  Philadelphia)  after  searching  through  the 
entire  city,  was  not  able  to  procure  any  gold  leaf  for  gild- 
ing. 

Congress,  on  April  5,  passed  a  resolution  to  the  ef- 
fect that  Baron  Steuben,  inspector  general,  be  informed  by 
the  President  that  Congress  entertain  a  high  sense  of  his 
merit,  displayed  in  a  variety  of  instances,  but  especially 
in  the  system  of  military  order  and  discipline  formed  and 
presented  by  him  to  Congress. 

Similar  testimonials  were  offered  by  officials  of  the 


138    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

different  states  to  whom  copies  of  the  work  were  sent, 
each  one  testifying  that  the  manual  not  only  filled  a  want 
that  was  severely  felt,  but  was  invaluable  in  the  existing 
condition  of  affairs.  Copies  of  the  work  sent  to  Europe 
also  elicited  high  praise  from  competent  experts. 

Congress,  at  Steuben's  request,  appropriated  a  thou- 
sand dollars  for  Colonel  Fleury,  eight  hundred  for  Wal- 
ker, six  hundred  for  De  l'Enfant,  and  four  hundred  for 
Duponceau.  We  may  appropriately  conclude  this  branch 
of  our  subject  by  the  following  account  of  an  occurrence 
as  related  by  the  Baron  himself : 

"Although  the  Board  of  War  was  only  composed  of 
Peters  and  Pickering,  there  was  always  a  member  of 
Congress  who  took  part  in  their  deliberations.  At  this 
time  it  was  Mr.  Root,  of  Connecticut,  who  filled  this  of- 
fice. I  came  one  day  to  the  war  office,  probably  at  the 
time  they  were  deliberating  how  they  should  reimburse 
me  for  the  expense  I  had  been  at  while  employed  prepar- 
ing my  work.  Mr.  Root  asked  me  how  many  copies  had 
been  printed.  I  said,  three  thousand.  'How  many/  he 
replied,  'Shall  you  require  for  the  officers  of  the  army?' 
'About  eighteen  hundred,'  was  my  answer.  'There  will, 
therefore  be  about  twelve  hundred  left  over,'  said  Mr. 
Root,  'the  book  will  sell  well.'  He  then  made  a  calcula- 
tion in  an  undertone,  and  resumed,  'But  you  could  sell 
the  remaining  copies,  and  that  would  pay  your  expenses 
while  in  town.'  If  I  had  not  remarked  that  Mr.  Peters 
bent  his  head  and  blushed  at  hearing  this  proposal,  I 
should  certainly  have  told  them  my  mind  in  pretty  strong 
language.  For  a  long  time  I  did  not  utter  a  word ;  at  last 
I  rose  and  said  to  Mr.  Root  that  I  was  the  more  astounded 
at  his  proposition  as  I  had  not  asked  for  any  reimburse- 
ment of  my  expenses  out  of  the  public  money." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

CAMPAIGN  OF  1779. 

Steuben  Reviews  the  Situation — Barbarous  Raids — Value  of  the 
Bayonet  Demonstrated  at  the  Capture  of  Stony  Point — 
Visit  of  the  French  Ambassador — Suggestions  For  the 
Future. 

Toward  the  close  of  1778  we  find  Clinton  still  hold- 
ing New  York  and  Newport,  and  although  the  rest  of  the 
county  was  measurably  free  yet  there  were  no  signs  that 
England  Intended  relaxing  her  grip.  Her  command  of 
the  sea  continued  to  paralyze  foreign  trade,  which  reacted 
disastrously  on  domestic  interests.  Washington  with  a 
totally  inadequate  force  was  trying  to  hold  the  back 
country,  and  the  prospect,  to  say  the  best,  was  not  en- 
couraging. At  this  time  Steuben  in  a  letter  to  James 
Lowell,  Chairman  of  the  Congressional  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs,  gave  the  following  succinct  review  of  the 
situation : 

We  have  fortunately  escaped  a  serious  danger  at  Rhode 
Island.  The  enemy  cannot  boast  of  having  gained  the  least  ad- 
vantage over  the  allied  fleet,  or  over  our  army.  A  change  in  the 
wind  has  favored  him  and  caused  the  failure  of  our  plan.  As  it 
is  but  fair  to  render  justice  even  to  our  enemies,  we  ought  to 
admit  that  the  English  and  the  wind  have  made  us  miss  two 
highly  important  strokes — that  on  the  Delaware  because  the 
French  fleet  did  not  arrive  a  little  earlier,  and  that  on  Rhode 
Island.  If,  when  I  made  war  under  the  King  of  Prussia,  we  had 
escaped  two  such  strokes  in  one  campaign,  we  should  have 
called  that  a  successful  campaign.  Here  we  are  now  on  the  de- 
fensive, a  species  of  warfare  extremely  difficult  and  oftentimes 
dangerous.  We  have  two  objects  to  attain — equally  important — 
to  retain  possession  of  the  North  river,  and  to  bring  our  main 
force  close  to  Boston.  In  case  the  enemy  should  undertake  any 
operation,  these  two  objects  are  very  far  distant  from  one  an- 
other. Our  land  force,  such  as  it  is,  must  be  ready  to  resist, 
at  the  right  or  the  left,  wherever  the  enemy  thinks  proper  to 


140    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

attack  us.  Now  what  will  become  of  that  unhappy  province, 
the  Jerseys,  which  is  actually  menaced  with  devastation  and  fire 
by  the  enemy?  Lord  Cornwallis  has  entered  it  with  a  body  of 
probably  six  thousand  men.  Will  Lord  Stirling  be  able  to  op- 
pose such  a  force  with  his  three  brigades,  the  number  of  which 
I  will  not  mention,  so  as  not  to  annoy  you?  Perhaps  you  will 
say,  "The  militia  of  New  Jersey."  But  is  the  militia  still  ani- 
mated by  the  same  spirit  as  it  was  when  America  had  no  regular 
army?  Now,  allowing  for  the  said  three  brigades,  and  two  more 
at  Providence,  look  at  this  side  of  the  river  and  tell  me  what 
other  forces  have  we  there?  Do  not  be  deluded,  sir,  by  the  rolls 
of  our  regiments  or  brigades;  deduct  therefrom,  unhesitatingly, 
one-third  for  those  who,  either  for  the  want  of  clothing  or  shoes, 
are  unable  to  make  a  single  march  in  the  present  season  of  the 
year,  when  the  nights  are  already  cold  and  wet.  I  am  not  afraid 
to  tell  you  the  truth,  disagreeable  as  it  is;  no,  on  the  contrary, 
I  consider  it  my  duty  to  show  you  the  actual  situation  of  our 
army.  I  beg  you,  rather,  sir,  to  examine  attentively  the  land 
forces  which  the  enemy  possesses  on  this  continent;  look  at 
their  number,  their  nourishment,  clothing,  arms,  order  and  dis- 
cipline; see  how  much  we  are  inferior,  in  all  respects  to  them, 
and  then  answer  me  if  our  game  is  not  a  very  hazardous  one? 
How  long  will  our  country  continue  to  stake  her  fortune 
on  the  issue  of  one  day?  How  many  more  millions  has  the  de- 
vastation of  the  Jerseys  devoured  than  it  would  have  taken  for 
the  states  to  have  completed  the  regiments  upon  the  plan 
adopted  by  Congress,  in  which  case  we  should  have  had  an 
army  of  forty  thousand  men?  Had  we  this  force,  nay,  had  we 
only  thirty  thousand,  would  the  enemy  ever  have  dared  to  put 
a  foot  out  of  New  York  island?  Too  numerous  an  army  is  ex- 
pensive, but  too  small  an  army  is  dangerous.  In  1776  General 
Washington  had  the  glory  to  maintain  himself  at  the  head  of 
an  army  of  eighteen  thousand  men.  I  sincerely  hope  that  he 
may  not  have  that  glory  a  second  time.  If  too  much  backward- 
ness had  not  been  exhibited  in  this  matter  the  war  would  prob- 
ably have  been  already  at  an  end.  In  order  to  secure  peace  on 
a  solid  and  honorable  basis,  it  is  prudent  to  redouble  every 
preparation  for  carrying  on  the  war.  *  *  *  In  consequence 
of  the  bad  discipline,  the  service  of  picket  guards  of  patrols  is 
entirely  neglected  in  our  army.  Our  cavalry  is  without  a  leader 
— not  a  single  officer  of  that  arm  understands  the  duty.  They 
are  brave,  I  have  no  doubt,  but  bravery  alone  does  not  consti- 
tute an  officer. 

Generals  might  plead  and  Congress  might  request, 
but  states  continued  indifferent,  and  matters  continued  to 
jog  along  without  any  material  change. 

During  his  sojourn  in  Philadelphia,  at  the  request  of 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1779  141 

General  Reed,  Baron  Steuben  spent  several  days  with  that 
gentkman  examining  the  country  around  the  city,  espe- 
cially on  the  Jersey  side,  with  the  view  of  constructing 
defenses  which,  fortunately,  were  never  needed. 

Impatient  to  get  back  to  active  service  Steuben, 
without  wniting  for  the  final  action  of  Congress,  which 
now  seemed  assured,  on  March  26  hastened  to  rejoin  the 
amiy  in  northern  New  Jersey.  He  went  to  work  imme- 
diately, straightening  out  matters  which  needed  attention. 
The  nominal  strength  of  the  army,  according  to  the  reso- 
lutions of  Congress,  was  eighty  battalions  of  infant;-)  of 
477  privates  each,  so  that  the  whole  should  be  about  40,- 
000  men.  but  the  real  strength  was  scarcely  half  this  num- 
ber. The  force  under  Washington's  direct  command  at 
this  time  numbered  just  11,067  men,  and  with  this  little 
force  he  w?£  expected  to  keep  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  New 
York  (if  not  capture  him  with  the  city)  and  prevent 
sporadic  raids  along  the  coast  and  frontier.  Steuben  di- 
vided the  army  into  six  divisions  known  as  the  Virginia, 
Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Connecticut,  Massachusetts  and 
North  Carolina.  He  drilled  them  thoroughly  in  the  use 
of  the  bayonet,  which  was  soon  to  figure  in  the  capture  of 
an  important  stronghold,  and  his  formation  of  light  in- 
fantry proved  so  effective  that  after  the  Revolution  it  was 
introduced  into  other  European  countries  in  contradistinc- 
tion to  the  massing  which  had  proved  so  fatal  to  Brad- 
dock  and  others.  Reviewing  and  drilling  were  thv  order 
of  the  day,  even  after  the  army  had  taken  the  field.  Arms 
must  be  polished,  officers  attentive  to  the  wants  or  their 
men,  the  sick  visited  and  cared  for,  and  the  improvement 
of  the  army  was  marked  in  every  direction.  A  fe  ,v  details 
given  by  North  indicated  the  amount  and  character  of 
the  work  \e* formed.    He  says  : 


142     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

I  have  seen  the  Baron  and  his  assistants  seven  long  hours 
inspecting  a  brigade  of  three  small  regiments.  Every  man  not 
present  must  be  accounted  for;  if  in  camp,  sick  or  well,  they 
were  produced  or  visited,  every  musket  handled  and  searched, 
cartridge  boxes  opened,  even  the  flints  and  cartridges  counted; 
knapsacks  unslung,  and  every  article  of  clothing  spread  on  the 
soldiers'  blanket,  and  tested  by  his  little  book,  whether  what  he 
received  from  the  United  States  within  the  year  was  there,  if 
not,  to  be  accounted  for.  Hospitals,  stores,  laboratories,  every 
place  and  every  thing  were  opened  to  inspection,  and  inspected, 
and  what  officer's  mind  was  at  ease  if  losses  or  expenditures 
could  not,  on  the  day  of  searching  be  fully  and  fairly  accounted 
for?  The  inspections  were  every  month,  and  wonderful  was  the 
effect,  not  only  with  regard  to  economy,  but  in  creating  a  spirit 
of  emulation  between  different  corps.  I  have  known  the  subal- 
terns of  a  regiment  appropriate  one  of  their  two  rations  to  the 
bettering  of  the  appearance  of  their  men,  but  this  was  at  a  later 
period  of  the  war,  when  supplies  and  payments  were  more 
regular. 

The  year  1778  closed  and  1779  opened  with  a  series 
of  barbarous  raids  both  on  the  Northern  and  Southern 
coasts,  the  main  object  being  evidently  to  induce  Wash- 
ington to  send  part  of  his  forces  to  protect  these  sc  ittered 
posts.  But  Washington  knew  that  such  a  procedure 
would  prove  his  undoing,  for  any  material  weakening  of 
his  army  along  the  Hudson  would  be  the  signal  for  an 
advance  by  Clinton  up  that  river,  and  by  the  occupation 
of  strategic  points  he  would  cut  the  American  Confedera- 
tion in  two,  and  conquer  each  part  in  detail.  The  Amer- 
icans with  their  fortifications  at  West  Point  held  a  firm 
grip  on  the  highlands  of  the  Hudson,  with  two  smaller 
posts  farther  down,  Stony  Point  on  the  west  side,  and 
Verplanck's  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river.  But  while 
the  Americans  were  fortifying  Stony  Point  Clinton  cap- 
tured the  place,  and  with  its  batteries  reduced  the  works 
at  Verplanck's.  It  was  deemed  essential  that  Stony  Point 
be  retaken,  and  the  task  was  entrusted  to  General  An- 
thony Wayne,  whose  "madness"  was  contr-Vled  by 
method,  which  brought  victory  on  more  than  one  occa- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1779  143 

sion.  There  was  but  one  way  to  retake  the  fortress  and 
that  was  by  assault.  But  the  usual  storming  party  would 
be  subject  not  only  to  the  fire  of  the  occupying  garrison 
but  to  crossfires  from  Verplanck's  and  the  river,  which 
would  make  success  out  of  the  question.  There  was  but 
one  resource,  a  bayonet  charge  under  cover  of  darkness. 
Every  dog  within  three  miles  was  killed,  and  at  midnight 
on  June  15,  1,200  Americans  with  unloaded  guns  an1 
fixed  bayonets  advanced  on  the  works.  They  were  on 
top  of  the  breastworks  before  discovery,  and  although  the 
British  made  the  best  resistance  possible  the  cold  steel  of 
r.'ie  bayonet  was  too  much  for  them,  and  after  a  loss  of 
sixty-three,  the  remainder  of  the  garrison  553  in  numbe:, 
surrendered.  The  American  loss  was  fifteen  killed  and 
eighty-three  wounded.  The  value  of  the  bayonet  as  a 
fighting  arm,  which  Steuben  had  labored  to  impress  on 
the  'irmy,  was  now  fully  demonstrated,  and  the  next  day 
after  rhe  battle  when  he  visited  Stony  Point  in  company 
with  Washington,  he  was  enthusiastically  greeted  by  the 
soldiers  who  declared  that  in  the  future  they  would  take 
care  of  their  bayonets  and  use  them  for  other  purposes 
than  digging  trenches  or  roasting  meat.  At  Steuben's 
request  a  general  order  was  issued  (which  could  now  be 
enforced)  directing  that  in  the  future  all  bayonets  should 
be  continually  fixed  to  the  musket,  and  the  men  were  not 
to  wear  any  more  belts  and  sheaths  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  them.  Bayonets,  belts  and  sheaths  were  saved 
by  this  operation,  and  the  former  from  this  time  forth  be- 
came an  integral  part  of  each  soldier's  equipment.  Owing 
to  the  great  changes  in  fire  arms  and  infantry  tactics  there 
has  been  some  question  in  late  years  of  the  value  of  the 
bayonet,  but  for  a  century  it  held  its  place  with  no  one 
to  doubt  its  efficiency. 

Shortly  after  this  M.  Gerard,  the  French  minister  to 


144    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  United  States  was  superseded  by  Chevalier  De  la  Lu- 
zerne, who  arrived  in  Boston  the  latter  part  of  August. 
Steuben  was  then  doing  some  reviewing  at  Providence, 
R.  I.,  and  was  requested  by  the  minister  to  accompany 
him  to  Washington's  headquarters,  which  he  desired  to 
visit.  Accordingly  he  met  the  minister  at  Hartford,  and 
the  two  continued  their  journey  via  Wethersfield,  New 
Haven,  Fairfield  and  Danbury  to  Fishkill  on  the  Hudson, 
where  Washington  had  already  arrived.  The  pair,  al- 
though strangers  to  each  other,  had  the  opportunity  of  be- 
coming pretty  well  acquainted  on  their  journey  through 
Connecticut,  and  Steuben  remarks  of  his  companion : 
"Although  he  received  me  with  the  utmost  politeness,  I 
saw  that  he  knew  nothing  of  me,  and  that  the  French 
ministry  had  not  informed  him  how  it  happened  that  I 
had  come  to  this  country.  This  convinced  me  that  they 
had  sent  me  adrift,  and  that  I  was  to  manage  for  myself 
as  well  as  I  could.  I  took  good  care  not  to  allow  M.  De 
la  Luzerne  to  perceive  what  I  thought,  and  mentioned 
only  incidentally  my  acquaintance  at  Versailles  and  the 
way  I  came  to  America,  and  determined  to  play  the  part 
of  an  American  officer  who  had  no  other  protection  or 
support."  It  was  evidently  a  case  of  out  of  sight,  out  of 
mind,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  the  Baron  did  not  oc- 
cupy the  thoughts  of  the  French  officials  to  any  great  ex- 
tent after  he  left  that  country. 

American  officers  were  naturally  not  thoroughly 
posted  as  to  the  details  of  etiquette  to  be  observed  in  re- 
ceiving foreign  embassadors,  while  Steuben,  from  his 
previous  experience  was  perfectly  at  home  in  these  mat- 
ters. Before  the  party  arrived  at  Fishkill,  Hamilton 
wrote  to  Steuben  asking  him  "to  send  on  an  express  to 
the  General  (Washington)  informing  him  of  the  daily 
stages  which  it  is  proposed  to  make  and  the  time  of  your 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1779  145 

intended  arrival  at  camp.  If  the  General  should  meet  M. 
De  la  Luzerne  at  Fishkill  as  a  private  gentleman  will  he 
think  the  compliment  amiss?  This  is  entre  nous.  I  see 
no  impropriety  in  it,  but  shall  be  obliged  to  you  to  favor 
me  with  your  opinion  on  this,  and  on  any  other  point 
that  may  occur  to  you,  avec  franchise.  At  his  Excellency's 
debarkation  at  headquarters  Major  Gibbs  has  a  violent 
inclination  to  make  a  little  flourish  at  the  head  of  his  men. 
Will  this  be  an  infringement  on  your  plan  ?" 

This  plan  seems  to  have  been  entirely  satisfactory, 
in  fact  it  was  the  only  appropriate  one,  the  minister  not 
having  yet  presented  his  credentials  to  Congress.  The 
visitor  was  greeted  on  his  arrival  with  an  artillery  salute 
and  a  military  reception  in  the  fortress,  and  everything 
passed  off  agreeably.  As  Washington  afterwards  wrote, 
"He  was  polite  enough  to  approve  my  principle,  and  con- 
descended to  appear  pleased  with  our  Spartan  living.  In 
a  word,  he  made  us  all  exceedingly  happy  by  his  affability 
and  good  humor  while  he  remained  in  camp.  After  an  in- 
spection of  the  army  and  fortifications  the  minister  pro- 
ceeded on  his  journey  to  Philadelphia." 

Washington  at  this  time  requested  a  written  opinion 
from  Steuben  as  to  the  military  situation,  which  was 
given  at  some  length  on  July  27,  from  which  we  take  the 
following  extracts : 

Our  present  situation  is  about  the  same  as  it  was  at  the 
commencement  of  the  campaign.  The  enemy  is  still  numer- 
ically superior.  Their  troops  are  better  provided  than  ours. 
They  are  better  able  to  carry  out  their  plans,  and,  on  account  of 
their  ships,  they  are  masters  of  the  coast  and  of  the  mouth  of 
North  river. 

The  taking  of  Stony  Point  was  a  great  advantage  for  our 
side.  It  has  not  only  encouraged  the  army  but  the  people.  It 
has  shown  the  enemy  that  our  generals  knom  how  to  make  a 
plan,  and  that  our  officers  and  soldiers  know  how  to  carry  it 
out  with  boldness  and  precision.     It  has  delayed  the  field  oper- 


146     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


ations  of  the  enemy,  but  it  has  not  altogether  defeated  their 
plans. 

Let  us  examine  what  those  plans  probably  are:  The  great 
preparations  which  the  enemy  have  made  to  protect  themselves 
on  both  sides  of  the  river  at  King's  Ferry,  the  time,  labor  and 
expense  they  have  employed  in  fortifying  this  point — can  they 
have  any  other  object  than  the  burning  and  plundering  the 
coast  of  Connecticut?  Would  they  have  fortified  Stony  and 
Verplanck's  Points  to  terminate  their  conquests  there  for  this 
campaign?  Neither  supposition  is  at  all  probable.  Their 
plans  must  be  more  comprehensive.  Having  fortified  these  two 
points,  and  leaving  a  sufficient  garrison  in  them  (it  will  be  re- 
membered that  the  Americans  evacuated  Stony  Point  three 
days  after  its  capture  by  Wayne)  they  are  at  liberty  to  take  the 
rest  of  their  forces  wherever  they  think  proper,  and  in  case  of 
a  reverse  these  two  points  are  a  support  for  their  troops  and  a 
harbor  for  their  vessels.  They  will  then  invade  the  country 
with  a  view  to  encouraging  us  to  follow  them  by  detachments, 
or  with  our  full  force,  while  they  will  be  ready  at  any  moment 
to  make  an  attack  on  West  Point  with  three  or  four  thousand 
men  and  the  vessels  necessary  for  their  transport.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  do  not  allow  ourselves  to  be  drawn  from  our 
present  position  by  their  invasion,  it  is  possible  that  they  may 
send  a  corps  of  five  or  six  thousand  men,  on  either  side  of  the 
river,  to  seem  to  threaten  our  flanks,  and  try  to  maneuver  in  our 
rear,  so  as  to  attack  West  Point.  This,  however,  seems  to  me 
very  difficult,  particularly  on  the  side  of  the  fort. 

Whatever  means  they  employ,  I  am  positive  that  their  oper- 
ations are  directed  exclusively  to  getting  possession  of  this  post, 
and  of  the  river  as  far  as  Albany.  If  this  is  not  their  plan  they 
have  not  got  one  worth  the  expense  of  a  campaign.  On  their 
success  depends  the  fate  of  America.  The  consequence  is,  there- 
fore, that  there  is  nothing  of  greater  importance  to  us  than  to 
avert  this  flow.  Let  them  burn  what  they  have  not  burned  al- 
ready, and  this  campaign  will  add  to  their  shame,  but  not  to 
their  success.  Were  West  Point  strongly  fortified,  supplied  with 
sufficient  artillery,  ammunition  and  provisions,  and  a  garrison 
of  two  thousand  men,  we  ought  not  to  be  induced  to  take  our 
forces  more  than  a  day's  march  from  it.  To  have  the  means  of 
relieving  it,  I  go  further  and  say  that  our  army  should  be  de- 
stroyed or  taken  before  we  allow  them  to  commence  an  attack 
on  West  Point.  *  *  *  Were  it  possible  to  place  a  brigade  or 
two  somewhere  between  Sufterns  and  Fort  Montgomery,  the 
enemy  would  be  compelled  to  keep  mere  men  and  ships  near 
Stony  Point,  and  although  I  do  not  think  it  advisable  to  risk  a 
second  enterprise  against  the  same  point,  I  should  wish  the 
enemy  to  apprehend  it.  *  *  *  Let  us  defend  North  River 
and  hold  West  Point,  and  the  end  of  our  campaign  will  be  glori- 
ous.    The  above  is  my  opinion  on  the  present  condition  of  af- 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1779  147 

fairs.     The   arrival   of   our  ally's   fleet  on   the  coast  would   ma- 
terially change  our  plan  of  operations. 

No  general  movement  was  made  by  either  army,  and 
the  summer  passed  away  quietly  so  far  as  operations  in 
this  section  were  concerned.  The  Baron  and  his  assist- 
ants were  indefatigable  in  bringing  the  army  up  to  as 
high  a  standard  as  possible  with  the  facilities  at  his  com- 
mand. He  seems  to  have  largely  conquered  the  preju- 
dices which  still  existed  among  the  Americans  against 
foreigners,  and  Duponceau  tells  us  that  though  he  was  a 
strict  disciplinarian  he  was  much  beloved  by  the  soldiers 
as  well  as  by  civilians.  One  woman  asked  permission  to 
name  her  child  after  him  when  he  said,  "How  will  you 
call  him  ?"  "Why  to  be  sure,"  was  the  reply,  "I'll  call 
him  Baron."  Occasionally  he  would  swear  in  German, 
then  in  French,  and  then  in  both  languages  together,  and 
when  these  vocabularies  were  exhausted  he  would  call 
aides  to  continue  the  operation  in  English  until  the  desired 
maneuvers  were  successfully  performed.  On  September 
28th  he  sent  some  copies  of  his  regulations  to  Benjamin 
Franklin  at  Paris  with  a  short  review  of  his  work  in  the 
army,  which  he  considers  on  the  whole  quite  satisfactory. 
He  says  if  other  correspondents  "tell  you  that  our  order 
and  discipline  equal  that  of  the  French  and  Prussian 
armies,  do  not  believe  them;  but  do  not  believe  them 
either,  if  they  compare  our  troops  to  those  of  the  Pope; 
and  just  take  a  medium  between  these  two  extremes. 
Though  we  are  so  young  that  we  scarcely  begin  to  walk 
we  can  take  already  Stony  Point  and  Paulus  Hook  (near 
New  York)  with  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  without  firing 
a  single  shot.  *  *  *  All  I  can  assure  you  of  is  that 
the  English  will  not  beat  us  if  we  don't  beat  ourselves." 

There  was  the  usual  trouble,  however,  arising  from 
expiring  enlistments  and  scanty  supplies  which  effectually 


148     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

prevented  Washington  from  making  any  serious  efforts 
towards  the  reduction  of  New  York,  which  was  now  the 
only  important  post  held  in  the  North  since  Rhode  Island 
had  been  abandoned  by  the  enemy.  Clinton  finding  he 
could  accomplish  nothing  substantial  in  his  own  neigh- 
borhood decided  to  turn  his  face  towards  the  South, 
where  the  British  had  won  several  important  victories, 
and  it  became  evident  that  the  principal  military  opera- 
tions would  soon  centre  in  that  section.  Leaving  Kny- 
phausen  with  a  strong  force  to  guard  New  York, 
he  and  Cornwallis  on  Christmas  Day,  1779,  with 
five  men  of  war  and  8,000  troops  sailed  for  Georgia, 
and  afterwards  received  3,000  more,  bringing  the  army 
in  that  section  up  to  13,000  men.  Savannah  had  been 
for  sometime  in  possession  of  the  British,  and  Charleston 
was  now  the  objective  point.  Its  capture  was  not  ac- 
complished, however,  until  May  12th  of  the  following 
year. 

In  the  meantime,  Washington,  having  sent  all  the 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina  troops  south  to  aid  in  re- 
pelling the  invasion  went  into  winter  quarters  near  Mor- 
ristown,  New  Jersey.  The  winter  was  exceptionally  se- 
vere, and  it  was  almost  Valley  Forge  over  again.  Snow 
lay  two  feet  deep  on  the  ground,  and  the  troops  suffered 
severely  before  they  could  build  their  log  huts  to  keep 
from  freezing.  Continental  money  was  worth  about 
thirty  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  nobody  wanted  to  take  it 
at  any  price.  Sometimes  the  army  would  be  without 
bread,  sometimes  without  meat,  and  sometimes  without 
both,  for  days  at  a  time.  Congress  seemed  unable  to  do 
anything,  and  the  men  were  kept  from  starving  largely 
through  voluntary  contributions  of  the  New  Jersey 
farmers.  The  Hudson  was  frozen  over,  and  Knyphausen 
added  to  his  army  considerable  loyalist  militia  to  resist 


CAMPAIGN  OF  1779  149 

any  effort  which  the  Americans  might  make  to  cross  on 
the  ice  and  attack  the  city,  but  such  an  effort  was  beyond 
Washington's  power.  Nevertheless  nobody  thought  of 
giving  up  the  contest.  Steuben  kept  up  his  drills  and  ex- 
ercises, and  as  he  now  had  the  entire  confidence  and  good 
will  of  the  army  his  task  in  this  direction  was  compara- 
tively easy.  He  had  troubles,  however,  in  another  way, 
in  that  his  expenditures  necessarily  exceeded  his  income. 
Out  of  his  small  allowance  he  was  obliged  to  purchase 
supplies  for  his  servants  and  horses,  and  as  a  result  his 
financial  condition  soon  became  a  matter  of  serious  con- 
cern. Washington  on  August  17,  1779,  called  the  atten- 
tion of  Congress  to  this  matter  with  a  memorandum  of 
warrants  he  had  given  Steuben  on  his  own  authority. 
Strictly  speaking  this  was  not  legal,  and  could  only  be 
justified  by  the  urgent  necessity  which  existed.  He  asked 
that  the  Board  of  War  be  vested  with  discretionary  power 
to  meet  this  class  of  emergencies,  by  granting  such 
amounts  from  time  to  time  as  might  be  necessary  and 
reasonable.  As  usual,  however,  Congress  did  nothing, 
and  the  situation  became  more  strained  as  Washington 
did  not  feel  justified  in  issuing  such  warrants  without 
specific  authority  to  do  so.  Some  of  the  American  officers 
were  in  the  same  condition  as  Steuben,  but  as  they  re- 
ceived aid  from  their  respective  states  their  situation  was 
more  endurable  than  the  Baron's,  who  had  nothing  to  fall 
back  upon.  To  tide  over  the  fall  and  winter  at  Morris- 
town,  Mr.  Boudinot  made  him  a  loan,  and  at  last  Steuben, 
whose  patience  was  naturally  exhausted,  asked  Congress 
for  an  increase  of  pay  or  dismissal.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  his  compensation  was  nominally  $2,000  per  annum, 
but  this  was  paid  in  Continental  currency,  then  almost 
worthless-  Finally  Congress,  on  March  7,  1780,  voted 
him  an  extra  allowance  of  250  louis  d'ors,  quoted  at  $3.83 


150    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

each,  but  which  being  paid  in  bills  of  exchange  on  Paris, 
the  Baron  was  compelled  to  discount  them  at  a  loss  of  40 
per  cent,  thus  realizing  the  munificent  sum  of  $580.50. 
Had  it  no:  been  for  the  urgent  requests  of  his  associates 
Steuben  would  no  doubt  have  resigned  his  position  at 
this  time.  Colonel  Benjamin  Walker,  the  Baron's  aide- 
de-camp,  among  others,  wrote  him,  "I  cannot  but  dread 
the  moment  when  such  an  event  shall  take  place,  for 
much  am  I  afraid  we  should  again  fall  into  that  state  of 
absolute  negligence  and  disorder  from  which  you  have  in 
some  measure  drawn  us."  But  Steuben  held  on,  hoping 
for  better  times  and  better  things. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  so  far  as  the  sinews  of 
war  were  concerned  Congress  was  practically  reduced  to 
French  loans  and  paper  money  issues,  whereas  a  strong 
government  possessing  adequate  powers  of  taxation 
would  probably  not  have  been  obliged  to  resort  to  either, 
at  least  to  more  than  to  a  limited  extent. 


CHAPTER  X. 


A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS. 


The  George  Rogers  Clark  Expedition — Victories  of  Paul  Jones 
and  the  Navy — Spain  Enters  the  Struggle — Troubles  in  the 
South — Paper  Reforms — Bad  Condition  of  the  Army — 
Steuben's   Continued   Efforts — Gloomy   Prognostications. 

However  interesting  in  themselves  it  would  be  for- 
eign to  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  follow  the  numerous 
forays  and  expeditions,  which,  along  the  coast  and  back 
at  the  frontier,  followed  each  other  at  frequent  intervals. 
Harrowing  as  they  were  to  the  communities  thus  afflicted 
they  cannot  be  said,  so  far  as  the  British  efforts  were 
concerned,  to  have  had  much  influence  on  the  final  result 
of  the  war,  in  fact  the  outrages  thus  committed  aroused 
such  indignation  as  to  incite  the  patriots  to  renewed  ef- 
forts and  counter  expeditions.  One  of  these  latter,  under 
the  command  of  George  Rogers  Clark,  which  penetrated 
to  the  Mississippi  and  gave  the  whole  of  the  territory 
northwest  of  the  river  Ohio,  then  a  part  of  the  province 
of  Quebec,  to  the  United  States,  is  deserving  of  larger 
space  than  it  has  yet  received  in  our  general  histories.  A 
writer  has  called  Clark  the  Hannibal  of  the  West,  but  the 
comparison  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  conqueror  of  the 
West.  Like  Hannibal  Clark  penetrated  far  into  the  ene- 
my's country,  but,  unlike  Hannibal,  he  refused  to  retreat, 
and,  turning  threatened  annihilation  into  victory,  gave  to 
his  country  not  only  that  great  empire  which  now  in- 
cludes the  states  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan, 
Wisconsin  and  part  of  Minnesota,  but  indirectly  prevented 
the  confinement  of  the  new  nation  to  a  narrow  strip  along 


152     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  Atlantic  ocean,  with  the  Allegheny  mountains   prac- 
tically the  western  boundary. 

During  this  period  our  little  navy  had  also  been  doing 
excellent  work  on  the  ocean,  and  John  Paul  Jones  was 
able  to  strike  terror  even  along  the  English  coast.  Early 
in  1779  Spain  by  entering  into  an  alliance  with  France 
had  practically  declared  war  against  England  with  the 
object  of  recovering  Florida,  Minorca  and  especially 
Gibraltar,  whose  continued  possession  by  Great  Britain 
was  equal  to  a  running  sore  in  the  body  politic  of  the 
Iberian  peninsula.  England  now  had  314,000  soldiers 
in  different  parts  of  the  world,  but  her  enemies  were  giv- 
ing her  so  much  trouble  that  she  could  not  reinforce  her 
armies  in  America  to  any  great  extent,  in  fact  Clinton 
was  compelled  to  send  5,000  men  to  the  West  Indies 
which  involved  the  evacuation  of  Newport,  and  from  that 
time  until  the  end  of  the  war,  New  York  was  the  only 
place  of  importance  north  of  the  Chesapeake  held  by  the 
British.  It  was  a  golden  opportunity  for  the  Americans, 
but  Washington  with  his  inadequate  resources  could  do 
nothing  but  watch,  while  his  little  army  stretching  in  a 
thin  line  from  Danbury,  Connecticut,  to  Elizabethtown, 
New  Jersey,  mantained  a  pretty  effective  blockade  so  far 
as  the  back  country  was  concerned.  British  ships  could 
ascend  the  Hudson  as  far  as  the  highlands,  but  so  long 
as  the  Americans  held  West  Point  this  was  of  very  little 
use. 

In  this  condition  of  affairs  Clinton  not  unnaturally 
turned  his  thoughts  towards  the  South.  He  had  not  for- 
gotten his  defeat  at  Fort  Moultrie  in  1776,  but  the  situa- 
tion had  changed  somewhat  since  then.  Savannah  had 
been  captured  by  the  British  in  the  fall  of  1778,  and  they 
still  held  that  city  notwithstanding  an  effort  the  next  year 
by  the  combined  Americans  and  French  forces  for  its  re- 


A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS  153 

capture,  in  which  Count  Pulaski  was  slain.  Subsequent 
battles  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  were  unfavorable 
on  the  whole  to  the  Americans,  and  with  the  royalist  sen- 
timent known  to  exist  in  those  two  states  it  was  believed 
that  a  new  base  for  successful  operations  could  be  found. 

Washington,  ever  on  the  alert,  fully  appreciated  the 
new  danger,  especially  when  he  learned  that  Clinton  and 
Cornwallis  on  Christmas  Day,  1770,  had  sailed  for  Sa- 
vannah with  8,000  men,  leaving  Knyphausen  in  command 
at  New  York,  which  had  been  strengthened  by  the  forces 
from  Rhode  Island  and  posts  on  the  Hudson.  But  the 
same  situation  confronted  him,  the  inadequacy  of  his 
army,  which  alike  prevented  the  sending  of  large  rein- 
forcements south  or  any  successful  movement  against 
New  York.  In  fact  the  expiration  of  terms  of  enlistment 
threatened  to  reduce  the  main  army,  now  having  only 
13,070  men,  by  at  least  one-fourth.  At  this  juncture  he 
ordered  Steuben,  in  whom  he  continued  to  manifest  in- 
creased confidence,  to  go  to  Philadelphia  to  confer  with 
Congress  in  regard  to  reforming  the  army  and  placing  it 
on  a  more  permanent  basis.  The  prejudice  against  any- 
thing looking  towards  the  formation  of  a  standing  army 
had  previously  considerable  influence  in  preventing  the 
enactment  of  legislation  whose  necessity  was  now  so  ap- 
parent, in  fact  the  very  existence  of  the  army  was  at 
stake. 

Steuben  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  22d  of  Jan- 
uary, 1780,  and  the  next  day  delivered  Washington's  re- 
port to  Hon.  Samuel  Huntington,  then  President  of  Con- 
gress. On  the  26th  he  was  informed  that  the  Board  of 
War  was  ordered  to  confer  with  him  on  the  state  of  the 
army.  There  was  also  talk  of  a  committee  to  visit  the 
camp  in  order  to  give  a  new  formation  to  the  army,  and 
incorporating  forty-one  regiments.     Steuben  was  also  in- 


154    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

formed  by  the  French  minister  that  the  latter  was  on  the 
point  of  asking  Congress  what  means  it  intended  to  em- 
ploy for  the  operations  of  the  next  campaign,  that  he 
might  give  notice  to  his  court  and  to  the  chiefs  of  squad- 
rons to  make  their  arrangements.  He  also  gave  assur- 
ance that  they  might  reckon  on  the  arrival  of  the  French 
fleet  in  case  the  Americans  were  able  to  co-operate. 

Steuben  left  very  full  notes  of  this  period,  and  letters 
which  have  been  translated  by  Mr.  Kapp,  which  give  a 
flood  of  information  obtainable  from  no  other  source. 
The  Baron  appeared  before  the  Board  of  War  on  the 
26th,  where  he  found  the  members  well  disposed  towards 
his  plans  and  apparently  willing  to  do  all  in  their  power 
to  reinforce  the  army  and  promote  vigorous  operations. 
Several  schemes  were  proposed,  and  the  Baron  expressed 
his  willingness  to  accept  any  that  would  bring  them  an 
army. 

Finally  on  January  28  he  presented  to  the  Board  a 
lengthy  memorial  reciting  what  had  been  done  towards 
reducing  the  army  to  a  uniform  organization  in  the  face 
of  serious  obstacles,  and  even  that,  incomplete  as  it  was, 
promised  to  be  totally  destroyed  by  the  expiration  of 
terms  of  enlistments,  leaving  fragments  of  battalions  and 
regiments  which  could  not  be  thrown  together  without 
encountering  such  opposition  as  threatened  to  disrupt  the 
whole  scheme.  Even  supposing  the  army  could  be  re- 
cruited by  filling  each  skeleton  regiment  it  would  bring 
the  force  to  58,000,  not  only  an  unnecessary  number,  but 
one  which  would  be  beyond  the  ability  of  the  states  to 
support.  But  in  order  to  oppose  the  enemies  in  the 
North  and  South  it  was  necessary  that  the  army  should 
be  considerably  augmented,  and  sufficiently  provided 
with  necessaries  for  the  next  campaign.  That  the  Baron 
did  not  consider  an  immense  number  necessary  for  this 


A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS  155 

purpose  is  evident  from  the  figures  given  below,  which 
do  not  include  officers,  sergeants,  drummers,  wagoners, 
artificers,  servants  or  camp  followers  of  any  kind,  but 
only  actual  fighting  men.  His  very  conservative  estimate 
of  the  number  of  these  needed  is  as  follows : 

Infantry 23,  616 

Cavalry 1,000 

Artillery  and  artificers 2,000 

Train  of  Artillery 400 

Train  of  the  army 2,952 

Total 29,968 

Of  this  he  assigned  the  forces  under  Washington 
as  follows : 

Infantry 16,000 

Cavalry 600 

Artillery  and  artificers 1,200 

Train  of  Artillery 300 

Retainers  &c 2,000 

Total 20,000 

He  would  allow  1,816  in  garrisons,  and  the  balance 
to  General  Lincoln  in  South  Carolina.  To  accomplish 
this  he  proposed  that — "Each  state  should  only  level  its 
regiments — each  to  consist  of  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
four  men.  They  ought  then  to  divide  each  regiment  into 
eight  companies,  and  one  of  light  infantry.  Each  com- 
pany should  consist  of  thirty-six  men,  out  of  whom  four 
should  be  drawn  to  be  put  under  the  quarter-master  gen- 
eral's orders,  who  might  employ  them  as  wagoners,  etc., 
and  thereby  save  the  enormous  expense  to  which  we  are 
subjected  by  the  considerable  pay  those  wagoners  receive, 
which  it  is  known  is  no  less  than  that  of  a  captain  of  in- 
fantry." 


158     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Considerable  space  is  also  devoted  to  measures  for 
subsistence,  clothing  &c,  and  above  all,  10,000  stand  of 
arms  by  the  beginning  of  the  following  May,  without 
reckoning  on  those  which  were  expected  from  France. 
The  moments  were  precious,  and  the  Baron  reminded  the 
Board  that  if  the  recruits  did  not  join  their  regi- 
ments by  the  1st  of  April  the  trouble  and  expense  of  as- 
sembling them  would  avail  nothing.  He  adds  in  conclu- 
sion : 

"Our  late  disappointment  at  the  southward  should 
strike  us;  two  thousand  men  more  under  the  orders  of 
General  Lincoln  would  have  insured  us  the  defeat  of  the 
enemy  in  Georgia,  and  we  would  now  have  no  fatal  con- 
sequences to  apprehend  on  that  side.  I  cannot  forbear 
observing  here  that  most  of  the  individuals  of  this  con- 
tinent are  tired  of  the  present  war.  I  wish  this  consider- 
ation may  induce  us  to  do  our  utmost  to  bring  it  to  a 
happy  termination  in  one  glorious  campaign/* 

While  some  made  objections  to  certain  details  of  the 
Baron's  plans,  on  the  whole  they  were  well  received,  of 
which  fact  he  apprised  Washington  on  January  30,  and 
asked  for  the  Board  of  War  returns  of  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  troops,  supplies  &c.  To  this  on  February  8 
Washington  replied  from  Morristown  to  the  effect  that 
before  arranging  details  it  should  be  decided  whether  it 
would  be  in  their  power  to  make  an  offensive  movement, 
or  must  they  confine  themselves  to  a  defensive  campaign, 
and  on  this  point  he  says : 

It  is  not  possible  to  decide  this  question  without  a  more 
intimate  knowledge  of  our  resources  of  finance  than  I  at  pres- 
ent possess,  and  without  ascertaining  whether  our  allies  can 
afford  a  squadron  for  an  effectual  co-operation  on  this  conti- 
nent. I  think,  with  vigorous  exertions,  we  may  raise  a  sufficient 
number  of  men  for  offensive  operations,  if  we  were  able  to 
maintain  them;  but  from  the  view  I  have  of  our  affairs,  I  do 
not  believe  the   state   of   our  treasury  will  admit  this   without 


i"*&m& 


WEST   POINT   IN    1780. 
From  print   in  New  York  Magazine,    1790.      On  left  is  portion  of  old  Fort   Constitution. 
Opposite  on  a  high  point   is   Fort  Clinton,   the  two  connected   by   the  great   chain   450   yards 
long.      In   the  distance  are   two   mountains   crowned   with   North   and  Middle   redoubts.      The 
view  is  from  Constitution  island. 


THE  VERPL'ANCK  HOUSE. 
Steuben's  Headquarters  near  West  Point,  where  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  was  formed. 


A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS  157 

assistance  from  abroad.  Whether  this  is  to  be  obtained,  Con- 
gress alone  can  judge.  On  the  other  hand,  from  the  particular 
situation  of  the  enemy's  posts  in  this  quarter,  I  should  not  ad- 
vise you  to  calculate  measures  on  the  principle  of  expelling 
them,  unless  we  had  certain  assurances  that  an  adequate  naval 
force  will  be  ready  to  co-operate  with  us  through  all  contin- 
gencies. If  foreign  aid  of  money  and  a  fleet  are  to  be  depended 
upon,  I  should  then  recommend  that  all  our  dispositions  should 
have  reference  to  an  offensive  and  decisive  campaign,  and  in  this 
case  I  should  ask  at  least  one-third  more  men  than  you  esti- 
mate, to  be  immediately  raised  by  a  general  draft.  But  as  I 
doubt  whether  these  two  preliminaries  can  be  placed  upon  such 
a  footing  of  certainty  as  to  justify  our  acting  in  consequence,  I 
imagine  we  must  of  necessity  adopt  the  principle  of  a  defensive 
campaign,  and  pursue  a  system  of  the  most  absolute  economy. 
On  this  principle,  however,  if  I  unedrstand  your  estimate,  I  do 
not  think  it  will  be  more  than  sufficient.  When  the  deductions 
for  unavoidable  casualties  are  made  this  number  will  give  us 
less  than  twenty  thousand  for  our  efficient  operating  force. 
This  is  as  little  as  we  can  well  have  to  contain  the  enemy 
within  bounds,  and  prevent  their  making  any  further  progress. 
Including  the  detachment  which  lately  sailed  from  New  York 
they  have  near  twenty  thousand  men  fit  for  actual  service  in 
these  states,  to  say  nothing  of  the  recruits  they  will  probably 
send  over  to  complete  their  battalions,  &c. 

While  conferences  with  the  War  Board  were  still  in 
progress  Steuben  busied  himself  in  arranging  details  for 
the  anticipated  recruiting,  examination  of  the  recruits 
and  assignment  for  service.  None  under  eighteen  or  over 
fifty  years  of  age  should  be  received,  and  the  regulations 
could  not  be  improved  upon  to-day.  Special  attention 
was  given  to  the  cavalry. 

As  usual,  however,  Congress  failed  to  fully  comply 
with  the  suggestions  of  Steuben,  although  they  were 
fully  supported  by  Washington.  In  lieu  thereof  on  Feb- 
ruary 5,  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted : 

That,  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  the  states  be  respectively 
required  to  furnish,  by  draughts  or  otherwise,  on  or  before  the 
1st  day  of  April  next,  their  respective  deficiency  of  the  number 
of  35,211  men  exclusive  of  commissioned  officers,  which  Con- 
gress deem  necessary  for  the  service  of  the  present  year. 


158     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

It  was  provided  that  all  the  men  whose  service  did 
not  expire  before  the  last  of  the  following  September 
should  be  credited  on  the  quotas  of  their  respective  states, 
and  for  this  purpose  the  general  in  chief  was  directed  to 
make  returns  to  the  states  of  the  men  so  credited.  This 
action  led  to  a  lengthy  correspondence  between  Steuben 
and  Washington  in  regard  to  carrying  out  of  details.  As 
before  intimated  the  lack  of  men  was  not  the  only  diffi- 
culty to  be  encountered.  Arms  and  accoutrements  were 
quite  as  important,  and,  according  to  information  fur- 
nished by  the  Board  of  War  there  were  only  about  five 
hundred  stand  of  arms  on  which  they  could  rely,  while 
nothing  could  be  expected  from  abroad  before  the  follow- 
ing June  or  July.  There  was  necessarily  considerable 
delay  in  making  out  the  returns  which  fretted  the  Baron, 
who  declared,  "We  shall  certainly  lose  two  months  at  a 
time  when  we  ought  not  to  lose  two  days." 

While  this  was  going  on  the  Baron  did  a  little  in- 
vestigating on  his  own  accunt,  and  found  in  the  Philadel- 
phia manufactories  and  magazines  3,200  stand  of  arms 
in  good  order.  A  return  of  2,000  was  made  from  Albany, 
and  a  similar  number  at  Carlisle.  Pa.,  which  could  be 
brought  together  by  the  beginning  of  April.  He  also 
found  4,000  large  muskets  without  bayonets,  which  were 
too  heavy  for  campaign  purposes  but  suitable  for  use  in 
fortifications.  He  proposed  to  have  2,000  cleaned  and 
sent  to  West  Point.  In  addition  2,000  new  cartridge 
boxes  were  discovered,  which  would  be  useful  in  the 
army.  At  this  time  a  letter  was  received  from  Franklin 
in  Paris,  in  which  he  expressed  no  doubt  that  a  request 
made  by  Congress  of  the  King  for  arms,  ammunition  and 
clothing  for  the  army,  would  be  granted. 

The  hopes  raised  by  this  condition  of  affairs  were 
soon  succeeded  by  discouragement.     A  letter  to  Wash- 


A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS  159 

ington,  dated  March  15,  shows  that  practically  nothing 
had  been  done  to  carry  out  the  plans  proposed.  Congress 
still  dallied  with  details,  and  especially  neglected  to  de- 
cide whether  the  number  of  regiments  was  to  be  pre- 
served, or  whether  a  general  incorporation  was  to  take 
place,  a  matter  simple  enough  in  itself,  but  a  necessary 
preliminary  to  my  effective  work  in  the  future.  The 
Baron  in  despair  concluded  to  quit  Philadelphia  and  re- 
turn to  the  army,  but  Chancellor  Livingston  requested 
him  to  remain  and  make  one  more  effort  towards  securing 
Congresional  action  through  the  War  Board.  As  the 
season  was  now  so  far  advanced  and  so  much  valuable 
time  had  been  lost  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  reforma- 
tion idea,  and  instead  recruit  the  existing  skeleton  regi- 
ments up  to  their  maximum  strength.  Once  more  the 
Baron  reformed  his  plans  to  meet  the  new  exigency,  by 
which  each  regiment  was  to  consist  of  317  fighting  men 
exclusive  of  the  commissioned  officers,  drummers,  fifers, 
and  be  divided  into  nine  companies  of  thirty-five  men  each. 
A  brigade  of  four  regiments  would  have  1,268  fighting 
men,  and  fifteen  brigades  at  the  grand  army  would  make 
a  body  of  infantry  of  18,703  men  under  arms.  By  this 
time  Washington's  entire  force  in  New  York  and  the 
Jerseys  had  been  reduced  to  10,400  rank  and  file,  includ- 
ing 2,800  whose  terms  of  enlistment  would  expire  the  last 
of  May,  which  would  leave  him  with  less  than  7,000 
troops,  stretched  around  a  crescent  of  over  one  hundred 
miles.  With  this  little  army  poorly  supplied  he  had  to 
watch  the  11,000  well  armed  and  well  trained  British  sol- 
diers strongly  fortified  and  concentrated  at  New  York 
City,  and  be  ready  at  any  opportune  moment  to  move  to- 
wards Boston,  up  the  Hudson  or  back  across  the  Jerseys 
as  circumstances  might  require.  The  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina  brigades  had  already  been  sent  south,  and  the 


160    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

critical  situation  there  would  soon  make  further  demands. 
There  were  some  Canadians  serving  in  the  army  at  this 
time,  but  their  number  was  not  large. 

On  the  28th  the  Baron  again  wrote  to  Washington 
that  Congress  had  done  nothing  with  his  memorial, 
which  still  lay  on  the  table,  and  as  he  says,  "every  wheel 
of  the  machine  seemed  stopped."  He  pronounced  the 
situation  very  critical,  and  although  some  attempts  had 
been  made  to  improve  the  financial  situation,  no  imme- 
diate results  could  be  expected  in  that  direction.  He  con- 
cludes this  epistle  with  the  following  pregnant  remarks : 

x 

My  anxiety  for  our  northern  affairs.  I  cannot  help  saying, 
is  considerably  increased  by  the  last  accounts,  which  seem  to 
announce  a  determination  of  General  Lincoln  to  defend  Charles- 
ton with  all  his  force.  This  to  me  appears  to  be  playing  a  hard 
game.  Another  danger  which  threatens  us,  and  which  is  much 
to  be  dreaded  is  the  declared  division  between  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania,  the  latter  state  having  actually  passed  a  law  for 
the  raising  fifteen  hundred  men  to  defend  their  pretended  rights. 
All  these  things  offer  but  a  dull  prospect,  rendered  still  more 
dull  by  the  cabals  and  factions  which  reign  among  us.  The 
civil  departments  of  the  army,  at  a  time  when  their  whole  at- 
tention should  be  taken  up  in  providing  for  the  approaching 
campaign,  are  in  such  a  state  of  dissatisfaction  and  confusion, 
that  I  am  very  apprehensive  they  will  make  things  still  worse 
than  they  are. 

You  will  perhaps  think,  my  dear  General  that  I  am  in  anx- 
iety for  things  which  are  out  of  my  sphere;  but  when  you  con- 
sider that  all  my  happiness  depends  on  our  success,  you  will  not 
blame  me  for  the  interest  I  take  in  the  cause.  The  same  mo- 
tives make  me  apprehensive  that  the  necessary  arrangements 
will  never  be  firmly  established  without  your  personal  assistance; 
and  I  submit  to  you,  My  dear  General,  whether  your  presence 
is  not  absolutely  necessary  at  Congress  in  the  present  critical 
situation  of  our  affairs.  Your  right  to  the  confidence  both  of 
Congress  and  the  people  is  too  well  founded  not  to  command 
the  greatest  attention  to  everything  you  propose.  The  time  is 
precious,  and  the  prospect  before  us  is  threatening.  _  Your  pres- 
ence will  animate  our  councils  as  it  does  our  armies.  My  at- 
tachment to  the  cause,  and  the  respectful  confidence  I  have  in 
your  presence,  induce  me  to  express  in  the  strongest  terms  the 
desire  I  have  to  see  you  here. 


A  YEAR  OF  EVENTS  161 

Washington's  reply  to  this  earnest  epistle  is  dated 
April  2.  After  referring  to  some  details  of  the  proposed 
reforms  he  says : 

Your  anxiety  on  the  score  of  southern  affairs  cannot  exceed 
mine.  The  measure  of  collecting  the  whole  force  for  the  de- 
fense of  Charleston  ought,  no  doubt,  to  have  been  well  con- 
sidered before  it  was  determined.  It  is  putting  much  to  hazard, 
but  at  this  distance  we  can  form  a  very  imperfect  judgment  of 
its  propriety  or  necessity.  I  have  the  greatest  reliance  on  Gen- 
eral Lincoln's  prudence,  but  I  cannot  forbear  dreading  the  event. 
Ill  as  we  can  afford  a  diminution  of  our  force  here,  and  not- 
withstanding the  danger  we  run  from  the  facility  with  which 
the  enemy  can  concentrate  their  force  at  our  weak  points,  be- 
sides other  inconveniences,  I  have  recommended  to  Congress 
to  detach  the  Maaryland  division  to  reinforce  the  southern 
states.  Though  this  determination  cannot,  in  all  probability, 
arrive  in  season  to  be  any  service  to  Charleston,  it  may  assist 
to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  and  save  the  Carolinas. 

My  sentiments  concerning  public  affairs  correspond,  too, 
much  with  yours.  The  prospect,  my  dear  Baron,  is  gloomy, 
and  the  storm  threatens.  Not  to  have  the  anxiety  you  express 
at  the  present  juncture,  would  be  not  to  feel  that  zeal  and  in- 
terest in  our  cause  by  which  all  your  conduct  shows  you  to  be 
actuated.  But  I  hope  we  shall  extricate  ourselves,  and  bring 
everything  to  a  prosperous  issue.  I  have  been  so  inured  to  dif- 
ficulties in  the  course  of  this  contest,  that  I  have  learned  to  look 
upon  them  with  more  tranquility  than  formerly.  Those  which 
now  present  themselves  no  doubt  require  vigorous  exertions 
to  overcome  them,  and  I  am  far  from  despairing  of  doing  it. 

Steuben  replied  on  the  6th  with  the  oft-told  tale  of 
procrastination,  and  embodying  the  suggestion  that  he 
had  previously  made  to  Congress,  that  in  view  of  the  de- 
lay and  lateness  of  the  season  a  committee  be  appointed 
with  full  power  in  concert  with  Washington  to  make 
every  arrangement  necessary  for  the  ensuing  campaign. 
Washington  had,  in  the  meantime,  written  to  President 
Huntington  concerning  the  alarming  condition  of  affairs 
and  before  Steuben's  letter  was  dispatched  a  committee 
was  appointed,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Schuyler,  Mat- 
thews and  Peabody  to  take  up  the  matter.     They  were 


162    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

instructed  to  proceed  at  once  to  headquarters  to  carry  out 
as  far  as  possible  the  reforms  suggested  by  Steuben,  and 
during  the  Summer  they  made  reports  and  continued 
their  labors  until  August  11,  when  they  were  discharged. 
Congress  took  up  the  matter,  however,  the  following  Au- 
tumn, and  adopted  the  Baron's  system  when  the  war  was 
nearly  over. 

While  Steuben  was  in  Philadelphia,  details  of  his 
work  in  the  army  were  carried  out  as  far  as  possible  by 
his  aide  de  camp,  Colonel  Walker,  who,  with  immense 
amount  of  trouble,  succeeded  in  getting  returns  of  more 
or  less  completeness.  Even  with  the  support  of  Wash- 
ington it  was  very  hard  to  enforce  the  regulations,  and  it 
was  no  doubt  with  unfeigned  satisfaction  that  the  Baron 
was  welcomed  back  to  his  military  duties  about  the  mid- 
dle of  April.  Steuben  was  accompanied  to  headquarters 
by  Chevalier  D©  la  Luzerne,  the  French  minister,  in 
whose  honor,  the  army,  under  Steuben's  direction,  was 
put  through  a  series  of  maneuvers,  which  elicited  the 
warmest  praise  from  their  distinguished  visitor. 


CHAPTER  XL 

A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD. 

Reverses  in  the  South — Loss  of  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas — 
The  Army  Almost  Discouraged — Equipoise  of  Washington 
and  Steuben — Incompetency  of  Congress — The  Baron  Out- 
lines Plans  for  the  Future — Treachery  of  Arnold — An  Inter- 
esting Incident. 

The  apprehensions  of  Washington  and  Steuben  in 
regard  to  the  army  in  the  South  were  soon  abundantly 
verified.  General  Lincoln  was  a  brave  and  energetic  of- 
ficer, but  he  made  the  mistake  of  allowing  his  army  to  be 
cooped  up  in  Charleston  instead  of  escaping  as  Washing- 
ton did  from  New  York  in  1776.  As  a  result,  the  city 
being  invested  by  a  superior  force  on  land  and  sea,  he 
was  compelled  on  May  12,  1780  to  surrender  with  all  his 
force.  The  3,000  Continentals  were  held  as  prisoners, 
and  the  militia  and  male  citizens  were  paroled.  The  loss 
was  most  serious  as  it  turned  South  Carolina  as  well  as 
Georgia  almost  completely  over  to  the  British,  although 
Marion,  Sumter  and  other  partisan  rangers  kept  up  a  de- 
sultory warfare.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  returned  to  New 
York  leaving  5,000  men  with  Cornwallis  to  complete  the 
reduction  of  the  South  by  the  invasion  of  North  Carolina 
and  Virginia.  A  crisis  was  at  hand,  and  not  only  were 
more  troops  needed  south  of  the  Potomac,  but  a  compe- 
tent general  to  command  them.  Washington  had  un- 
limited confidence  in  Greene,  notwithstanding  the  latter 
had  made  some  mistakes  in  the  early  part  of  the  war,  and 
desired  that  he  might  be  sent  to  collect  the  remnants  of 
the  southern  army.  But  Gates,  who,  with  the  assistance 
of  Arnold,  had  won  his  laurels  at  the  expense  of  Schuyler 


164    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

at  Saratoga,  nothwithstanding  his  character  had  suffered 
by  the  disclosures  of  the  Conway  cabal,  was  still  regarded 
as  an  able  general,  and  on  June  13  Congress  placed  him 
in  command  of  the  Southern  army.  He  left  for  the  field 
of  operations  with  the  best  wishes  of  everybody,  al- 
though his  old-time  friend  and  associate  Charles  Lee, 
sent  him  a  warning  note  to  "Take  care  that  your  north- 
ern laurels  do  not  turn  to  southern  willows."  He  arrived 
at  Hillsboro,  North  Carolina,  on  June  19,  and  relieved 
General  De  Kalb,  who  had  managed  to  keep  together 
what  was  left  of  the  army.  It  was  a  situation  demanding 
extraordinary  care  and  prudence,  but  Gates  does  not 
seem  to  have  exercised  even  ordinary  faculties.  Without 
going  into  details,  which  are  related  by  Eiske  and  other 
historians,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  he  was  surprised  by 
Cornwallis,  near  Camden,  S.  C,  and  on  August  16,  suf- 
fered a  crushing  defeat.  His  army  was  captured,  slaugh- 
tered or  scattered  and  De  Kalb  killed,  while  Gates  only 
saved  himself  by  a  precipitate  flight  to  Hillsboro,  nearly 
two  hundred  miles  distant,  which  he  covered  in  less  than 
four  days.  The  way  to  North  Carolina  and  Virginia  was 
now  open  to  the  invader,  but  before  following  the  course 
of  events  in  that  section  we  will  return  to  the  Jerseys. 

Steuben  was  at  his  old  work  keeping  the  army  in 
the  best  shape  possible.  The  new  levies  ordered  by  Con- 
brought  the  army  down  below  the  danger  point,  while 
the  lack  of  supplies  and  worthlessness  of  the  Continental 
money  embarrassed  every  step.  The  latter  had  fallen 
to  two  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  before  the  end  of  1780  it 
took  ten  paper  dollars  to  make  a  cent.  In  these  days  of 
alleged  high  prices  it  may  be  interesting  to  observe  that 
corn  was  then  quoted  at  $15  per  bushel,  butter  at  $12  a 
pound,  flour  $1,575  a  barrel  and  other  things  in  propor- 
tion.    Of  course  these  were  not  specie  prices  but  based 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  165 

on  paper  which  had  already  produced  the  familiar  pro- 
verb "Not  worth  a  Continental,"  that  has  survived  to  the 
present  day.  As  the  army  was  paid  in  currency,  when 
paid  at  all,  the  situation  was  particulary  hard  on  both 
officers  and  privates,  when  it  required  an  officer's  salary 
for  the  entire  year  to  purchase  a  suit  of  clothes.  Wash- 
ington attempted  to  supply  the  army  with  food  by  req- 
uisitions from  the  surrounding  country,  a  proceeding 
always  objectionable,  but  which  he  carried  out  as  lightly 
and  impartially  as  possible,  paying  therefor  in  certificates 
which  were  receivable  for  taxes,  not  a  very  good  make- 
shift but  one  that  served  its  purpose  for  the  time.  When 
the  pay  of  a  private  of  a  private  soldier  for  a  month  would 
not  buy  a  bushel  of  wheat  for  his  suffering  family,  it  is 
not  surprising  that  there  were  desertions.  The  people 
were  getting  tired  of  the  war,  and  even  among  the  patriots 
there  was  talk  as  to  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  make 
terms  and  end  the  struggle  before  there  should  come  the 
inevitable  collapse.  Desertions  at  that  time  averaged  over 
a  hundred  a  month,  and  Washington  in  writing  to  Presi- 
dent Huntington  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that 
with  the  end  of  the  year  the  terms  of  half  the  army 
would  expire,  with  the  condition  that  "The  shadow  of  an 
army  that  will  remain  will  have  every  motive  except  mere 
patriotism  to  abandon  the  service,  without  the  hope  which 
has  hitherto  supported  them,  of  a  change  for  the  better. 
This  is  almost  extinguished  now,  and  certainly  will  not 
outlive  the  campaign  unless  it  finds  something  more  sub- 
stantial to  rest  upon.  To  me  it  will  appear  miraculous  if 
our  affairs  can  maintain  themselves  much  longer  in  their 
present  train.  If  either  the  temper  or  the  resources  of  the 
country  will  not  admit  of  an  alteration,  we  may  expect 
soon  to  be  reduced  to  the  humiliating  condition  of  seeing 
the  cause  of  America  in  America  upheld  by  foreign  arms." 


166     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

On  June  6  Knyphausen  concluded  to  make  a  diver- 
sion into  New  Jersey,  and  for  this  purpose  landed  a  force 
at  Elizabethtown  point.  The  town  itself  was  guarded  by 
American  militia,  who,  having  warning,  withdrew  in  time 
not  only  to  avoid  capture,  but  with  the  help  of  reinforce- 
ments and  some  Continental  troops  they  harassed  the 
British  all  the  way  to  Connecticut  Farms,  a  distance  of 
about  five  miles.  From  there  the  Americans  retreated  a 
few  miles  farther  to  Springfield  where  they  took  a  strong 
position,  which  Knyphausen,  although  his  force  was 
greatly  superior,  did  not  attempt  an  attack,  and  that  even- 
ing began  a  retreat  back  to  the  point.  Steuben,  as  Wash- 
ington's chief  of  staff,  seems  to  have  supervised  the  move- 
ments of  the  Americans,  for  all  reports  were  sent  to  his 
quarters  as  well  as  deserters  and  prisoners.  He  also  drew 
up  a  general  plan  to  utilize  the  New  Jersey  militia  during 
this  invasion  which  subsequent  movements  of  the  enemy 
rendered  unnecessary. 

Clinton  arrived  at  New  York  from  the  South  on 
June  17,  and  two  days  later  came  across  the  bay  to  view 
the  situation  in  New  Jersey.  He  did  not  think  much  of 
it,  but  before  withdrawing  his  troops  concluded  to  try  the 
effect  of  a  diversion.  Making  a  feint  at  threatening  Wash- 
ington's army  in  the  rear,  he  again  advanced  to  Spring- 
field about  thirty  miles  northwest.  Greene  had  taken  up  a 
strong  position  beyond  the  town  which  Clinton  concluded 
not  to  attack,  but  that  evening  ordered  a  retreat  after 
burning  the  village.  Skirmishers  and  militia  harassed  the 
British  along  the  entire  route,  repeating  the  Lexington 
experience.  The  British  troops  reached  Staten  Island  by 
a  bridge  of  boats  which  was  then  removed.  Later  Clin- 
ton embarked  8,000  troops  on  an  expedition  to  retake 
Rhode  Island,  which  he  had  given  up  the  preceding  fall, 
but  owing  to  the  inactivity  of  Arbuthnot,  the  naval  com- 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  167 

mander,  it  came  to  nothing,  and  Clinton  wrote  home  that 
it  would  be  impossible  to  conquer  America  without  rein- 
forcements. 

Bancroft  states  that  during  the  first  week  in  June 
the  troops  under  Washington's  immediate  command 
numbered  but  3,760  men  fit  for  duty,  and  these  Congress 
could  neither  pay  nor  supply  with  food.  But  dark  as  was 
the  prospect  the  commander  in  chief  and  the  little  band 
which  composed  his  staff  did  not  despair.  As  he  did  once 
before  at  the  request  of  Washington,  Steuben  drew  up  a 
general  review  of  the  situation  with  suggestions  and 
plans  for  the  future,  especially  the  coming  campaign. 
First  as  to  the  existing  situation,  concerning  which  he 
says: 

The  great  preparation  made  by  the  belligerent  powers  in 
Europe  since  last  December,  announced  an  intention  on  both 
sides  to  render  this  campaign  as  decisive  as  possible.  The  in- 
tentions of  the  Court  of  France  were  made  known  to  the  honor- 
able Congress  the  beginning  of  January  last  by  the  minister, 
who  at  the  same  time  exhorted  the  United  States  to  employ 
every  effort  in  making  the  necessary  preparations  for  a  vigorous 
campaign  on  their  part.  It  is  not  now  necessary  to  examine 
into  the  motives  that  prevented  the  different  Legislatures  from 
making  the  necessary  arrangements.  But  it  is  proper  to  know 
that,  instead  of  augmenting  our  force,  it  has  diminished  near 
five  thousand  men  whose  term  of  service  has  expired.  About 
this  time  Charleston  was  invested,  and  it  did  not  require  any 
superior  knowledge  in  the  art  of  war  to  presume  the  place 
would  fall.  This  has,  in  fact,  happened;  and  by  the  capture  of 
the  garrison  we  have  suffered  a  loss  of  two  thousand  five  hun- 
dred men.  These,  added  to  the  five  thousand  above  mentioned, 
make  about  one-half  the  force  we  had  last  campaign. 

On  the  arrival  of  Marquis  De  Lafayette,  the  latter  end  of 
April,  we  were  assured  of  the  intention  of  the  Court  of  France 
to  send  a  fleet  of  ships  of  the  line  and  seven  or  eight  thousand 
troops  to  co-operate  with  the  Americans  in  such  a  manner  as 
Congress  should  judge  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States.  It 
was  then  thought  proper  to  reinforce  the  army,  and  accordingly 
Congress  recommended,  and  the  states  resolved,  to  raise  troops 
for  that  purpose.  But  the  bad  state  of  our  finances,  with  other 
difficulties  which  have  occurred,  has  prevented  the  execution  of 


168     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

these  resolves  to  the  present  moment.  Such  is  the  situation  of 
things  at  this  time. 

The  enemy  having  left  a  garrison  of  three  thousand  men  at 
Charleston,  are  returned  with  the  remainder  of  their  force  to 
New  York,  where  they  have  about  ten  thousand  regular  troops 
and  four  thousand  new  levies,  in  all  about  fourteen  thousand, 
together  with  four  ships  of  the  line  in  the  harbor,  besides 
which  it  is  reported  that  Admiral  Graves  has  arrived  at  Penob- 
scott  with  a  fleet,  the  force  of  which  we  have  not  ascertained. 

On  the  other  hand  we  are  in  expectation  of  the  arrival  of 
promised  succor  from  our  allies,  and  expect  to  reecive  from  the 
different  states  the  number  of  men  and  every  other  assistance 
necessary  to  co-operate  with  them,  and  strike  a  decisive  stroke 
whenever  the  commander  in  chief  shall  think  proper  to  direct 
his  operations. 

From  this  the  Baron  proceeds  to  outline  a  course  of 
campaign,  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  appears  very  am- 
bitious considering  the  resources  at  hand  and  what  might 
reasonably  be  expected.  The  paper  seems  almost  to  com- 
bine the  present  cheerfulness  of  Mark  Tapley  with  the 
future  visions  of  Don  Quixote.  First  was  the  reduction 
of  New  York  with  the  capture  of  the  garrison  which 
would  terminate  the  war.  Second  was  the  conquest  of 
Canada  in  order  to  secure  the  frontier  from  savage  raids 
and  secure  the  peace  of  the  continent.  Third  was  the 
reduction  of  Halifax  and  Penobscot.  Fourth  was  the  re- 
taking of  Charleston,  and  fifth  was  the  reduction  of  the 
Floridas,  in  which  assistance  might  be  expected  from  the 
Canadas.  New  York  was  of  course,  regarded  as  the  cru- 
cial point,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  the  enemy  had  14,000 
men,  well  fortified  and  supplied.  According  to  military 
authorities  to  successfully  invest  and  reduce  a  fortified 
place  requires  a  force  three  times  as  large  as  the  garrison, 
but  the  Baron  thought  it  might  be  done  in  this  case  with 
double,  or  28,000  men.  Counting  the  existing  American 
force  at  7,000,  which  we  have  seen  was  very  liberal,  and 
expecting  6,000  or  7,000  French  troops  in  addition  the 
Americans  would  then  have  about  14,000  all  told,  and 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  1G9 

consequently  would  need  at  least  14,000  additional  re- 
cruits. He  thought  if  these  recruits  were  furnished  by 
August  1  and  properly  supplied  with  provisions  and  for- 
age (two  very  violent  assumptions)  the  enterprise  might 
be  inaugurated.  Co-operation  might  also  be  expected 
from  the  French  fleet,  but  there  was  very  little  certain  in- 
formation on  this  point.  The  process  of  investment  is 
worked  out  with  very  elaborate  detail,  but  as  the  scheme 
was  based  upon  resources  which  were  never  furnished  it 
is  not  necessary  to  follow  it  here.  The  same  may  be  said 
concerning  the  invasion  of  Canada  and  the  capture  of 
Quebec,  which,  under  the  circumstances  was  as  visionary 
as  a  hobo's  dream  of  sumptuous  banquets  in  marble  halls. 
Charleston  and  Florida  were  to  await  the  results  of  oper- 
ations in  the  North. 

Possibly  Washington's  features  relaxed  into  a  grim 
smile  as  he  read  this  memorial,  which  contained  the  es- 
sence of  military  strategy  had  there  been  the  means  to 
carry  it  out.  In  the  meantime  came  news  of  Gates's  de- 
feat, and  the  summer  was  wearing  away  without  any- 
thing being  accomplished.  On  September  10  another 
paper  was  submitted  by  the  Baron,  which,  taking  into  ac- 
count their  present  condition,  is  quite  different  in  tone 
from  the  former.  Although  disclosing  the  serious  con- 
dition of  affairs  it  contains  no  note  of  despair,  but  is 
filled  with  valuable  suggestions.  All  idea  of  present  of- 
fensive operations  is  abandoned,  the  writer  pertinently 
remarking  : 


What  can  be  undertaken  against  an  enemy  placed  on  three 
islands,  superior  in  naval  force  and  at  least  equal  in  land  force, 
without  mentioning  the  advantages  that  an  army  of  veterans 
has  over  one  the  half  of  which  is  composed  of  young  recruits? 
We  cannot  even  expect  to  keep  them  within  their  limits.  They 
have  it  in  their  power  to  pass  the  rivers  and  make  incursions 
wherever  they  think  proper,  and  I  shall  be  much  astonished  if 


170    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


the  enemy  do  not  assemble  their  whole  force,  pass  the  river 
(the  Hudson)  and  try  to  engage  us  in  general  action.  If  any 
consideration  prevents  them  it  is  that,  having  so  large  a  propor- 
tion of  German  troops,  they  are  apprehensive  of  their  deserting 
on  such  an  occasion,  while  the  English  fleet  blocks  the  port  of 
New  York,  and  thereby  prevents  a  junction  with  the  French 
troops. 

Some  changes  are  suggested  which  would  give  bet- 
ter facilities  for  resisting  the  enemy  in  the  event  of  an  at- 
tack, and  the  Baron  proceeds  to  a  discussion  of  affairs  in 
the  South,  which  is  of  special  interest  as  that  section  was 
destined  soon  to  become  the  principal  theatre  of  war : 

Upon  a  general  view  of  the  situation,  and  especially  after 
the  unhappy  affair  to  the  southward,  I  think  that  our  only  object 
should  be  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  enemy  till  some  more  for- 
tunate events  permit  us  to  act  on  our  part.  To  do  this  I  would 
not  only  wish  the  army  to  be  kept  together,  but  I  should  wish 
for  as  speedy  a  junction  as  possible  with  the  French  troops. 
*  *  *  What  appears  to  me  most  likely  is,  that  the  enemy, 
after  the  defeat  of  General  Gates,  will  endeavor  to  push  their 
conquest  to  the  southwest,  and  being  sure  that  we  are  not  able 
to  undertake  anything  against  the  three  islands,  they  will  em- 
bark what  troops  can  be  spared,  and  make  a  descent  on  Vir- 
ginia, where  there  is  nothing  but  militia  to  oppose  their  prog- 
ress. How  to  stop  them  in  that  quarter  is  the  most  difficult  to 
answer.  The  successive  detachments  we  have  already  sent  have 
lost  us  the  troops  of  six  states.  Always  inferior  to  the  enemy, 
and  not  supported  by  the  provincials  or  militia,  they  have  been 
sacrificed  as  far  as  they  have  been  sent.  Can  we  risk  now  to 
expose  the  Pennsylvania  line  to  the  same  fate?  At  any  rate  we 
can  not  before  the  junction  of  the  French  troops  with  our 
army.  *  *  *  To  attempt  to  retake  by  detachments  of  our 
army,  what  we  have  lost  in  that  quarter,  we  shall  in  the  end  be 
defeated  by  detail.  I  could  cite  many  examples  where  whole 
armies  have  been  defeated  by  detachment.  Prince  Eugene, 
against  the  French,  risked  his  reputation  and  the  loss  of  the 
house  of  Austria  for  having  weakened  his  army  by  detachment — 
he  was  totally  defeated  by  detail.  But  our  own  experience  will 
suffice.  The  troops  of  six  states  have  already  been  lost,  and  if 
these  states  cannot  or  will  not  replace  their  troops  the  State 
of  New  Hampshire  would  at  least  be  left  to  defend  the  whole 
thirteen  states.  To  detach  any  part  of  the  army  at  present 
seems  to  me  of  more  dangerous  consequences  than  any  prog- 
ress the  enemy  can  make  to  the  southward.  In  fact  they  can 
only  ravage  the  country,  and  this  we  cannot  hinder  even  with 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  171 

a  superior  force;  and  should  they  take  possession  of  any  places 
on  the  coast,  so  soon  as  the  maritime  forces  of  our  allies  be- 
come superior  to  theirs  on  the  coast  they  must  abandon  them. 
*  *  *  The  greatest  danger,  in  my  opinion,  that  can  threaten 
the  country  is  a  defeat  of  our  army.  The  disaffected  would  be- 
come discouraged,  and  all  our  resources  become  more  difficult. 
We  should  even  in  that  case  lose  every  advantage  that  we 
might  reap  from  the  arrival  of  a  fleet  of  our  allies  to  our  as- 
sistance. My  opinion  then  is  absolutely  this,  to  play  a  sure 
game,  and  rather  suffer  some  little  insult  than  risk  the  whole; 
to  keep  our  army  together  as  much  as  possible,  and  prepare 
ourselves  to  act  with  vigor  when  our  allies  come  to  our  assist- 
ance. 

This  lengthy  and  pregnant  memorial  concluded  with 
the  suggestion  that  the  only  assistance  Washington  could 
then  give  the  Southern  states  would  be  to  send  one  or 
two  well  posted  officers  to  give  necessary  instructions.  A 
winter  campaign  against  Charleston  is  suggested  in  case 
the  expected  French  fleet  arrived  with  sufficient  reinforce- 
ments. 

The  importance  of  this  memorial  cannot  be  overesti- 
mated. The  pressure  upon  Washington  to  send  further 
detachments  to  check  the  progress  of  the  enemy  in  the 
South  was  very  great,  and  while  he  no  doubt  realized  in 
his  own  mind  the  importance  of  keeping  the  grand  or 
main  army  intact  as  far  as  possible  he  was  no  doubt  glad 
to  be  sustained  in  his  position  by  such  an  unanswerable 
presentation  of  the  facts  and  conclusions  therefrom. 

Mention  of  expected  aid  from  France  has  no  doubt 
been  noticed  in  the  above  memorials.  This  does  not  refer 
to  the  general  assistance  which  had  been  received  from 
that  country  since  the  outbreak  of  the  war  but  to  a  spe- 
cial expedition  which  was  expected  that  summer.  So  far 
the  results  of  the  French  alliance  had  been  disappointing 
at  least  to  the  general  public,  who  could  not  realize  the 
value  of  the  assistance  which  had  been  given  in  the  form 
of  money  and  supplies  and  the  indirect  help  afforded  by 


172     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

keeping  busily  engaged  elsewhere  forces  that  would  have 
otherwise  been  turned  against  America.  The  only  two 
instances  where  the  forces  had  attempted  to  co-operate 
had  been  disastrous,  largely  at  least  through  divided  coun- 
sels. By  1780,  however,  mainly  through  the  representa- 
tions of  Lafayette,  who  had  returned  to  France  in  1779 
and  remained  several  months,  there  was  a  change  of  pol- 
icy. Lafayette  urged  Vergennes  to  dispatch  at  least 
12,000  men  to  America  under  a  competent  general,  who, 
however,  would  be  completely  subordinate  to  Washing- 
ton, and  thus  the  combined  armies  would  succeed  in 
"dealing  England  a  blow  where  she  would  most  feel  it." 
Lafayette  returned  to  America  in  April,  1780,  with  the 
information  that  such  an  expedition  was  projected,  and 
on  July  10  there  arrived  at  Newport  Admiral  Ternay 
with  seven  ships  of  the  line  and  three  frigates,  carrying 
6,000  men  under  command  of  Count  Rochambeau.  This 
was  only  half  the  number  needed,  but  the  balance  was 
promised  as  soon  as  transportation  could  be  procured. 
Unfortunately  the  French  fleet  was  blockaded  in  Narra- 
gansett  bay  by  a  strong  British  squadron,  and  Rocham- 
beau did  not  care  to  move  his  troops  while  this  danger 
existed.  The  other  6,000  were  blockaded  in  Brest  harbor 
and  never  got  away  from  France.  Thus  all  the  schemes 
for  that  year  miscarried,  and  offensive  plans  did  not  get 
beyond  the  paper  stage.  Another  year  was  to  elapse  be- 
fore even  Rochambeau's  force  could  be  utilized. 

During  this  summer  General  Robert  Howe  was  in 
command  at  West  Point,  against  which  Washington  be- 
lieved Clinton  had  designs  while  making  feints  in  New 
Jersey.  He  had  seen  active  service  in  the  South,  but  had 
been  unfortunate  in  losing  Savannah  while  trying  to  de- 
fend it  against  a  force  three  times  as  great  as  his  own, 
and  at  the  request  of  the  South  Carolina  delegates  in  Con- 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  173 

gress  he  was  superseded  by  General  Lincoln  who  was 
equally  unfortunate  at  Charleston.  A  fear  existed  in  the 
army  that  he  might  not  be  able  to  defend  West  Point,  so 
Washington,  not  wishing  to  remove  him,  about  the  mid- 
dle of  June  sent  Steuben  to  Howe  as  a  confidential  ad- 
viser, a  commision  which  he  filled  with  tact  and  delicacy 
until  the  1st  of  August,  when  Benedict  Arnold  succeeded 
to  the  command.  While  there,  as  elsewhere,  the  Baron 
paid  particular  attention  to  the  condition  of  the  army, 
bringing  the  personnel  and  equipment  up  to  the  highest 
standard  for  any  emergency  that  might  arise.  Referring 
to  the  soldiers  one  of  the  officers  remarked  that  when  they 
marched  from  the  parade  they  appeared  equal  to  the 
storming  of  another  Stony  Point.  Furloughed  men  were 
recalled,  and  a  needed  reformation  carried  out  in  every 
department.  Expected  arms  from  France  failed  to  arrive, 
and  complaints  of  insufficient  supplies  were  only  relieved 
from  monotony  by  their  justice,  but  Steuben  labored  on 
amid  all  discouragements,  a  sample  of  which  is  related  in 
a  letter  to  General  Knox,  dated  July  27,  which  is  only  one 
of  several  to  the  same  effect : 

"Among  the  3,000  arms  arrived  from  Albany  900 
only  have  bayonets,  nor  do  I  know  where  to  procure 
them.  We  shall  also  be  very  short  of  cartridge  boxes.  I 
have  ordered  1,500  to  be  repaired  here  God  knows  if  it 
will  be  done.  These  fifteen  days  past  I  have  been  endea- 
voring to  get  arms  from  Chester  to  Newburg,  where  I 
have  prepared  a  store  for  their  reception,  to  deliver  them 
to  the  brigades.  I  have  also  been  ten  days  trying  to  get 
the  arms  from  Albany  from  on  board  the  sloops,  but 
neither  one  nor  the  other  can  be  done.  My  orders  are 
less  respected  than  those  of  a  corporal.  The  army  is  un- 
der marching  orders,  and  nearly  4,000  are  unarmed.  The 
arms  are  here,  and  cannot  be  delivered  because  nobody 


174    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

will  do  his  duty.  There  were  at  Philadelphia,  I  believe, 
5,000  arms  with  bayonets,  and  1,500  new  cartridge  boxes, 
with  drums,  fifes  and  other  articles,  and  there  are,  I  be- 
lieve, 1,000  arms  at  Carlisle.  In  our  present  circum- 
stances they  should  all  be  collected  or  we  shall  lose  the 
campaign." 

By  this  time  Washington  had  removed  his  head- 
quarters to  Tappan,  between  West  Point  and  New  York, 
in  order  the  better  to  watch  Clinton  and  form  a  junction 
with  Rochambeau  when  opportunity  offered.  Here  he 
was  joined  by  Steuben,  when  Arnold  took  command  at 
West  Point,  and  it  was  here  no  doubt  that  he  presented 
his  memorial  of  September  10  which  furnished  a  basis  for 
future  movements. 

To  follow  the  marching  and  counter-marching  of 
armies,  to  recount  the  stories  of  sieges  and  battles  is  al- 
ways more  interesting  than  picturing  the  details  of  camp 
life,  the  daily  drill,  looking  after  supplies,  instructing  and 
preparing  officers  as  well  as  the  rank  and  file  to  properly 
perform  their  duties.  But  just  as  the  latter  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  any  efficient  work  against  the  enemy  so  is  it 
necessary  to  give  some  account  of  it,  even  at  the  risk  of 
being  tedious,  in  order  that  there  may  be  due  apprecia- 
tion of  the  character  and  services  of  him  to  whom  the 
duty  of  carrying  on  this  branch  of  the  service  is  allotted. 
It  was  now  three  years  since  Steuben  had  cast  his  lot  with 
the  American  insurgents,  and  during  most  of  that  period 
he  had  labored  in  season  and  out  of  season  in  performing 
the  duties  assigned  him.  If  he  could  not  get  what  he 
thought  he  should  have,  he  took  what  he  could 
get,  whether  it  was  a  question  of  authority  or 
a  matter  of  supplies.  As  a  member  of  Wash- 
ington's official  family  he  had  earned  the  unlimited  con- 
fidence of  the  commander  in  chief  and  the  respect  of  every 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  175 

member  of  his  staff.  His  special  work  had  shown  good 
results,  and  undoubtedly  contributed  largely  to  saving  the 
army  at  Monmouth,  as  well  as  adding  to  its  efficiency  on 
other  occasions.  While  temporarily  holding  a  command 
in  the  line,  he  demonstrated  his  fitness  for  the  position  so 
clearly  that  one  is  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  had  not 
jealousy  of  foreigners  prevented  his  assignation  to  a  per- 
manent post  the  story  of  some  reverses  to  the  patriot  army 
might  have  been  different.  He  had  the  confidence  of  the 
rank  and  file  as  well  as  that  of  the  inferior  officers,  which 
was  in  itself  a  marked  assistance  in  carrying  on  his  opera- 
tions. Yet  we  have  seen  from  the  West  Point  letter  that 
he  was  still  hampered  unreasonably  in  his  work,  and  this 
was  largely  due  to  the  neglect  of  Congress  to  provide  him 
with  ample  powers  and  assistance  in  the  way  of  subordin- 
ate officers.  When  that  body  on  February  25,  1779,  re- 
solved to  establish  the  office  of  permanent  inspector  in- 
stead of  the  temporary  arrangement  then  existing,  it 
seemed  to  think  that  the  mere  creation  of  the  office,  with 
the  book  of  regulations  as  subsequently  adopted  would 
furnish  an  automatic  machine  which  would  perform  the 
work  required  without  further  action.  Washington,  by 
special  orders  relating  to  the  duties  of  inspector,  sub- 
inspectors,  brigade  majors  and  others  concerned,  rendered 
invaluable  aid  towards  carrying  out  Steuben's  plans,  so 
that  by  1780  the  discipline  and  exercises  of  the  troops 
were  as  good  as  the  shifting  from  expiration  of  enlist- 
ment terms  and  other  courses  would  permit.  The  next 
move  was  to  stop  abuses  of  furloughs  and  discharges  as 
well  as  the  waste  which  prevailed.  To  do  this  it  was  re- 
quisite that  there  should  be  a  consolidation  of  the  muster 
master's  and  inspector's  departments.  The  two  heads 
were  in  constant  conflict  until  Congress  on  January  12, 
1780  annexed  the  former  to  the  inspector's  department, 


176     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

so  that  accounts  of  men  and  supplies  should  be  made  to 
the  inspector.  In  pursuance  of  this  action  Steuben  reor- 
ganized his  department,  creating  new  offices  to  which 
should  be  attached  these  additional  duties,  the  department 
to  consist  of  an  inspector  general  and  assistant,  one  for 
each  division  being  a  Colonel  or  Lieutenant  Colonel,  sub 
inspector  for  each  brigade  to  be  a  major  or  senior  cap- 
tain, an  inspector  for  artillery,  and  one  for  cavalry.  These 
officers  were  to  be  allowed  such  assistance  in  men  or  ani- 
mals as  they  might  need,  and  the  commander  in  chief 
should  make  regulations  for  the  whole  body. 

The  matter  was  taken  up  by  Congress,  which  body, 
on  September  25  passed  a  set  of  resolutions  adopting  the 
idea  as  a  whole,  but  making  material  changes  in  detail 
which  were  not  very  satisfactory  to  the  Baron,  who  was 
not  slow  to  express  his  dissent  therefrom.  None  but  a 
military  person  would  care  to  follow  these  differences 
with  particularity,  but  the  main  objections  on  the  part  of 
the  Baron  appear  to  be  summed  up  in  a  letter  from  Phila- 
delphia to  Washington,  dated  October  23d,  as  follows : 

The  monthly  addition  of  five  to  eight  dollars  to  the  pay  of 
officers  of  such  merit  as  those  whom  your  Excellency  has 
chosen  for  the  inspectorship,  appears  to  me  so  very  mean  that 
I  will  not  take  upon  myself  to  make  them  such  a  proposition. 
When  the  ancient  majors  of  brigade,  who,  in  the  first  institu- 
tion, were  taken  from  the  line  of  lieutenants  or  ensigns,  had  an 
addition  to  their  pay  of  twenty-four  dollars  per  month,  how  can 
nine  dollars  now  be  proposed  to  a  colonel  for  discharging  so 
important  and  painful  function?  I  am  now  endeavoring  to  find 
how  much  the  muster  master's  department  has  cost  the  states. 
I  am  sure  that  the  addition  I  ask  for  the  officers  of  inspector- 
ship will  not  amount  to  an  eighth-part  of  it.  Several  resolu- 
tions in  this  arrangement  are  contradictory  to  one  another,  and 
others  are  not  sufficiently  clear.  I  am  therefore  determined  to 
present  a  memorial  to  Congress  in  order  to  have  the  inspec- 
tor's department  established  on  the  footing  proposed  by  your 
Excellency,  without  any  alteration.  If  Congress  desire  that  I 
should  continue  in  this  office,  I  flatter  myself  that  they  w'll 
have  a  regard  to  my  representation. 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  177 

As  usual,  however,  the  Baron  had  been  going  ahead 
attending  to  his  duties  both  as  inspector  and  as  a  member 
of  Washington's  staff.  Among  other  things  he  drew  up 
a  plan  for  the  daily  assembling  of  the  general  officers 
with  the  commander  in  chief  by  which  the  different 
branches  were  kept  in  close  touch  with  each  other,  also  for 
punishing  officers  absenting  themselves  without  leave, 
with  other  matters  of  like  nature.  Scarcely  half  the  re- 
cruits requisitioned  so  bravely  by  Congress  had  put  in  an 
appearance,  but  these  had  to  be  trained  and  absorbed  by 
the  rest  of  the  army.  Congress  again  attempted  to  pro- 
vide a  regular  army,  at  least  on  paper,  by  providing  that 
from  and  after  January  1,  1781,  said  army  should  con- 
sist of  four  regiments  of  cavalry,  four  of  artillery,  forty- 
nine  of  infantry  exclusive  of  Colonel  Hazen's  regiment 
of  foreigners,  and  one  regiment  of  artificers.  The  cavalry 
was  to  consist  of  six  troops,  each  of  64  non  commissioned 
officers  and  privates ;  artillery  regiments  to  consist  of  nine 
companies  of  65  each,  the  infantry  of  nine  companies  of 
64  each,  and  the  artificers  of  eight  companies  of  60  each, 
making  a  total  of  1576  cavalry,  2,340  artillery,  28,124  in- 
fantry, and  480  artificers,  or  32,520  in  all  besides  com- 
missioned officers  and  the  various  non  combatants  such  as 
musicians,  teamsters  &c.  These  were  apportioned  among 
the  states  with  an  urgent  request  to  fill  up  their  quotas  not 
later  than  January  1,  enlistment  to  be  made  for  the  war 
if  possible,  but  if  these  could  not  be  obtained  then  recruits 
to  be  taken  for  not  less  than  one  year  unless  sooner  re- 
lieved. The  sum  of  fifty  dollars  was  allowed  as  bounty, 
and  each  recruiting  officer  was  granted  $2  premium  for 
every  soldier  obtained.  Some  changes  were  made  in  this 
plan,  but  as  a  whole  it  was  retained  until  the  end  of  the 
war. 

Steuben  now  had  a  new  job  on  hand,  namely  the  for- 


178    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

mation  of  the  fresh  army  which  Congress  proposed  to 
create.  This  he  outlined  in  a  lengthy  memorial  in  which 
great  stress  was  laid  on  retaining  as  many  of  the  old  offi- 
cers as  possible.  As  finally  arranged  the  infantry,  cavalry 
and  trains  of  the  army  should  amount  to  32,058  men,  with 
3,153  in  the  artillery,  sappers  and  miners.  His  views  were 
adopted  by  Washington  and  subsequently  by  Congress, 
and  it  looked  as  though  he  would  now  have  a  chance  to 
work  out  his  ideas  under  more  favorable  circumstances 
than  ever  before.  Unfortunately  for  this  object  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  the  South  called  him  away  from  the 
main  amy,  and  the  reforms  which  he  had  so  carefully 
planned  were  practically  shelved  for  a  year. 

There  was  soon  to  be  a  shifting  of  the  active  theatre 
of  war,  but  before  giving  it  attention,  it  may  be  well  to 
recall  the  celebrated  plot  of  Arnold  and  Clinton,  which, 
had  it  been  carried  out  to  a  successful  consummation 
would  have  furnished  a  most  tragic  climax  to  what  has 
been  not  inappropriately  called  the  year  of  disasters.  The 
character  of  Benedict  Arnold  certainly  was  a  mixed  one, 
and  in  his  earlier  days  he  possessed  traits  that  cannot  but 
excite  one's  admiration,  although  even  then  he  had  his 
critics  who  had  at  least  some  foundation  for  their  detrac- 
tions. Running  away  from  his  home  at  Norwich,  Con- 
necticut at  the  age  of  fifteen  he  joined  an  expedition 
against  the  French,  but  not  enjoying  military  restraint  he 
deserted  and  came  back  home.  At  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution  he  was  in  the  mercantile  business  at  New 
Haven,  and  immediately  after  the  battle  at  Lexington 
went  to  Cambridge  at  the  head  of  the  militia  company  of 
which  he  was  captain.  He  proposed  an  expedition 
against  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga,  but  Ethan  Allen 
having  organized  a  similar  expedition  under  authority  of 
the  State  of  Connecticut,  he  served  under  him  as  a  volun- 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  179 

teer.  Becoming  angry  at  an  investigation  ordered  by  the 
Massachusetts  authorities  he  left  the  expedition  and  re- 
turned to  Cambridge.  His  expedition  to  Quebec  that  fall 
through  the  Maine  woods  furnished  an  episode  of  suffer- 
ing and  endurance  seldom  equalled.  Severely  wounded 
in  the  futile  attack  on  Quebec,  he  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  combined  forces  on  the  death  of  Montgomery 
who  had  joined  him  by  way  of  Montreal,  which  point  he 
held  until  the  following  April,  when  he  was  compelled  to 
retreat.  Charges  were  made  against  him  of  having  mis- 
appropriated goods  belonging  to  Montreal  merchants,  but 
an  investigating  committee  pronounced  these  charges  ut- 
terly baseless.  Later  he  made  a  brilliant  fight  against 
odds  on  Lake  Champlain,  and  when  Congress  in  1777 
created  five  new  major  generalships  it  was  thought  Arn- 
old would  be  given  one  of  them.  But  although  ranking 
brigadier  he  was  passed  over  entirely  on  the  ground  that 
Connecticut  already  had  two  major  generals.  He  was  so 
indignant  ?.t  this  injustice  that  he  wanted  to  resign  from 
the  army,  but  Washington  persuaded  him  to  remain,  and 
he  afterwards  did  some  brilliant  work  in  defeating  a  band 
of  British  raiders  at  Ridgefield,  Conn.  He  was  now  com- 
missioned major  general,  but  without  the  ranking  to 
which  he  was  naturally  entitled,  and  he  was  sent  to  join 
the  army  of  the  North  against  Burgoyne.  Gates  had  suc- 
ceeded Schuyler  in  time  to  reap  the  fruits  of  victory  due 
to  Schuyler's  arrangements,  very  much  as  credit  was 
largely  given  to  another  who  had  the  advantage  of  Ad- 
miral Sampson's  work  at  Santiago  over  a  hundred  years 
later.  Being  jealous  of  Arnold's  military  reputation 
which  had  been  won  during  the  Canadian  expedition 
Gates  provoked  a  quarrel  with  him  which  led  to  Arnold 
being  relieved  of  his  command,  but  when  the  second  bat- 
tle of  Saratoga  began  and  the  situation  appeared  serious, 


180    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

at  the  request  of  his  brother  officers  Arnold  dashed  into 
the  affray  and  rendered  brilliant  service,  contributing  ma- 
terially to  that  day's  victory.  During  this  fight  the  bone 
of  his  left  leg  was  fractured  above  the  knee  by  a  shot  from 
a  German  wounded  soldier  who  was  lying  on  the  ground, 
and  as  Arnold  fell  from  his  horse  one  of  his  men  rushed 
to  bayonet  the  German.  Arnold  cried  out,  "For  God's 
sake,  don't  hurt  him  he's  a  fine  fellow,"  The  soldier  was 
saved,  and  so,  unfortunately,  was  Arnold.  Had  he  died 
on  that  field,  his  name  would  have  been  enrolled  among 
those  of  American  heroes.  Admiral  Mahan  in  the  intro- 
duction to  his  "Life  of  Nelson,"  remarks :  "It  is  the  ap- 
pointed lot  of  some  of  History's  chosen  few  to  come  upon 
the  scene  at  the  moment  when  a  great  tendency  is  nearing 
its  crisis  and  culmination.  Fewer  still,  but  happiest  of  all, 
viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  fame,  are  those  whose  de- 
parture is  as  well  timed  as  their  appearance,  who  do  not 
survive  the  instant  of  perfected  success,  to  linger  on  sub- 
jected to  the  searching  tests  of  common  life,  but  pass 
from  our  ken  in  a  blaze  of  glory  which  thenceforth  for- 
ever encircles  their  names."  The  application  of  this 
truth  to  many  instances  both  in  public  and  private  life 
will  recall  itself  to  the  mind  of  the  reader,  but  none 
is  more  striking  than  in  the  case  of  Arnold. 

For  his  actions  at  Saratoga  Congress  gave  Arnold 
a  vote  of  thanks  and  advanced  him  to  his  proper  rank. 
But  his  evil  genius  still  pursued  him.  When  Clinton  evac- 
uated Philadelphia,  and  Washington  was  endeavoring  to 
head  him  off  while  crossing  the  Jerseys,  he  placed  Arnold 
in  command  of  the  troops  in  the  city.  During  the  winter 
the  Tories  had  had  a  joyous  time  with  balls  and  banquets, 
and  now  the  other  side  had  its  inning.  Arnold  took  the 
lead  in  lavish  entertainments  and  entered  on  a  course  of 
extravagance  which  soon  led  him  into  pecuniary  embar- 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  181 

assments,  out  of  which  he  tried  to  extricate  himself  by 
speculations  which  only  involved  him  more  deeply.  Per- 
haps this  might  have  been  overlookeed,  but  among  his 
particular  friends  was  a  Miss  Shippen,  a  member 
of  one  of  the  old  Tory  families,  to  whom  he  was 
betrothed  and  who  afterwards  became  his  wife. 
As  a  result  Tories  more  than  patriots  figured  at  his  enter- 
tainments, a  state  of  things  not  conducive  to  harmony. 
While  Arnold  was  absent  on  a  visit  to  Washington  at 
Morristown,  President  Reed  and  the  Pennsylvania  Exec- 
utive Council  preferred  a  series  of  charges  against  him, 
which  were  not  only  laid  before  Congress,  but  scattered 
broadcast  over  the  country.  They  accused  him  of  having 
allowed  a  ship  to  improperly  come  into  port,  using  public 
wagons  for  transporting  private  property,  allowing  people 
to  enter  the  enemy's  lines,  illegally  buying  a  prize  vessel 
lawsuit,  imposing  menial  offices  on  certain  per- 
sons, and  making  private  purchases  while  the  shops  were 
closed  by  his  orders.  At  this  distance  these  charges  on 
their  face  look  rather  frivolous,  and  the  committee  of  in- 
vestigation evidently  thought  so  too  for  about  the  middle 
of  March,  1779,  it  reported  that  the  complaints  were 
groundless  except  as  to  the  use  of  the  wagons  and  irregu- 
lar granting  of  a  pass,  and  as  there  was  no  evidence  of 
wrong  intent  even  here  a  verdict  of  acquittal  was  recom- 
mended. Instead  of  granting  this  Congress  listened  to 
the  representations  of  Reed  that  more  testimony  was 
forthcoming,  and  the  matter  was  finally  referred  to  a 
court  martial  which  held  the  matter  up  until  January  26 
following,  when  a  verdict  was  rendered  acquitting  Arnold 
of  all  intentional  wrong,  but  directing  that  he  be  repri- 
manded for  his  "imprudence."  Washington  was  compelled 
to  issue  the  reprimand  which  he  made  as  delicate  as  pos- 
sible.    But  Arnold,  with  his  feelings  outraged,  and  per- 


182     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

haps  influenced  more  than  he  himself  suspected  by  his 
Tony  associates,  had  already  made  a  secret  crossing  of 
the  Rubicon.  He  is  said  to  have  written  a  letter  to  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  the  previous  April  intimating  that  he  might 
go  over  to  the  British  if  he  were  indemnified  for  what  loss 
he  might  incur,  and  a  correspondence  ensued  through  the 
medium  of  Clinton's  Adjutant  Major  John  Andre,  using 
the  signature  of  John  Anderson.  Possibly  profiting  by 
their  experience  with  Lee  the  British  authorities  were 
evidently  not  willing  to  pay  a  very  large  amount  for  Ar- 
nold's adhesion  unless  it  brought  with  it  something  of 
more  substantial  value  than  simply  his  own  person.  Dur- 
ing the  progress  of  the  court  martial  he  was  not  in  a  posi- 
tion to  deliver  anything  of  value,  but  in  July,  1780,  he  re- 
quested Washington,  who  still  had  full  confidence  in  him, 
to  give  him  command  of  West  Point,  the  key  to  the  high- 
lands, which  Clinton  coveted  more  tha  nany  other  post  in 
America.  Burgoyne  had  tried  in  vain  to  reach  it,  and  its 
loss  would  sever  the  northern  portion  of  the  Confederacy 
into  two  disconnected  parts.  Arnold  took  command 
there  on  August  3,  with  the  full  confidence  that  when  he 
should  openly  desert  to  the  British  he  would  not  go  empty 
handed.  We  have  outlined  Arnold's  career  up  to  this 
time  for  the  reason  that  it  has  not  been  so  generally  pub- 
lished as  the  later  transactions  leading  to  the  arrest  of 
Andre,  the  discovery  of  the  plot  and  the  escape  of  the 
chief  offender.  These  are  familiar  to  every  schoolboy. 
Washington  had  gone  to  Hartford  to  hold  a  conference 
with  Count  Rochambeau,  and  had  he  returned  by  the 
regular  route  his  capture  would  probably  have  been  one 
of  the  results  of  the  successful  fruition  of  Arnold's 
scheme.  He,  however,  took  a  more  northerly  route,  and 
arriving  at  Fishkill,  eighteen  miles  north  of  West  Point 
two  or  three  days  earlier  than  was  expected  he  sent  word 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  183 

to  Arnold  that  he  would  meet  him  at  breakfast  the  next 
morning.  Instead  of  doing  so,  however,  he  spent  the 
time  examining  some  fortifications  with  Knox  and  Lafay- 
ette. It  was  while  Arnold  was  breakfasting  that  he 
learned  of  the  discovery  of  his  treason,  and  fled  while 
Washington  was  still  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 

The  traitor  was  beyond  reach  of  punishment,  but 
the  unfortunate  Andre  was  in  the  toils.  A  court  martial 
of  fourteen  officers  was  called  to  pass  on  his  case,  of 
which  Steuben  was  a  member,  General  Greene  presiding. 
The  conclusion  was  inevitable,  and  on  September  29  An- 
dre was  unanimously  condemned  to  death,  the  sentence 
being  carried  out  on  October  2.  His  fate,  although  in 
accordance  with  all  the  rules  of  war,  excited  the  sympa- 
thy even  of  his  judges,  but  their  duty  was  clear.  Steuben 
was  especially  sympathetic,  and  in  referring  to  the  case 
said,  "It  is  not  possible  to  save  him.  He  put  us  to  no 
proof,  but  in  an  open,  manly  manner,  confessed  every- 
thing but  a  premeditated  design  to  deceive.  Would  to 
God  the  wretch  who  drew  him  to  death  could  have  suf- 
fered in  his  place." 

Sympathy  for  Andre  only  intensified  the  feeling 
against  Arnold,  and  in  Steuben's  mind  especially  this 
feeling  was  one  of  horror  and  detestation  as  is  forcibly 
ilustrated  by  the  following  incident  related  by  Pomeroy 
Jones  in  his  history  of  Oneida  County,  New  York : 

"On  one  occasion  after  the  treason  the  Baron  was  on 
parade  at  roll  call  when  the  detested  name,  Arnold,  was 
heard  in  one  of  the  infantry  companies  of  the  Connecticut 
line.  The  Baron  immediately  called  the  unfortunate  pos- 
sessor to  the  front  of  the  company.  He  was  a  perfect 
model  for  his  profession;  clothes,  arms  and  equipments 
in  the  most  perfect  order.  The  practiced  eye  of  the 
Baron  soon  scanned  the  soldier,  and,  'Call  at  my  mar- 


184    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

quee,  after  you  are  dismissed,  brother  soldier/  was  his 
only  remark.  After  Arnold  was  dismissed  from  parade, 
he  called  at  the  Baron's  quarters  as  directed.  The  Baron 
said  to  him,  'You  are  too  fine  a  soldier  to  bear  the  name 
of  a  traitor — change  it  at  once,  change  it  at  once.'  'But 
what  name  shall  I  take?'  replied  Arnold.  'Any  that  you 
please,  take  mine,  if  you  cannot  suit  yourself  better,  mine 
is  at  your  service.'  Arnold  at  once  agreed  to  the  propo- 
sition, and  immediately  repaired  to  his  orderly,  and  Jon- 
athan Steuben  forthwith  graced  the  company  roll,  in  lieu 
of  the  disgraced  name  of  him  who  had  plotted  treason  to 
his  country.  After  the  United  States  had  conquered 
their  independence  our  hero  returned  to  Connecticut,  and 
on  his  petition  the  General  Court  legalized  the  change  of 
name.  [The  records  show  that  this  was  done  not  by  the 
court  but  by  legislative  enactment  in  January  1783.] 
A  few  years  after,  he  wrote  the  Baron,  who  had  now  set- 
tled on  his  lands  in  northern  New  York,  that  he  had  mar- 
ried and  had  a  fine  son  born,  and  that  he  had  named  him 
Frederick  William.  The  Baron  replied  that  when  the 
son  should  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  would  give 
him  a  farm.  The  Baron  soon  after  paid  the  debt  of  na- 
ture, but  hi?  letter  was  carefully  preserved.  A  few  years 
after  its  settlement  Jonathan  Steuben  moved  to  the  town 
of  Steuben  (N.  Y.)  with  his  family.  When  Frederick 
William  arrived  at  his  majority,  the  letter  was  presented 
to  Colonel  Walker,  one  of  the  Baron"s  executors,  who  at 
once  executed  to  him  a  deed  in  fee  of  fifty  acres  of  land, 
but  which  had  been  previously  leased  to  Samuel  Sizer, 
and  as  the  recipient  preferred  the  enjoyment  of  the  land 
to  the  receipt  of  the  rents,  he  purchased  the  lease,  and  at 
once  went  into  possession. 

"Jonathan  lived  to  become  a  pensioner  and  died  some 
fifteen  or  sixteen  years  since  (about  1836).    His  widow 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  185 

survived  him;  she  also  drew  a  pension.  In  the  war  of 
1812  Frederick  William  went  with  the  militia  to  Sack- 
ett's  Harbor,  where  he  was  taken  sick  and  died.  For  his 
services  his  widow  also  received  a  pension.  He  was  or- 
derly sergeant  of  his  company,  and  with  the  name  of  the 
Baron  he  teems  to  have  inherited  at  least  a  portion  of  his 
distinguished  qualifications,  for  he  was  considered  one  of 
the  best  disciplinarians  in  his  regiment." 

At  the  risk  of  some  repetition  it  may  be  of  some  in- 
terest to  note  a  sequel  to  the  above  account.  When  the 
present  writer  was  collecting  data  for  this  memoir  of 
Steuben  he  happened  to  observe  in  the  monthly  bulletin 
of  the  Sons  of  the  American  Revolution  a  note  stating 
that  Dr.  R.  M.  Griswold,  of  Kensington,  Connecticut,  a 
collateral  descendant  of  Jonathan  Steuben,  the  latter  be- 
ing his  great  uncle,  had  made  an  address  on  this  subject 
before  the  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth  Branch,  S.  A. 
R.  On  communicating  with  Dr.  Griswold  he  courteously 
furnished  an  abstract  of  his  reminiscences  from  which  we 
take  the  following : 

"More  than  fifty  years  ago  when  a  small  boy  I 
spent  much  of  my  time  with  my  paternal  grandmother, 
who,  before  she  was  married,  was  Ann  Arnold,  daughter 
of  Samuel  Arnold,  of  the  southeast  or  so-called  Hock- 
anum  district  of  East  Hartford.  In  a  closet  of  the  old 
farmhouse  where  she  lived  and  which  was  her  father's  I 
found  an  old  flintlock  musket  which  I  persuaded  my 
grandmother  to  allow  me  to  rest  upon  the  backs  of  two 
kitchen  chairs,  while  I  took  imaginary  shots  at  bears  and 
Indians  and  red  coats,  for  she  told  me  that  this  old  gun 
was  the  one  with  which  "Uncle  Jonathan  Steuben  used 
to  shoot  the  red  coats."  To  what  species  of  animal  the 
red  coats  belonged  my  boyish  imigination  did  not  extend, 
but  it  is  certain  that  I  classed  them  as  some  kind  of  wild 


186     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

animals.  There  was  something  about  the  history  of  this 
gun  and  of  Uncle  Jonathan  to  whom  it  formerly  be- 
longed, of  which  my  grandmother  and  the  rest  of  the 
family  were  very  proud,  the  reason  for  which  will  be 
found  below.  Jonathan  Steuben  was  born  Jonathan  Ar- 
nold. His  father,  Ensign  John  Arnold  and  his 
grandfather,  Sergeant  John  Arnold,  lived  and  died 
in  the  family  homestead  in  East  Hartford  or  Hock- 
anum,  which  burned  more  than  sixty  years  ago.  En- 
sign John  married  Lucy,  daughter  of  Thomas  Wads- 
worth,  who  lived  adjoining  his  father's  house  on  the 
north,  and  here  Jonathan  was  born  February  27,  1757. 
This  house  is  still  standing  in  an  excellent  state  of  preser- 
vation (as  will  be  seen  by  the  illustration). 

"When  a  little  over  eighteen  years  of  age  he  en- 
listed, and  served  until  the  end  of  the  war,  most  of  the 
time  in  Col.  Huntington's  regiment  of  infantry.  Later 
he  served  in  Colonel  Sheldon's  regiment  of  light  horse, 
and  still  later  on  detached  duty  in  various  places  under 
command  of  Baron  Steuben  as  instructor  of  new  troops. 
Immediately  after  the  attempted  delivery  of  West  Point 
to  the  British  by  Arnold,  when  the  army  was  stationed  at 
Verplanck's  Point  under  command  of  Baron  Steuben,  at 
roll  call  one  morning  the  name  of  Jonathan  Arnold  was 
heard  and  responded  to.  The  Baron  said,  "Let  the  man 
by  the  the  name  of  Arnold  step  three  paces  to  the  front." 
Jonathan  Arnold  stood  six  feet  two  inches  in  his  stocking 
feet,  and  when  Steuben  saw  him  he  said,  "You  are  too 
fine  a  looking  soldier  to  bear  the  name  of  Arnold, 
change  it!"  To  Arnold's  inquiry  as  to  what  name  he 
should  take  the  Baron  said,  'If  you  have  none  better, 
take  mine,  and  I  will  be  your  godfather.'  His  name  was 
at  once  changed  on  the  company's  roll  to  Jonathan  Steu- 
ben, and  as  such  he  remained  until  the  rest  of  his  life,  the 


A  DISASTROUS  PERIOD  187 

General  Assembly  legalizing  the  change  in  1783. 

"Jonathan  Steuben  became  a  warm  friend  and 
bosom  companion  of  William  North,  the  Baron's  aide  de 
camp,  and  the  Baron  himself  kept  very  close  watch  on  his 
young  namesake.  After  the  latter's  discharge  at  the  close 
of  the  war  he  returned  to  his  old  home  in  East  Hartford, 
and  married  Lucy  Porter,  of  Hockanum,  said  to  have 
been  the  handsomest  girl  in  Hartford  County.  By  her  he 
had  eleven  children,  six  of  whom  are  of  record  as  hav- 
ing been  horn  in  East  Hartford ;  two  daughters  dying 
young,  were  buried  in  East  Hartford  cemetery. 

"In  1790  the  State  of  New  York  granted  Baron  Steu- 
ben a  large  tract  of  land  near  the  present  city  of  Utica, 
parcels  of  which  were  given  by  the  Baron  to  his  friends, 
among  whom  Jonathan  Steuben  was  remembered,  and  in 
1805  he  with  Colonel  North  and  others  removed  to  this 
section  and  settled  what  was  afterwards  known  as  the 
village  of  Steuben.  Not  long  before  his  death  Baron 
Steuben,  accompanied  by  William  North  and  Jonathan 
Steuben  visited  the  latter's  relatives  in  East  Hartford, 
and  this  visit  my  grandmother  seemed  to  remember  with 
peculiar  pride  and  pleasure. 

"In  February,  1890,  115  years  after  Jonathan  Ar- 
nold entered  the  Colonial  service,  I  had  a  letter  from  the 
only  surviving;  member  of  his  eleven  children,  William 
North  Steuben,  of  Gilroy,  Santa  Clara  County,  Califor- 
nia. He  wrote  that  he  was  the  youngest  of  the  children, 
having  been  born  on  August  7,  1808 ;  that  he  removed 
from  York  State  to  California  in  1849,  and  that  he  was 
named  after  Colonel  North.  An  older  brother,  Frederick 
William,  named  after  the  Baron,  died  at  Sackett's  Har- 
bor on  November  1,  1814,  while  in  the  service  of  his 
country  during  the  second  war  with  England.  Another 
brother,  Benjamin  Walker,  died  in  Illinois,  December  25, 


188     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

1888.  The  latter  left  four  sons,  and  William  Nortfi 
Steuben  left  two  sons.  He  was  delegate  from  the  Cali- 
fornia Society  of  Sons  of  Revolutionary  Sires  to  the  Cen- 
tennial celebration  of  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at 
Yorktown  in  1883.  Although  82  years  old  at  the  time  of 
writing  the  letter  above  referred  to  he  was  in  good  physi- 
cal and  mental  health.     He  died  in  1904." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT. 

Seat  of  War  in  the  South — England  Adds  Holland  to  Her 
Enemies — At  War  Against  the  World — Greene  and  Steuben 
Sent  to  Virginia — Former  Assumes  Command  of  the  South- 
ern Armies — Appeals  to  Steuben  for  Help — Desperate  Con- 
dition of  Affairs. 

British  victories  in  the  South,  and  the  practical  re- 
duction of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina  made  it  apparent 
that  the  main  seat  of  war  must  soon  be  transferred  to  that 
quarter.  Gates,  by  his  mismanagement  more  than  by  his 
actual  defeat  at  Camden,  had  so  thoroughly  discredited 
himself  that  everybody  recognized  the  necessity  for  an 
immediate  change  of  commanders.  Mindful  of  its  pre- 
vious experience  Congress  this  time  concluded  to  leave 
the  selection  to  Washington,  who  promptly  appointed 
General  Nathaniel  Greene  to  the  command  of  all  the 
Southern  armies. 

It  may  be  remarked  here  that  in  December,  1780, 
England,  as  if  she  had  not  her  hands  full  already,  de- 
clared war  against  Holland.  The  alleged  cause  was  the 
capture  of  some  papers  from  an  American  packet  contain- 
ing a  proposed  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  United 
States  and  Holland,  but  the  real  cause  was  the  fact  that 
the  Dutch  drove  a  profitable  trade  with  France  and 
America  daring  the  conflict.  Russia,  Denmark  and  Swe- 
den had  also  become  unfriendly  to  England  on  account  of 
her  arbitrary  searching  of  neutral  ships  and  the  confisca- 
tion of  goods  found  therein,  and  had  united  in  what  was 
known  as  the  armed  neutrality.  It  almost  seemed  as 
though  the  contest  was    developing   into   a   struggle  of 


190    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON   STEUBEN 

England  against  the  world,  and  while  American  pros- 
pects looked  desperate  it  was  also  a  most  critical  period 
for  the  British  empire.  In  May,  1781,  the  armed  neu- 
trality league  was  joined  by  Prussia,  the  following  Octo- 
ber by  the  German  (Holy  Roman)  Empire,  in  July,  1782, 
by  Portugal,  in  September,  1782,  by  Turkey,  and  the  fol- 
lowing February  by  Naples.  Thus  by  the  close  of  the 
Revolution  the  doctrine  that  "free  ships  make  free  goods" 
became  a  firmly  established  principle  of  international  law, 
to  which  TTngland,  however,  did  not  give  a  formal  assent 
until  1856. 

Sensible  of  the  demoralization  that  now  prevailed 
throughout  the  South,  and  convinced  that  Greene  would 
need  all  the  assistance  possible  in  restoring  order  out  of 
chaos,  Washington  proposed  sending  Steuben  with  him 
as  assistant.  He  was  not  only  expected  to  be  useful  in  the 
formation  and  regulation  of  raw  troops,  as  he  had  been 
in  the  northern  army,  but  besides  performing  the  duties 
of  inspector  general  it  was  expected  that  he  should  be 
given  a  command  suitable  to  his  rank.  In  his  letter  of 
notification  to  Steuben,  dated  October  22,  Washington 
dwells  on  his  services  as  being  most  essential  to  the  south- 
ern army  and  adding :  "I  wish  you  may  have  been  able 
previously  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  establishment  of  your 
department,  which,  in  your  absence,  will  become  more 
necessary  than  it  has  been  heretofore.  But  if  it  is  not 
done,  I  would  not  have  it  detain  you.  Assure  yourself 
that,  wherever  you  are,  my  best  wishes  for  your  success 
and  happiness  attend  you."' 

The  appointments  of  Greene  and  Steuben  were  con- 
firmed by  Congress  on  October  30,  with  a  flattering  testi- 
monial to  the  value  of  the  Baron's  services,  with  the  be- 
lief that  both  generals  would  be  very  useful  in  their  new 
field.    There  was  also  encouragement  in  the  types  of  both 


SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  191 

men.  They  were  above  petty  jealousies,  and  placed  their 
cause  high  above  all  other  considerations.  They  had 
been  intimate  friends  at  Valley  Forge,  and  had  worked  in 
harmony  in  their  efforts  to  improve  the  condition  of  the 
army.  In  fact  the  whole  situation  now  was  better  in  one 
respect  at  least.  The  traitors,  the  factionists,  the  mutin- 
nists  and  incompetents  who  held  high  official  positions 
had  been  gradually  weeded  out,  and  as  towards  the  close 
of  the  late  Civil  war,  there  was  more  working  together 
instead  of  the  pulling  apart,  which  had  characterized 
earlier  stages  of  the  conflict.  Alexander  Hamilton 
wanted  to  go  south  with  Greene  and  Steuben,  but  Wash- 
ington did  not  feel  that  he  could  yet  spare  him  from  his 
immediate  official  family.  During  the  whole  southern 
campaign  +here  never  was  a  disagreement  between  Greene 
and  Steuben. 

The  two  generals  left  Philadelphia  for  their  new 
field  early  in  November.  With  the  former  were  his  two 
aides,  Major  Burnett  and  Colonel  Morris,  and  with  Steu- 
ben were  Major  Walker  and  his  Secretary  Duponceau. 
After  a  short  stop  at  Chester  the  party  separated,  Gen- 
eral Greene  tarrying  to  make  some  arrangements  with 
the  governors  of  Delaware  and  Maryland,  and  the  others 
proceeding  directly  to  Virginia,  stopping  to  pay  a  brief 
visit  to  Mrs.  Washington  at  Mount  Vernon,  where  they 
were  cordially  received  and  invited  to  remain  to  dinner. 
Duponceau  says,  "The  external  appearance  of  the  man- 
sion did  not  strike  the  Baron  favorably.  'If,  said  he, 
'Washington  were  not  a  better  general  than  he  was  an 
architect,  the  affairs  of  America  would  be  in  very  bad 
condition/  The  house  at  that  time  might  be  considered 
handsome,  and  perhaps  elegant ;  but  at  present,  the  most 
that  can  be  said  of  it  is,  that  it  was  a  modest  habitation, 
quite  in  keeping  with  the  idea  that  we  have  of  Cincinna- 


192     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

tus,  and  of  those  of  the  other  great  commanders  of  the 
Roman  republic.  In  the  interior  we  saw  only  two  rooms, 
separated  by  an  entry,  one  of  which  was  a  parlor,  the  other 
the  dining  room.  They  were  respectably  but  not  luxuri- 
ously furnished.  The  Baron  having  accepted  the  invita- 
tion we  sat  down  to  dinner.  Mrs.  Washington  was  ac- 
companied by  a  young  lady,  a  relative,  whose  name,  I 
think,  was  Miss  Custis.  The  table  was  abundantly  served 
but  without  profusion." 

From  Mount  Vernon  the  party  went  to  Richmond, 
where  they  met  Greene  about  the  middle  of  November. 
Matters  were  in  about  as  bad  shape  as  possible,  very  much 
like  the  condition  of  the  northern  army  when  Steuben 
first  entered  upon  his  duties.  Everybody  was  a  law  unto 
himself.  The  fragments  of  the  army  were  scattered  over 
a  large  extent  of  country,  largely  disorganized  and  prac- 
tically without  supplies  of  either  food,  clothing  or  am- 
munition. The  victory  at  King's  Mountain  on  October 
7,  another  by  Sumter  over  Tarleton  on  November  20, 
and  a  few  small  engagements  had  revived  the  hopes  of 
the  patriots  and  warned  Cornwallis  that  his  march  north- 
ward would  not  be  altogether  a  holiday  affair.  But 
marching  north  he  was,  and  with  reinforcements  en 
route  and  no  considerable  organized  force  to  oppose  him 
he  was  reasonably  sure  of  success. 

While  the  war  centre  was  now  principally  along  the 
boundary  line  between  North  and  South  Carolina,  yet  it 
was  evident  that  Virginia  must  be  principally  depended 
upon  both  for  men  and  supplies.  The  Old  Dominion  had 
heretofore  fought  the  battles  of  the  patriots  at  a  distance, 
and  only  a  few  months  before  her  hardy  sons  under 
Clark  had  conquered  an  empire,  but  so  far  her  own  set- 
tlements had  escaped  the  worst  ravages  of  war.  Self- 
interest  as  well  as  patriotism  dictated  that  the  enemy 


SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  193 

should  be  kept  at  arms'  length  as  long  as  possible,  so 
previous  to  his  departure  for  the  Carolinas,  Greene  placed 
Steuben  in  command  in  Virginia.  The  latter's  task  was 
sufficiently  arduous.  He  was  expected  to  organize  the 
raw  recruits  into  serviceable  volunteers  and  have  them 
sent  forward  with  adequate  supplies,  as  well  as  to  take 
care  of  any  invasion  which  might  occur  from  the  coast. 
Greene  left  Richmond  on  November  20,  and  took  com- 
mand at  Charlotte,  N.  C,  on  December  2.  His  parting 
word  to  Steuben  was  to  keep  a  lookout  for  the  enemy 
who  were  hovering  around  Chesapeake  bay,  but  left  him 
with  full  liberty  to  govern  himself  as  circumstances 
might  require.  He  suggested,  however,  that  the  Baron 
secure  as  soon  as  possible  accurate  reports  of  the  military 
resources  of  the  state  to  be  forwarded  to  him,  acting  as 
far  as  possible  in  concert  with  the  state  authorities.  Re- 
cruiting was  to  be  carried  on  as  vigorously  as  possible, 
and  any  troops  which  might  arrive  from  Washington's 
army  were  to  be  sent  south  without  delay.  It  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  state  that  Steuben's  position  was  a  most  dif- 
ficult one.  Expecting  an  invasion  the  state  authorities 
were  naturally  more  anxious  concerning  the  direct  de- 
fense of  their  own  firesides  than  supplying  the  army  in 
the  distant  Carolinas.  Here  as  elsewhere  the  National 
idea  was  as  yet  imperfectly  realized,  and  they  could  not 
grasp  the  fact  that  permanent  relief  could  only  be  ob- 
tained through  the  destruction  of  Cornwallis's  army. 
The  Baron  on  the  other  hand  had  an  eye  single  to  the 
general  welfare,  without  special  consideration  for  local 
interests.  Jefferson,  who  was  governor  at  this  time, 
seems  to  have  seconded  Steuben's  efforts  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable, although,  according  to  Prof.  G.  W.  Greene,  he 
was  "governing  in  a  way  which  has  afforded  his  adver- 
saries an  ample  field  of  crimination,  and  cost  his  eulo- 


194    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

gistic  biographers  much  labor  to  defend."  Whatever 
may  be  the  justice  of  this  stricture  it  is  very  certain  that 
the  inertia  of  the  state  machinery  and  the  indifference  of 
the  people  were  not  easily  overcome.  This  had  been 
more  or  less  the  condition  in  every  state  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war.  Whenever  a  section  was  invaded  the 
yeomanry,  from  Lexington  to  Savannah,  would  flock  to 
repel  the  invader,  but  when  the  crisis  was  past  the  undis- 
ciplined force  would  melt  away  like  snow  in  summer 
time,  leaving  the  commander  with  but  a  handful  of  soldiers 
who  could  be  depended  upon  for  regular  military  service. 
With  a  change  of  form  it  was  mediaeval  practice  trans- 
ferred to  America  long  after  it  had  been  abandoned  in 
the  old  world.  There  were  plenty  of  men  in  Virginia  but 
everything  was  disorder,  abundant  resources  (except 
possibly  arms  and  ammunition)  but  reckless  extravagance 
and  want  of  system,  personal  bravery  but  an  almost  su- 
pine indifference.  This  all  reacted  on  the  people,  who 
began  to  doubt  whether  they  could  ever  achieve  inde- 
pendence under  such  a  state  of  affairs. 

With  his  usual  energy  Steuben  went  to  work  to  im- 
prove the  condition  of  affairs.  His  demands  were  suf- 
ficiently comprehensive.  First  he  asked  that  the  state 
furnish  its  quota  of  troops,  under  the  new  plan,  thor- 
oughly equipped  for  the  field  for  a  winter  campaign ;  that 
a  magazine  of  10,000  barrels  of  flour,  5,000  barrels  of 
pork  and  beef,  and  two  hundred  hogsheads  of  rum  be 
established  at  Taylor's  ferry  on  the  Roanoke  river;  near 
the  present  town  of  Boydton  in  Mecklenburg  County, 
near  the  North  Carolina  line;  3,000  head  of  cattle  be 
driven  at  once  to  camp;  100  good  road  wagons  to  be 
furnished,  with  driver,  four  horses  and  harness  complete 
to  each  wagon ;  forty  artificers  for  the  army ;  provisions 
at  different  points  of  rendezvous ;  a  military  chest  with 


SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  195 

5,000  pounds  ($25,000)  specie  or  the  value  thereof,  and 
sufficient  advances  be  made  to  the  officers  as  would  en- 
able them  to  properly  equip  themselves.  These  requisi- 
tions doubtless  made  the  local  authorities  open  their  eyes, 
but,  as  we  shall  see,  did  not  have  an  equal  effect  upon 
their  hands. 

There  was  a  corps  of  regular  soldiers  in  the  state 
under  command  of  General  Lawson,  and  Greene,  whose 
necessitates  in  this  respect  were  very  urgent,  desired 
that  it  be  sent  at  once  to  the  front.  Lawson  arrived  in 
Richmond  on  November  26,  but  did  not  report  to  Steu- 
ben until  two  days  later.  His  force  consisted  of  378 
men,  and  Steuben  proposed  to  review  them  on  the  30th, 
and  send  them  *die  next  day  to  join  Greene,  at  once  in- 
forming Greene  of  his  action.  When  the  men  appeared 
for  review  at  Petersburg,  forty-one  were  missing.  The 
remainder  were  ordered  to  march  the  following  morning, 
but  instead  of  starting  General  Lawson  told  Steuben  that 
the  Legislature  had  ordered  the  men  discharged  at  Peters- 
burg, which  was  verified  by  a  copy  of  the  order  received 
by  Steuben  from  Jefferson  the  next  day.  Efforts  to  in- 
duce the  men  to  enlist  for  a  longer  period  were  fruitless, 
and  the  corps  was  allowed  to  disperse.  In  writing  to 
Greene  on  this  matter  Steuben  told  him  that  he  need  not 
regret  their  absence  as  from  the  poor  condition  of  the 
corps  in  respect  to  discipline,  arms  &c.  with  the  short  pe- 
riod of  enlistment  it  would  have  given  very  little  service. 
General  Greene  responded  that  he  did  not  regret  the  fail- 
ure of  the  corps  to  join  him  as  on  account  of  its  short 
time  of  service  it  would  have  been  of  little  use.  Neither 
was  he  surprised  at  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Virginia, 
especially  as  to  the  troops.  They  had  been  at  home  and 
so  long  neglected  that  all  sense  of  duty  and  discipline  was 
lost.     He  urged  the  Baron,  however,  to  press  the  state 


196     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

for  supplies  and  the  officers  to  obey.  He  also  urged  that 
reinforcements  be  sent  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible,  as 
the  enemy  had  been  strengthened  and  their  own  forces 
divided. 

Steuben,  of  course  did  his  best,  but  the  results  were 
not  commensurate  with  his  efforts.  On  November  27  he 
wrote  a  vigorous  letter  to  Jefferson  in  which  he  pointedly 
declared  that  "Instead  of  forwarding  to  General  Greene 
the  reinforcements  he  expects,  we  are  keeping  a  number 
of  corps  dispersed  about  the  state,  where  no  enemy  has 
been  these  eight  days,  thereby  exposing  General  Greene 
with  an  inferior  force  to  the  enemy,  and  exhausting  what 
little  provision  was  collected  in  the  state." 

General  Greene  confirmed  the  Baron's  statements, 
and  warned  the  authorities  that  this  course  persisted  in 
must  exhaust  their  resources,  and  recommended  that  they 
should  not  keep  in  the  field  a  man  more  of  the  militia 
than  was  absolutely  necessary  for  covering  the  country 
from  the  enemy's  ravages.  But  it  seemed  as  though 
little  or  nothing  could  be  accomplished,  nor  could  data 
be  secured  showing  the  actual  number  of  the  militia  or 
the  terms  of  enlistment.  In  a  letter  to  Washington  of 
December  18,  Steuben  thus  reviews  the  situation : 

"This  state,  having  only  a  handful  of  regulars  in  the  field, 
is  continually  ransacked  by  bands  of  officers  and  soldiers,  who 
have  always  a  pretext  for  not  joining  their  regiments,  and  who 
are  drawing  pay  and  rations  for  doing  no  service  at  all,  while 
they  are  committing  excesses  everywhere.  Since  the  Virginia 
line  was  detailed  to  the  southern  army,  it  was  never  regularly 
formed;  nay  since  I  have  been  in  the  United  States  it  has  not 
had  a  regular  organization.  Your  Excellency  will  recollect  that 
in  Valley  Forge  the  brigades  of  Woodford  and  Scott  consisted 
only  of  a  few  soldiers  and  officers,  confusedly  mixed  together 
without  any  distinction  of  companies  or  regiments.  In  such  a 
condition  every  corps  must  be  ruined.  The  officers  do  not  care 
for  their  soldiers,  and  they  scarcely  know  the  officers  who  have 
to  command  them." 


SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  197 

At  this  time  Generals  Muhlenberg,  Wilson  and  Nel- 
son had  three  separate  corps  in  Virginia,  the  first  named 
having  about  900  men.  Steuben  proceeded  to  select  400 
from  this  corps  and  send  them  at  once  to  Greene.  On 
December  3d,  however,  a  delegation  came  to  his  head- 
quarters in  Petersburg  and  presented  a  paper,  signed  by 
the  officers,  complaining  of  ill  usage  from  the  state  and 
refusing  to  march  until  affairs  were  placed  on  a  more 
satisfactory  basis.  Steuben  represented  to  General  John 
P.  Muhlenberg  and  Colonels  Greene  and  Harrison  the 
serious  consequences  of  this  proceeding,  and  by  their  in- 
fluence the  complaint  was  withdrawn.  Proper  equipment 
was  provided,  and  on  December  14  the  detachment,  con- 
sisting of  456  men,  started  to  reinforce  Greene. 

Steuben  edeavored  to  continue  the  policy  previously 
indicated  of  sending  forth  regular  troops  to  Greene  as 
fast  as  their  places  could  be  filled  with  new  recruits.  But 
the  matter  of  equipment  as  well  as  discipline  was  ever 
pressing.  The  remainder  of  Muhlenberg's  corps  was 
ordered  to  Petersburg,  and  Colonel  William  Davies  sent 
to  Chesterfield,  a  few  miles  distant,  to  establish  recruit- 
ing headquarters.  As  soon  as  two  hundred  were  col- 
lected they  were  formed  in  companies  of  fifty  to  be  sent 
to  the  army. 

General  Greene  had  already  complained  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Virginia  troops  under  his  command,  which, 
according  to  his  statement,  were  literally  naked,  dirty 
and  deficient  in  discipline,  and  gave  notice  that  no  more 
would  be  received  in  that  condition.  He  also  urged, 
what  Steuben  had  before  suggested,  the  formation  of 
provision  magazines  upon  the  Roanoke.  He  tells  Steu- 
ben to  "Use  every  argument  you  can  to  convince  the 
Assembly  of  the  necessity  of  clothing  their  troops.  If 
they  mean  they  shall  render  any  service,  or  do  not  wish 


198    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

[them]  to  fall  a  sacrifice  to  death,  desertion  and  disease, 
I  beg  them  to  give  their  men  good  covering,  for  without 
it  this  will  be  their  portion." 

On  December  8  Steuben  wrote  to  Washington  de- 
tailing the  difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend,  but 
a  repetition  would  be  monotonously  uninteresting.  As  a 
simple  illustration  the  Lawson  Corps,  previously  men- 
tioned, had  been  created  at  great  expense.  But  the  en- 
listment was  only  for  six  months,  and  by  the  time  the 
men  were  brought  together  their  terms  were  so  nearly 
expired  that  it  was  not  worth  while  to  send  them  to  the 
front.  Consequently  they  disbanded  without  having  ren- 
dered any  service  whatever. 

The  year  was  now  closing,  and  little  had  been  ac- 
complished, but  late  in  December  the  Assembly  directed 
the  enlistment  of  3,000  men  for  the  war  or  a  draft  for 
eighteen  months.  Steuben  considered  this  force  too 
small,  but,  according  to  his  usual  custom,  concluded  to 
make  the  best  of  it,  and  at  once  prepared  plans  for  a  gen- 
eral rendezvous  at  Chesterfield,  with  sub-stations  at  other 
points. 

The  number  of  recruits  assembled  at  Chesterfield 
does  not  seem  to  have  exceeded  six  hundred,  and,  even 
for  this  small  number,  it  was  difficult  to  get  supplies. 
While  the  winter  climate  was  materially  milder  here  than 
in  the  northern  states,  it  was  sufficiently  severe  to  cause 
considerable  suffering  among  the  poorly-clad  troops,  who 
were  without  blankets  or  sufficient  clothing  to  cover  their 
nakedness.  A  letter  from  Colonel  Davies  to  Steuben, 
dated  December  31,  says:  "Shoes  and  blankets,  and,  in- 
deed, almost  every  ki  nd  of  clothing,  are  universally 
wanting.  I  think  not  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
can  take  the  field  as  at  present  clad,  but  with  clothing  I 
think  four  hundred  might  march.     Indians  are  not  more 


SHIFTING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  199 

naked,  nor  half  so  miserable.  We  have  seventy  good 
tents,  but  we  have  not,  nor  have  I  have  been  able  to  get, 
notwithstanding  my  frequent  applications,  any  cords  to 
make  loops  with." 

Some  blankets  had,  indeed,  been  collected,  but  they 
were  monopolized  by  Lawson's  Corps,  which  did  not 
need  them,  as  it  was  disolved,  and  it  is  presumed  that 
his  men  carried  the  blankets  home.  There  was  also 
woeful  lack  of  dicipline,  officers  without  men,  and  men 
without  officers.  Those  in  charge  of  the  sub-stations  told 
the  same  story,  and  we  seem  to  approach  the  grotesque 
when  Colonel  Davies  asks  for  a  couple  of  whips  and  hand 
saws  to  replace  some  borrowed  ones  which  they  had  been 
compelled  to  return..  The  little  hospital  was  over- 
crowded, and  three  men  died  in  their  tents  for  lack  of 
proper  care  and  surroundings.  This  condition  led  to 
thievery,  and,  in  one  instance,  at  least  a  store  was  broken 
open  and  valuable  articles  taken. 

Steuben  was  unwell  at  this  time,  but  worked  with- 
out ceasing  to  remedy  the  situation,  intending  as  soon 
as  he  had  matters  in  proper  shape  to  join  Greene  in  the 
Carolinas.  Greene  himself  was  anxious  for  this,  and,  on 
December  28,  wrote  to  Steuben  that  he  was  "without 
a  single  general  officer  with  me  in  this  camp,  except  Gen- 
eral Huger,  who  is  a  brigadier  for  this  state,  and  not 
desirous  of  commanding  other  troops ;  it  is  my  wish  you 
should  come  forward  as  soon  as  you  have  made  the  neces- 
sary arrangements  on  the  Virginia  line.  We  are  now  in  a 
camp  of  repose,  and,  could  we  get  clothing,  we  might  im- 
prove our  discipline.  Your  aid  in  this  and  many  other 
matters  will  be  essential,  both  to  me  and  the  service." 

This  desire  on  the  part  of  both  generals  was  never 
carried  out.  A  new  condition  of  affairs  soon  arose  in  Vir- 
ginia,  which,   as   well   as   Greene's   movements   in   the 


200    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

South,  permanantenly  separated  the  two  commanders. 

Steuben  was  now  to  have  his  hands  more  than  full 
in  the  direction  of  events  that  finally  led  to  the  surrender 
of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown  and  the  ending  of  the  war. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN. 

Invasion  of  the  State  Via  James  River — Capture  of  Richmond — 
Steuben's  Efforts  to  Save  the  Dominion  Without  Men  or 
Supplies — Arnold  Retreats  and  is  Besieged  at  Portsmouth — 
Virginia's  Loyalty  to  the  Patriot  Cause—-Still  Aiding  Greene 

During  previous  years  of  the  war  Virginia,  es- 
pecially along  the  coast,  had  not  escaped  the  raids  which 
had  harrowed  the  people  of  the  South.  The  brutal  de- 
struction by  Matthews,  in  May,  1779,  and  the  attempt 
by  Leslie,  in  1780,  when  Portsmouth  was  the  principal 
sufferer,  were  still  fresh  in  the  memories  of  the  people. 
Now  there  was  a  more  serious  danger  at  hand.  Benedict 
Arnold,  zealous  to  justify  himself  in  the  minds  of  his  new 
allies,  and  glut  his  revenge  on  those  with  whom  he 
had  been  formerly  associated,  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  an  expedition  to  Virginia.  Clinton,  no  doubt,  de- 
spairing of  dividing  the  northern  section  of  the  Con- 
federacy by  capturing  the  posts  on  the  Hudson,  natur- 
ally turned  his  eyes  southward,  where  events  had  pro- 
vided an  active  theatre  of  operations.  Virginia  was  the 
oldest  and  richest  and  most  populous  of  the  provinces. 
Destroy  her  resources,  and  the  Southern  patriots  would 
be  paralyzed  and  the  Northerners  discouraged.  With  all 
the  territory  south  of  the  Potomac  reduced  to  subjection 
it  would  be  impossible  for  Washington  and  his  army  to 
carry  on  the  war  much  longer.  In  fact,  the  year  had 
scarcely  closed  when  a  mutiny  of  Pennsylvania  troops, 
on  account  of  their  miserable  condition,  threatened  the 
most  serious  consequences,  and  the  outbreak  was  only 
suppressed  by  the  exercise  of  the  most  tactful  conduct, 
mingled  with  firmness. 


202     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Moved  by  these  considerations,  Clinton,  in  De- 
cember, 1780,  dispatched  Arnold  to  Virginia  with  a  com- 
pany of  ships  carrying  1,600  men.  The  fleet  was  dis- 
covered off  Willoughby  Point,  the  site  of  the  Jamestown 
Exhibition  of  1907,  on  December  31,  and  two  days  later 
it  was  in  the  James  River.  The  wretched  condition  of 
affairs  at  that  time  can  scarcely  be  imagined.  Every 
available  recruit  had  been  sent  southward  to  Greene,  and 
the  few  companies  of  militia  which  had  been  organized 
were  worse  than  useless.  It  appeared  as  though  all  the 
invader  had  to  do  was  to  march  through  the  country,  at 
wil,  burning,  destroying  and  killing  as  he  went.  Steuben 
was  the  only  regular  army  general  in  the  state,  and  to 
him  the  panic-stricken  people  unconsciously  turned. 

The  campaign  which  followed  was  remarkable  in 
more  ways  than  one.  That  Steuben,  by  his  Herculean 
efforts,  saved  the  state  from  destruction  there  is  little 
doubt ;  that  with  an  inferior  force  he  impeded  the  opera- 
tions of  the  enemy  to  such  an  extent  as  to  nullify  largely 
the  object  of  the  expedition,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
complete  victory,  when  superseded  by  Lafayette,  is  made 
very  clear  by  Mr.  Kapp,  whose  collection  and  presentation 
of  official  papers  bearing  on  this  part  of  the  war  make  a 
valuable  contribution  to  American  history.  Here  was  a 
campaign  of  two  months'  duration,  which,  in  interest,  at 
least,  was  equal  to  several  others  of  the  war,  although 
not  so  dramatic  in  the  way  of  battles,  which  seems  to  have 
largely  escaped  the  attention  of  other  historians.  Ban- 
croft devotes  twelve  lines  to  it,  and  Fiske  an  equal  num- 
ber, most  of  which  are  taken  up  by  an  anecdote  concern- 
ing Arnold's  conversation  with  a  prisoner.  Of  course,  this 
field  was  quite  a  distance  from  New  England,  but  a  pow- 
erful glass,  if  not  inverted,  might  have  shown  that  con- 
siderable action  was  going  on  down  there. 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN        203 

Irving,  in  his  "Life  of  Washington,"  gives  a  satis- 
factory, though  brief  outline,  of  this  campaign,  and  in  the 
official  reports  of  Steuben  and  other  papers  already  re- 
ferred to,  we  have  a  pretty  full  account  of  this  crucial 
period  of  the  war. 

The  Baron's  first  report  was  made  to  Greene  on 
January  8,  in  which  he  says : 

"On  the  31st  of  December  the  Governor  informed 
me  of  a  fleet  of  twenty-seven  sail  having  arrived  at  Wil- 
loughby  point,  in  consequence  of  which  I  immediately  dis- 
patched Colonel  Senf  and  Captain  Fairlie  down  to  the 
south  side  to  procure  intelligence  of  their  strength  and 
destination,  and  General  Nelson  was  sent  the  same  day — 
down  the  north  side — to  act  as  circumstances  might  re- 
quire. Notwithstanding  these  precautions,  we  did  not 
receive  the  least  intelligence  till  the  2d  of  January,  when 
the  Governor  informed  me  that  nineteen  ships,  two  brigs 
and  ten  sloops  and  schooners  were  in  Warrasquiack  Bay, 
and  were  getting  under  way  to  proceed  up  the  (James) 
river,  and  that  their  destination  was  Petersburg.  I  di- 
rectly waited  on  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  requested 
four  thousand  militia  might  be  called  out,  estimating  the 
enemy's  force  at  two  thousand  five  hundred. 

"The  distressed  situation  of  the  Continental  troops 
at  Chesterfield  Court  House  would  only  permit  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  of  them  to  be  ordered  out.  These  I  formed 
into  a  battalion  and  sent  to  Petersburg  to  cover  the  pub- 
lic stores,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  Colonel  Carrington 
there  to  remove  them.  I  also  took  proper  measures  for 
the  removal  of  the  stores  and  hospital  from  Chesterfield 
in  case  the  enemy  should  move  that  way. 

"The  next  day,  on  the  3d  of  January,  we  were  ad- 
vised of  the  enemy's  arrival  at  Williamsburg,  where  Gen- 
eral Nelson  had  collected  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 


204    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

militia.  Here  a  flag  was  sent,  to  which  General  Nelson 
returned  a  verbal  answer — that  he  would  defend  the 
town.  They  landed  a  few  troops  at  Jamestown,  but  re- 
embarked  them  immediately  up  the  river.  At  midnight 
their  foremost  vessel  passed  Hood's,  where  we  had  a  bat- 
tery of  two  iron  ten-pounders  and  a  brass  howitzer. 
Three  shots  were  fired,  two  of  which  struck  the  vessel,  on 
which  the  rest  of  the  fleet  brought  to.  A  party  landing 
below,  the  militia,  about  ninety,  evacuated  the  battery, 
and  the  cannon  and  howitzer  fell  into  their  hands.  They 
burnt  the  carriages  of  the  guns  and  carried  off  the  how- 
itzer. 

"The  4th,  in  the  morning,  we  received  intelligence 
that  the  fleet  lay  at  Westover  (twenty-five  miles  below 
Richmond),  and  were  preparing  to  disembark.  It  was 
then  evident  their  object  was  Richmond,  and  orders  were 
immediately  given  for  the  removal  of  the  public  stores. 
As  the  enemy  had  twenty-five  miles  to  march  before  they 
reached  the  town,  I  was  in  hopes  a  force  would  collect 
sufficient  at  least  to  check  their  progress,  but,  to  my  sur- 
prise, about  one  hundred  men  were  all  that  could  be  as- 
sembled. These  I  sent  down  under  command  of  Major 
Dick,  a  state  officer,  to  whom  I  gave  orders  to  harass 
the  enemy  by  firing  at  them  from  every  favorable  piece  of 
ground.  These  orders  were,  however,  badly  executed. 
The  enemy  moved  that  evening  to  Four  Mile  Creek, 
where  they  encamped  about  eleven  o'clock. 

"What  few  Continental  stores  were  in  town  I  sent  to 
Westham  (six  miles  up  the  river),  having  previously 
ordered  Major  Claiborne  up  the  river  to  collect  boats 
there  to  transport  them  across.  I  also  ordered  the  one 
hundred  and  fifty  Continental  troops  to  march  from 
Petersburg  and  take  a  position  opposite  Westham,  and, 
Colonel  Davies,  having  sent  all  the  stores  and  the  hos- 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN        205 

pital  from  Chesterfield,  was  ordered  to  the  same  place 
with  the  remainder  of  his  naked  troops.  The  state 
stores,  of  which  there  were  great  quantities  in  town,  were 
under  the  direction  of  Colonel  M.,  by  whose  inactivity 
and  downright  negligence  a  great  part  was  lost.  Of  their 
artillery  I  secured,  myself,  five  pieces  which  were 
mounted,  the  rest,  consisting  of  three  brass  and  a  great 
number  of  iron  pieces,  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  Not 
a  single  man,  except  those  I  sent  out,  undertook  to  op- 
pose the  approach  of  the  enemy.  I  thought  it  prudent  to 
cross  the  river  in  the  evening  and  took  my  quarters  in 
Manchester  (opposite  Richmond),  and  the  next  day, 
about  twelve  o'clock,  the  enemy  took  possession  of  the 
town,  havivng  marched  twenty-five  miles  with  eight  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  and  about  thirty  horses,  without  re- 
ceiving a  single  shot.  They  left  about  half  their  force  in 
town  and  proceeded  immediately  with  the  rest  to  West- 
ham,  where  they  burnt  all  the  public  buildings,  consist- 
ing of  a  foundry,  with  a  boring  mill,  powder  magazine 
and  some  small  shops,  and  returned  to  Richmond  the 
same  evening.  The  Continental  stores  had  all  been  sent 
across  the  river,  and  some  of  the  state  stores.  What  part 
was  left  I  have  not  yet  learned.  About  three  hundred 
militia  had  arrived  at  Westham  on  their  way  down,  and 
arms  were  actualy  recrossing  for  them,  but  hearing  of 
the  enemy's  approach,  and,  ,being  unarmed,  they  dis- 
persed. 

"The  next  morning  I  ordered  the  battalion  of  Con- 
tinental troops,  to  which  I  had  attached  two  of  the  state 
pieces  of  artillery,  to  Manchester  (opposite  Richmond), 
where  there  were  about  two  hundred  militia  collected. 
With  these  I  intended  to  oppose  any  attempts  they  might 
make  to  cross.  They,  however,  did  not  attempt  it,  but 
about  eleven  o'clock  began  to  set  fire  to  the  public  build- 


206     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

ings,  and  before  one  o'clock  had  entirely  gutted  the  town 
(Richmond).  They  burnt  a  rope  walk,  the  public  work 
shops  and  two  or  three  public  stores.  Two  of  the  in- 
habitants came  out  with  propositions  from  Arnold  to  pay 
for  half  of  the  tobacco  on  their  giving  hostage  for  the 
delivery  of  the  whole  to  vessels  he  should  send  for  it. 
The  Governor  refused  to  agree  to  it,  and  as  they  did  not 
come  out  as  a  flag,  I  refused  their  return.  The  tobacco, 
however,  was  left  unhurt." 

One  of  Arnold's  objects  was  to  capture  Governor 
Jefferson  at  Richmond,  but  Jefferson  left  the  city  the 
preceding  night  on  horseback  for  Tuckahoe,  a  village 
some  fifteen  miles  northwest  of  the  capital,  where  his 
family  was  staying,  desiring  to  remove  them  to  a  point 
more  distant  from  the  marauders.  This  having  been  ac- 
complished he  came  down  to  Manchester  the  next  day  in 
time  to  witness  the  entry  of  Arnold's  troops  into  Rich- 
mond. The  town  had  been  abandoned  by  most  of  the 
citizens,  who,  from  the  surrounding  hilltops,  witnessed 
the  devastation  of  their  homes.  There  seem  to  have 
been  a  couple  of  hundred  militia  in  the  place,  who  also 
retreated  to  the  hills  after  firing  a  few  volleys.  The  de- 
tachment which  committed  the  destruction  at  Westham 
was  under  command  of  Colonel  Simcoe,  after  whom  one 
of  the  Canadian  lakes,  now  a  summer  resort,  was  named. 
Steuben  thus  proceeds  with  his  account: 

"The  enemy  marched  that  night  to  their  former 
position  at  Four  Mile  Creek,  where  they  encamped,  and 
yesterday  got  to  Westover.  On  their  return  great  ex- 
cesses were  committed  by  straggling  parties.  As  there 
were  great  quantities  of  grain  and  flour  at  the  mills  near 
Warwick,  I  marched  my  little  force  on  the  6th  in  the  even- 
ing to  that  place.  Yesterday  I  advanced  to  Osborn's,  and 
this  day  I  arived  here  at  Petersburg.     I  find  about  four 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN         207 

hundred  and  fifty  militia  here  under  Colonel  Gibson, 
whom  I  had  ordered  to  take  the  command  in  the  absence 
of  Generals  Muhlenberg  and  Weedon.  On  the  first  inti- 
mation of  the  enemy's  approach  I  wrote  these  gentlemen, 
but  have  heard  nothing  from  them.  The  public  stores, 
of  which  great  quantities  were  in  this  town,  were  all  re- 
moved by  the  great  exertions  of  Colonel  Carrington  and 
Colonel  Gibson.  Yesterday  General  Smallwood  arrived 
here,  and  has  been  so  obliging  as  to  stop  and  afford  us 
his  assistance.  Some  vessels  of  the  enemy  were  sent  up 
this  river  (the  Appomattox)  to  take  or  destroy  some 
merchant  vessels  lying  there,  but  by  the  disposition  Gen- 
eral Smallwood  made  with  some  ships,  guns  and  the 
militia,  they  were  obliged  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 
General  Nelson,  during  all  this  time,  was  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  On  the  3d  he  was  twelve  miles  above 
Williamsburg  with  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  men; 
the  next  day  he  moved  four  miles  higher,  and  wrote  me 
from  Long  Bridge,  on  Chickahominy,  that  the  enemy 
were  moving  down  to  their  shipping,  and  that  the  rain 
the  preceding  night  had  incapacitated  his  men  for  im- 
mediate service.  In  fact,  the  enemy  returned  as  they 
went,  without  a  single  shot,  and  have  lain  quietly  at  West- 
over  in  a  scattered  manner  all  this  day. 

"As  the  stores  were  all  removed  hence  and  a  con- 
siderable force  of  militia  collected,  I  do  not  imagine  the 
enemy  will  attack  this  place.  I  have  some  hopes  of  being 
able  to  annoy  them  from  Hood's  on  their  return.  The 
river  there  is  very  narrow,  but  we  have  yet  no  guns.  I 
have  sent  to  have  those  we  have  there  remounted  and 
shall  march  there  myself  with  all  the  militia  I  can  arm, 
so  soon  as  I  hear  the  enemy  are  moving  down.  The 
greatest  distress  we  now  feel  is  want  of  arms ;  the  great 
part  of  those  belonging  to  the  state  were  damaged  by 


208     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  militia  during  the  late  invasion,  or  were  scattered  at 
different  places  and  never  collected  or  repaired.  Those 
at  Richmond  were,  on  the  enemy's  approach,  sent  off  in 
such  disorder  that  part  of  them  are  not  yet  found.  The 
militia  are  coming  in,  and  no  arms  to  put  in  their  hands, 
while,  on  the  other  side,  General  Nelson  has  one  thousand 
five  hundred  stand  and  only  five  hundred  men/' 

By  the  11th  Steuben  had  moved  his  headquarters  to 
near  Hood's,  on  the  James  river,  from  where  he  con- 
tinues his  report  of  operations,  as  follows: 

"The  enemy  lying  still  at  Westover  on  the  9th,  and 
some  vessels  which  had  lain  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ap- 
pomattox, dropping  down  that  day  to  their  fleet,  I  thought 
it  evident  they  had  no  design  against  Petersburg,  and 
therefore  ordered  the  few  militia  who  were  assembled 
there  to  march  to  Prince  George  Court  House,  and  went 
there  myself,  that  I  might  be  more  at  hand  to  prepare 
against  any  movement  of  the  enemy.  The  10th,  in  the 
morning,  I  was  informed  they  were  embarking  their 
troops,  and  on  reconnoitering  them  myself  from  Coggin's 
Point,  I  found  their  embarkation  completed,  and  the  ves- 
sels preparing  to  sail. 

"It  had  been  found  impracticable  to  remount  the 
canon  at  Hood's,  or  to  prepare  any  obstruction  to  their 
passing  that  place.  Of  this,  however,  the  enemy  were 
ignorant,  and,  thinking  it  very  probable  they  would  land 
a  party  to  examine  these  works  before  they  attempted 
to  pass,  I  ordered  three  hundred  infantry  and  about  thirty 
horse,  under  Colonel  Clark  (George  Rogers)  to  lie  in 
ambush  to  receive  them.  About  twelve  o'clock  the  fleet 
got  under  way,  and  at  four  o'clock  I  saw  them,  from 
Hood's,  come  to  within  cannon  shot.  At  dark  they 
landed  troops  for  eighteen  boats — deserters,  say  five  hun- 
dred— who  immediately  attacked  a  small  picket  we  had 


M 

some  v«mcI»   wh»rh   h*<^     m* 

ther< 

there  to  mar 

there  myself,  th 

against  any  movement 

riing,   I   was   informed   they   were 

on  reconnoitering  them  myself  lj 

mpletedj 


ignor 
a  pa 
to  pa 

horse,  undci 
ambush 
got  under  w 

>d's,  cor  thin   cannoi 

landed  trooj  een  boats 

dred — who  imr  y  attacked 


;1  1 1  WIS 


HANOVE  COURT  HOUSE,  VA.,  ERECTED  17  10. 


m  wniriii'ii    riii'i'fii     v.\ 


'■?:"■-&■. 


HANOVER  COURT  HOUSE.  VA.,  ERECTED  174  0. 


BLANDFORD    C'TICIJCil.    \  A. 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN         209 

and  pursued  them  to  within  forty  paces  of  the  ambuscade, 
when  our  troops  gave  them  a  fire,  but  on  returning  it 
and  charging  bayonets,  the  militia  immediately  fled/' 
After  throwing  the  cannon  into  the  river  the  enemy  re- 
turned to  their  ships,  which  at  daylight  were  five  miles 
below.  I  ordered  three  hundred  infantry  and  two  troops 
of  horse  down  to  Cabin  Point,  and  encamped  with  the 
remainder — about  five  hundred  men  at  this  place.  As 
an  attempt  might  be  made  at  Williamsburg,  and  as  Gen- 
eral Nelson  had  only  four  hundred  men,  I  ordered  five 
hundred  and  sixty  militia,  who  were  on  their  way  to  join 
me,  to  cross  the  river  and  reinforce  him. 

"The  next  great  object  for  the  enemy  being  Hunt- 
er's works  and  the  stores  at  Fredericksburg,  I  wrote  the 
Governor  to  countermand  the  militia  from  that  quarter. 
General  Weedon  had  already  advanced  with  about  three 
hundred  and  fifty  as  far  as  Hanover  Court  House  before 
he  received  the  Governor's  letter.  It  is  left  with  him  to 
return  or  not,  according  as  he,  from  the  knowledge  of 
the  force  that  can  be  collected,  may  think  necessary.  I 
cannot  yet  form  any  judgment  of  the  future  operations 
of  the  enemy.  Should  they  mean  to  pillage  Williams- 
burg, Nelson's  corps  may  harass,  but  cannot  prevent 
them.  If  they  take  possession  of  Norfolk  I  shall  collect 
what  force  is  necessary  and  endeavor  to  keep  them  in 
check,  or  if  they  should  go  into  the  Potomac,  I  shall  im- 
mediately march  to  form  a  junction  with  the  militia  under 
General  Weedon  and  cover  Fredericksburg. 

"The  militia  are  coming  in  from  all  quarters,  but  with- 
out arms,  for  which  they  apply  to  me.  I  have  delivered 
about  five  hundred  we  had  belonging  to  the  Continentals. 
Those  of  the  state  were  so  scattered  in  removing  them 
on  the  alarm  that  their  officers  cannot  collect  them  again. 
The  troops  have  neither  tents  nor  camp  kettles.    It  is  im- 


210    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

possible  to  describe  the  situation  I  am  in — in  want  of 
everything,  and  nothing  can  be  got  from  the  state — 
rather  from  want  of  arangement  than  anything  else." 

In  a  few  days  Steuben  made  another  report  to  the 
Board  of  War,  and  we  cannot  do  better  than  to  follow 
his  detail  of  succeeding  operations : 

"The  enemy  having  passed  Hood's  on  the  13th,  I 
marched  with  seven  hundred  militia  to  Cabin  Point.  The 
Continental  troops,  being  too  naked  to  keep  the  field, 
were  sent  back  to  Chesterfield  Court  House.  On  the  14th 
the  enemy  landed  at  Hardy's  Ferry,  twenty-two  miles 
below  Cabin  Point,  and  began  their  march  towards 
Smithfield.  Supposing  Colonel  Parker,  with  the  militia 
of  the  lower  counties,  would  opose  them  in  front,  I  de- 
tailed Major  Willis  with  three  hundred  infantry  and  fifty 
horses  to  harass  their  rear.  My  orders  were  badly  exe- 
cuted, and  the  enemy  entered  Smithfield  on  the  15th  with- 
out opposition.  Having  that  day  received  a  reinforce- 
ment of  four  hundred  men,  I  immediately  detached  them, 
under  General  Lawson,  with  orders  to  march  towards 
Smithfield,  and  act  in  conjunction  with  Colonel  Parker, 
who,  I  supposed,  had  retired  towards  Suffolk.  On  Gen- 
eral Lawson's  approach  the  enemy  crossed  Nansimond 
river  at  Sleepy  Hole  and  encamped  on  the  opposite  bank, 
and  General  Lawson,  being  joined  by  the  roops  under 
Colonel  Parker,  occupied  Smithfield.  The  19th  the 
enemy  marched  to  Portsmouth,  where  Arnold  established 
himself,  and  their  vessels  fell  down  to  Hampton  Roads." 

Arnold  had  made  his  raid,  and  while  the  history  of 
the  preceding  three  weeks  had  not  made  a  pleasant  chap- 
ter for  the  patriots,  it  was  scarcely  more  so  to  the  British. 
Considerable  property  had  been  destroyed,  the  forces  op- 
posed had  not  been  effective  in  repelling  them,  and  along 
the  river  from  its  mouth  to  the  head  of  navigation  at 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN         211 

Richmond  they  had  operated  pretty  much  as  they  pleased. 
But  in  one  important  respect  the  expedition  was  a  lament- 
able failure.  In  New  England,  the  Middle  States  and  in 
the  farther  South,  wherever  the  British  arms  advanced 
they  found  a  strong  Tory  sentiment  which  was  of  great 
aid  in  facilitating  the  work  of  the  regular  troops, 
but  in  Virginia  it  was  either  non-existent  or  so  small  as 
to  be  of  little  or  no  practical  significance.  The  Virginians 
may  have  displayed  mismanagement  in  defending  their 
own  firesides,  but  they  had  no  intention  of  giving  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  enemy.  Colonel  Meade,  writing  to  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  begs  leave  to  "Observe  in  justice  to  the 
people  at  large,  that  there  are  fewer  disaffected  by  far  in 
his  state  than  any  other  in  the  Union,  and  that  the  people 
turn  out  with  the  utmost  cheerfulness.  The  misfortune 
on  the  present  invasion  was,  that  in  the  confusion,  arms 
were  sent  everywhere,  and  no  timely  plans  laid  to  put 
them  into  the  hands  of  the  men  who  were  assembling. 
The  Baron  has  no  doubt  given  the  General  the  particu- 
lars of  the  whole  affair.  He  can  hardly  be  himself  and 
say  anything  on  the  subject  that  ought  not  to  be  credited." 
Of  course,  the  greate  rpart  of  the  state  was  left  un- 
touched by  Arnold.  He  never  trusted  his  troops  at  any 
great  distance  from  his  ships,  and  Steuben's  manceuving, 
for,  like  Washington  in  1778-9,  he  could  do  but  little 
more,  confined  the  raided  territory  within  very  narrow 
limits.  As  an  illustration  of  the  deficiencies,  even  in 
minor  details,  General  Nelson,  having  a  message  to  send 
from  Williamsburg,  apologized  for  transmitting  it  verb- 
ally, as  he  had  no  pen  or  ink.  Governor  Jefferson  co- 
operated with  Steuben  to  the  extent  of  his  power,  and 
bore  willing  testimony  to  the  General's  merits.  In  a  letter 
to  Washington  he  declared  that  the  Baron's  vigilance  had 
in  a  great  measure  supplied  the  want  of  force  in  prevent- 


212    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

ing  the  enemy  from  crossing  the  river,  which  might  have 
been  very  fatal,  and  that  he  had  been  assiduously  em- 
ployed in  preparing  for  the  militia,  as  they  should  assem- 
ble, pointing  them  to  a  proper  object,  and  other  offices 
of  a  good  commander.  James  Lovell  also  wrote  to 
Steuben  on  the  22d,  saying :  "I  am  still  unable  to  promise 
you  a  supply  of  arms  and  clothing.  But  I  cannot  refrain 
from  expressing  to  you  by  this  opportunity  how  much 
I  am  affected  with  pleasure  by  any  occurrence  which  re- 
dounds to  your  glory.  The  Governor  of  Virginia  men- 
tions very  honorably  your  conduct  with  a  small  body  of 
militia,  of  which  you  have  condescended  to  take  the  com- 
mand, while  a  traitorous  villain  was  striving  to  make  ex- 
tensive ravage  on  James  river.  I  would  to  God  you  were 
at  the  head  of  a  body  suitably  equipped  to  execute  the 
directions  which  your  great  military  knowledge  enables 
you  to  give  whenever  you  are  in  a  field  of  action.  I  re- 
gret much  the  mortification  which  I  know  your  warm 
zeal  in  our  cause  must  have  met  with  from  your  inequality 
of  men,  artillery,  and,  in  short,  every  means  of  giving  a 
final  blow  to  Arnold's  schemes.  I  regret  more  that  you 
have  no  prospect  but  the  continuance  of  such  disadvan- 
tages." 

So  long  as  Arnold's  ships  had  command  of  the  sea 
it  was  impossible  to  capture  or  starve  him  out.  He  might 
be  forced  to  disembark,  but  to  do  this  would  require  a 
stronger  and  better  trained  army  than  was  at  hand.  He 
might  be  shut  off  on  the  land  side  from  making  further 
raids,  and  this  Steuben  proposed  to  do.  He  established 
his  headquarters  at  Smithfield,  about  twenty-five  miles 
northwest  of  Portsmouth,  while  Colonel  Parker,  General 
Lawson  and  General  Muhlenberg  had  detachments  at 
various  points,  making  a  semi-circle  a  few  miles  outside 
of  Portsmouth.     General  Nelson  was  stationed  at  Wil- 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN         213 

liamsburg  with  a  thousand  infantry  and  some  cavalry  to 
watch  that  section. 

With  all  this  on  his  hands,  Steuben  did  not  forget 
Greene,  and  as  soon  as  he  had  Arnold  safely  cooped  up 
in  Portsmouth,  he  again  turned  his  attention  to  raising 
troops  for  the  Southern  general.  But  if  the  process  was 
slow  when  the  people  were  not  excited  over  invasion, 
it  can  be  imagined  what  the  situation  was  with  the  enemy 
within  their  gates.  It  was  natural  that  there  should  be 
objection  to  raising  and  equipping  troops  to  be  sent  per- 
haps hundreds  of  miles  away  when  they  could  not  rid 
themselves  of  the  invader  who  had  harassed  their  own 
territory,  and  was  liable  to  repeat  the  operation.  They 
were  unable  to  see  that  the  whole  was  greater  than  any 
one  of  the  parts,  and  indifference  developed  into  a  hos- 
tility which  threatened  to  bring  Steuben  into  conflict  not 
only  with  the  people  but  with  the  state  authorities.  Just 
when  a  soldier  ceased  to  be  a  militiaman  and  became  a 
Continental  was  not  always  clearly  defined,  and  contro- 
versies arose  as  to  liability  for  expenditures.  The  Baron 
naturally  looked  at  everything  from  a  national  stand- 
point, and  could  not  understand  why  the  interests  or  de- 
sires of  a  state  should  interfere  with  those  of  the  country 
at  large,  while  among  the  people  the  national  idea  had 
scarcely  gained  a  foothold.  Neither  Jefferson  nor  his 
followers  had  yet  realized  that  there  cannot  be  two  heads 
to  military  movements,  and  the  following  from  the  Gov- 
ernor to  Steuben  undoubtedly  voiced  the  sentiment  of  the 
former's  partisans: 

"We  did  not  think  proper  to  resign  ourselves  and 
our  country  too  implicitly  to  your  demands,  and  thought 
we  had  some  right  of  judgment  left  to  ourselves.  We 
can  only  be  answerable  for  the  orders  we  give,  and  not 
for  their  execution.    If  they  are  disobeyed  from  obstinacy 


214    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

of  spirit  or  want  of  coercion  in  the  laws  it  is  not  our  fault. 
We  can  only  endeavor  to  engage  the  willing.  The  Ex- 
ecutive has  not  by  the  laws  of  this  state  any  power  to 
call  a  freeman  to  labor  even  for  the  public  good  without 
his  consent,  nor  a  slave  without  that  of  his  master."  This 
epistle  was  in  answer  to  a  criticism  by  Steuben  upon  the 
lack  of  support  given  by  the  state  authorities  during  the 
late  invasion. 

Efforts  to  raise  the  three  thousand  militia  provided 
by  law  continued  during  February,  but  recruits  came 
very  slowly.  By  the  12  th  four  hundred  men  had  been 
collected  at  Chesterfield,  which  was  doing  comparatively 
well  under  the  circumstances.  In  one  instance,  where  a 
man  brought  his  son,  a  mere  boy,  to  take  his  father's 
place,  the  Baron  promptly  sent  the  youth  home  and  placed 
the  father  in  the  ranks.  The  troops  started  south,  but 
had  only  gone  a  short  distance  when  the  father  was  tacitly 
allowed  to  desert.  Wholesale  desertions  of  militia  were 
not  uncommon ;  in  fact,  their  enlistment  frequently  seemed 
like  pouring  water  into  a  sieve.  Even  the  state  authori- 
ties did  not  always  keep  faith  with  the  men.  For  in- 
stance, they  would  bargain  with  a  man  for  6,000  or  7,000 
pounds  (Continental  money),  pay  him  1,000  or  1,500, 
and  promise  the  remainder  in  two  or  three  months.  They 
fail  to  pay,  and  the  soldier  deserts,  thus  relieving  the  com- 
munity from  payment  of  the  balance;  at  the  same  time 
it  received  credit  for  a  recruit  furnished.  In  short,  the 
state  had  no  money,  provisions  or  credit. 

During  the  late  civil  war  there  was  considerable  talk 
concerning  shoddy  contractors  who  furnished  inferior 
materials  to  the  army.  They  had  their  prototypes  in  the 
Revolution.  To  cite  a  few  instances,  1,495  yards  of  cloth 
which  the  Governor  estimated  would  make  400  suits 
made  only  350  coats,  as  the  cloth  was  only  half  the  guar- 


ARNOLD'S  VIRGINIA  CAMPAIGN  215 
anteed  widths.  One  day's  use  wore  out  the  shoes.  That 
the  petty  officers  were  dishonest  under  such  circum- 
stances and  took  advantage  of  the  general  demoralization 
to  enrich  themselves  is  not  surprising. 

To  prevent  the  enormous  waste  which  was  going  on 
Steuben,  on  April  10,  filed  an  order  prohibiting  the  issue 
of  more  than  a  three  days'  supply  of  provisions  at  one 
time  without  a  special  order  from  the  commanding  gen- 
eral or  field  officers. 

That  Greene  appreciated  Steuben's  difficulties  as  well 
as  the  help  afforded  in  spite  of  them  is  shown  by  a  letter 
of  February  3,  in  which  he  says : 

To  your  address  and  industry.  I  feel  myself  principally  in- 
debted for  what  is  coming.  Whatever  misfortune  may  happen 
for  want  of  force  it  is  no  fault  of  ours.  The  Southern  States 
are  in  such  a  defenceless  condition  that  they  must  fall  under 
the  dominion  of  the  enemy  unless  reinforcements  are  imme- 
diately sent  from  the  northward.  Such  destruction  of  public 
stores  is  enough  to  ruin  a  nation.  These  are  some  of  the  happy 
effects  of  defending  the  country  with  militia,  from  which  "Good 
Lord  deliver  us!"  O.  that  we  had  in  the  field.,  as  Henry  V. 
said,  some  few  of  the  many  thousands  that  are  idle  at  home. 

Probably  in  reply  to  this  letter,  Steuben  wrote  to 
Greene,  on  February  17,  that  a  thousand  militia  had  been 
ordered  to  join  him  immediately  from  five  counties 
named,  and  that  he  was  trying  to  dispatch  four  or  five 
hundred  men  from  Chesterfield.  In  order  to  meet 
Greene's  needs  the  Baron  aranged  with  Jefferson  to  send 
militia  from  Augusta,  Rockingham  and  Shenandoah 
counties,  but  none  could  be  found  to  take  their  places 
and  they  refused  to  leave  their  homes,  so  the  project  was 
abandoned.  Augusta  was  the  frontier  county,  and  in- 
cluded what  is  now  Western  Pennsylvania.  Efforts  were 
also  made  to  secure  recruits  from  Delaware  and  Mary- 
land, but  nothing  was  accomplished.  Campbell's  detach- 
ment got  away  on  February  25,  and  four  hundred  under 
Colonel  Greene  from  Chesterfield.     Third,   fourth  and 


216     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

fifth  detachments  were  promised  on  April  1,  April  15  and 
May  1,  but  they  were  not  sent.  Virginia  appeared  to  be 
a  squeezed  lemon  so  far  as  sending  more  troops  south- 
ward was  concerned,  and,  besides,  there  was  soon  to  be 
another  shifting  of  action  in  respect  to  the  war  that  was 
to  make  a  most  radical  change  in  every  direction,  both 
in  the  personnel  of  the  actors  in  Virginia  and  in  their 
operations. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

GREENE  AND  STEUBEN. 

Their  Operations  in  the  Carolinas  and  Virginia — Victories  and 
Good  Generalship  Recover  the  Carolinas — Arnold  Bottled 
Up  in  Portsmouth  and  Cornwallis  in  Wilmington — Arnold 
Save  Through  Refusal  of  the  French  Commander  to  Co- 
operated— Arrival  of  Lafayette — Steuben  Still  Has  the  Bur- 
den— Second  Foray  Up  the  James — Capture  of  Petersburg 
and  Richmond. 

It  may  help  us  to  a  better  understanding  of  subse- 
quent events  in  Virginia  if  we  leave  that  state  for  a  short 
time  and  follow  Greene  in  his  operations.  The  Southern 
Army,  notwithstanding  some  small  victories  by  indepen- 
dent partisan  bands,  had  not  recovered  from  the  demorali- 
zation caused  by  the  defeat  of  Gates.  Greene's  entire 
force,  about  two  thousand  strong,  was  less  than  two- 
thirds  that  of  Cornwallis,  while  its  efficiency,  through  lack 
of  supplies  and  discipline,  had  been  reduced  almost  to 
the  vanishing  point.  But  in  addition  to  his  own  ability 
Greene  had  with  him  subordinate  officers  of  exceptional 
bravery  and  genius.  Sumter,  Marion  and  Morgan,  with 
their  little  bands,  had  prevented  the  fire  of  patriotism 
from  being  utterly  extinguished  and  now,  in  addition, 
were  Kosciusko,  the  Hungarian  patriot;  Henry  Lee,  the 
famous  lighthouse  cavalryman,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Washington,  a  distant  relative  of  the  commander-in- 
chief.  There  was  here  an  assemblage  of  brains  and  brav- 
ery which  went  far  to  offset  the  disparity  of  strength 
between  the  two  armies.  It  was,  of  course,  Greene's 
policy  to  avoid  a  general  engagement  until  he  could  put 
his  army  in  better  condition  and  receive  the  expected  re- 
inforcements from  Virginia.    In  the  meantime  he  divided 


218     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

his  force  into  two  sections,  taking  the  larger  part,  about 
one  thousand  one  hundred  strong,  to  Cheraw  Hill,  South 
Carolina,  from  which  point  Lee  and  Marion  threatened 
to  cut  off  the  communications  of  Cornwallis  with  the 
coast,  while  to  the  west  were  Morgan  and  Washington, 
with  the  aid  of  the  militia,  threatening  the  inland  posts 
held  by  the  British.  Cornwallis  now  had  a  hostile  army 
on  both  flanks.  If  he  moved  on  Greene  the  interior  posts 
were  in  danger,  while  if  he  went  the  other  way  Greene 
would  go  to  Charleston  and  effectually  cut  him  off  from 
the  sea.  His  only  other  course  was  to  move  northward 
into  North  Carolina,  which  he  did  with  two  thousand 
men,  leaving  one  thousand  one  hundred  under  Tarleton 
to  look  after  Morgan.  In  these  movements  both  parties 
seemed  to  defy  the  elementary  rules  of  modern  warfare. 
Keep  your  own  force  together  and  beat  the  enemy  in 
detail  was  a  military  axiom  never  violated  without  peril, 
but  here  both  sides  were  doing  this  to  the  fullest  extent. 
On  January  7  Tarleton  and  Morgan  met  at  the 
Cowpens  (a  name  given  to  a  general  cattle  coral  in  the 
grazing  district),  and  Tarleton  was  completely  routed. 
The  British  lost  two  hundred  and  thirty  killed  and 
wounded  and  six  hundred  prisoners,  while  the  remaining 
two  hundred  and  seventy  were  so  scattered  and  demor- 
alized as  to  be  utterly  useless  as  an  army.  Morgan,  by 
a  forced  march,  now  rejoined  Greene,  and  the  whole  army 
moved  northward,  with  Cornwallis  following.  It  was 
Greene's  plan  to  draw  his  opponent  as  far  as  possible 
from  his  base,  and  the  plan  succeeded  admirably.  On 
February  9  he  reached  Guilford  Court  House,  North 
Carolina,  about  thirty  miles  south  of  the  Virginia  border, 
and  there  he  determined  to  await  Cornwallis,  in  the  mean- 
time urging  Steuben  to  hurry  forward  the  promised  re- 
inforcements.    But,  as  we  have  seen,  although  Steuben 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  219 

now  had  Arnold  practically  shut  up  in  Portsmouth,  yet 
it  was  impossible  to  furflll  Greene's  expectations.  Never- 
theless the  latter,  by  good  generalship,  managed  to  keep 
Cornwallis  at  bay  until  March  15.  By  that  time  all  the 
troops  which  Steuben  could  send  from  Virginia  had  ar- 
rived, and  these,  with  accessions  from  other  quarters, 
brought  the  army  up  to  four  thousand  four  hundred  and 
four  men,  while  Cornwallis  had  been  reduced  to  two 
thousand  two  hundred  and  thirteen;  all,  however,  hard- 
ened veterans,  while  fully  half  of  Greene's  was  made  up 
of  raw  recruits.  A  battle  opened  here  in  the  morning 
and  continued  all  day  with  varying  fortune,  but  in  the 
evening  Cornwallis  secured  possession  of  a  hill  from 
which  it  was  impossible  to  dislodge  him.  He  held  the  hill 
for  a  couple  of  days,  and  then  retreated  to  Wilmington, 
the  nearest  seaport,  having  lost  over  one-fourth  of  his 
army  and  throwing  open  the  southern  provinces  to 
Greene,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  take  advantage  of  the 
situation.  Leaving  Cornwallis  to  figure  out  what  he 
should  do  next  he  returned  directly  south  on  April  6,  and 
within  three  months  had  reduced  nearly  every  British 
post  in  South  Carolina,  and  the  victory  at  Eutaw  Springs 
on  September  8  shut  the  remnant  of  the  British  army  up 
in  Charleston,  while  the  state  government  resumed  its 
usual  functions.  This  ended  the  war  in  the  far  South  so 
far  as  large  military  operations  were  concerned.  The 
British  still  held  Charleston  and  Savannah,  but  the  three 
states  of  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia 
were  now  practically  under  American  control  and  re- 
mained so  until  the  close  of  the  war. 

We  can  now  return  to  Virginia,  where  events  had 
been  moving  so  rapidly  that  the  Old  Dominion  by  this 
time  occupied  the  centre  of  the  stage.  During  the  month 
of  February  Muhlenberg,  under  Steuben's  direction,  con- 


220    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

tinued  to  watch  Arnold  in  Portsmouth  much  as  a  cat 
does  a  mouse  which  it  cannot  reach,  but  which  it  is  ready 
to  pounce  upon  should  it  attempt  to  come  out  of  its  shel- 
ter. Unfortunately  the  shelter  in  this  case  had  a  back 
door,  namely  the  water,  over  which  the  mouse  could  es- 
cape if  the  situation  should  become  desperate.  On  the 
16th,  however,  three  French  war  vessels  were  discerned 
at  the  mouth  of  James  river,  supposed  to  be  the  advance 
guard  of  a  large  fleet.  Surely  the  mouse  was  now 
trapped,  and  Nelson  wrote  at  once  to  Steuben,  "What 
you  expected  has  taken  place.  I  give  you  joy  with  all 
my  soul.  Now  is  our  time;  not  a  moment  ought  to  be 
lost!" 

The  rejoicing,  however,  was  premature.  The  three 
vessels  had  left  the  main  fleet  off  Rhode  Island  and  were 
making  a  cruise  from  New  York  to  Charleston.  But  it 
was  hoped  by  Steuben  that  there  was  sufficient  force  to 
accomplish  his  purpose,  and  he  sent  Captain  Duponceau 
to  arrange  with  the  French  commander,  De  Tilly,  for  the 
movement  on  Portsmmouth.  At  first  it  seemed  as  though 
the  project  would  be  carried  out.  General  Gregory  was 
ordered  to  collect  a  force  along  Dismal  Swamp,  which 
began  at  Portsmouth,  and  be  in  readiness  to  move  at 
Steuben's  direction,  and  an  express  service  was  estab- 
lished between  his  camp  and  Suffolk,  county  seat  of  Isle 
of  Wight  County,  by  means  of  which  orders  could  be 
transmitted  in  a  few  hours.  General  Muhlenberg  ad- 
vanced from  Suffolk  to  within  sixteen  miles  of  Ports- 
mouth, and  General  Nelson,  at  Williamsburg,  was  or- 
dered to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  march  as  soon  as 
needed.  Williamsburg  was  to  be  covered  by  General 
Weedon's  corps,  which  would  come  from  Fredericksburg, 
and  guard  a  battery  at  Newport  News,  which  was 
erected  to  protect  the  French  fleet  should  it  be  compelled 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  221 

to  retire  to  York  river.  There  were  six  or  seven  armed 
merchant  vessels  in  the  James  river  which  were  expected 
to  be  used  as  auxiliaries  to  the  fleet.  Boats  were  col- 
lected to  transport  troops  and  munitions  across  the  river, 
among  the  latter  there  being  eight  eighteen-pound  cannon 
and  two  mortars.  The  militia  were  so  encouraged  by  the 
situation  that  General  Muhlenberg  advanced  towards 
Portsmouth  and  surprised  a  picket  guard,  and,  after  a 
skirmish,  in  which  two  men  were  killed,  captured  a  ser- 
geant, twelve  privates,  a  wagon  and  two  horses.  He  was 
now  within  a  mile  and  a-half  of  the  town,  and  every- 
thing promised  a  speedy  capture.  But  the  best  laid  plan 
of  men,  if  not  mice,  gang  aft  a  glee,  as  was  now  discov- 
ered. The  French  commander  refused  to  go  up  the  Eliza- 
beth river,  which  was  virtually  a  part  of  the  bay,  where 
Arnold  had  anchored  his  vessels,  on  the  plea  that  it  was 
unsafe,  and  stated  that  he  proposed  to  leave  as  soon  as 
the  wind  permitted.  The  golden  opportunity  of  captur- 
ing Arnold,  something  specially  desired  by  Washington, 
was  needlessly  thrown  away.  The  disappointment  of 
officers  and  men  who  were  thus  balked  of  their  prey  was 
very  keen,  and  it  was  not  surprising  that  many  de- 
nounced the  French  alliance  which  so  far  had  not  ex- 
hibited a  single  tangible  result,  although,  as  we  have 
shown,  the  indirect  benefit  was  very  great. 

In  the  meantime  Washington,  no  doubt  without  de- 
tailed knowledge  of  the  fact  that  Steuben  had  Arnold 
practically  in  his  power,  and  could  beyond  doubt  have 
captured  him  with  his  entire  force  had  there  been  proper 
co-operation  on  the  part  of  the  French  commander,  de- 
cided to  make  a  move  which  would  relieve  Virginia  of 
this  invasion,  and  for  that  purpose  proposed  to  utilize 
the  main  body  of  the  French  fleet  and  a  portion  of  the 
land  forces  which  were  still  lying  idle  at  Newport.     Ad- 


222     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

mirai  Destouches  agreed  to  sail  for  the  Chesapeake  to 
blockade  Arnold,  and  carried  with  him  a  corps  of  one 
thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty  French  infantry  de- 
tached from  Rochambeau's  force.  At  the  same  time  a 
corps  of  twelve  hundred  light  infantry  with  some  artil- 
lery was  detached  from  the  American  force  around  New 
York  and  sent  over  land  in  charge  of  General  Lafayette, 
who  was  expected  to  reach  Virginia  in  time  to  co-operate 
with  the  French  fleet  in  the  capture  of  Portsmouth. 
Washington  on  February  20  notified  Steuben  of  the  pro- 
posed expedition,  urging  him  to  make  such  arrangements 
with  respect  to  the  militia  and  supplies  and  take  such 
position  as  he  judged  would  be  most  conducive  to  the 
success  of  the  enterprise.  Lafayette  was  instructed  to 
open  a  correspondence  with  Steuben,  informing  the  latter 
of  his  approach,  and  requesting  him  to  have  a  sufficient 
body  of  militia  ready  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  new 
arrivals.  Washington's  parting  injunction  was  that 
should  Arnold  be  captured  he  was  not  to  be  treated  as  an 
ordinary  prisoner  of  war,  but  summarily  executed.  La- 
fayette on  February  24  wrote  to  Steuben  from  Morris- 
town,  declaring  that  "nothing  will  be  wanting  to  hurry 
the  detachment,  which  you  will  find  to  be  an  excellent 
body  of  troops.  I  hope  the  French  ships  will  strictly 
blockade  Mr.  Arnold,  and  as  your  position  will  no  doubt 
exclude  the  possibility  of  his  taking  any  advantage  by 
land,  I  hope  we  may,  before  long,  give  a  good  account 
of  him.  Should  he  by  chance  make  any  proposition,  no 
communication  ought  to  be  held  with  him  that  might 
countenance  any  pretension  to  his  being  a  prisoner  of 
war." 

Lafayette  and  his  force  marched  south,  and  on  his 
arriving  at  the  Head  of  Elk,  which  is  about  forty  miles 
northeast  of  Baltimore,  at  the  upper  end  of  Chesapeake 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  223 

Bay,  on  March  3d,  he  wrote  to  General  Muhlen- 
berg: "In  all  cases  I  am  to  request  you  that  no  communi- 
cation be  held  with  Arnold  that  may  in  any  way  give  him 
the  least  claim  to  the  advantages  of  a  prisoner  of  war." 
From  all  of  which  it  appears  that  the  capture  of  Arnold 
was  looked  upon  as  the  principal  object  of  the  expedition. 
As  may  be  supposed,  Steuben  did  not  look  on  this 
new  movement  with  any  great  degree  of  satisfaction.  In 
the  face  of  tremendous  difficulties  and  mainly  with  the 
help  of  untrained  militia,  he  had  forced  Arnold  into 
Portsmouth,  which  with  the  co-operation  of  a  suitable 
naval  force  he  felt  sure  of  capturing.  The  mouse  had 
been  almost  within  his  grasp,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the 
refusal  of  the  French  naval  commander  to  blockade  the 
mouth  of  the  river  the  British  must  surely  have  surren- 
dered. Now  when  he  had  matters  in  better  shape  than 
ever,  with  the  French  fleet  almost  in  sight,  he  could  bring 
the  campaign  to  an  end  with  advantage  to  the  country 
and  credit  to  himself.  In  a  letter  to  Greene,  dated  March 
3,  he  thus  expresses  himself: 

Tomorrow  I  set  out  for  Williamsburg  to  finish  my  prepara- 
tions for  the  arrival  of  the  marquis  and  fleet.  I  have  com- 
municated to  him  the  plan  of  operation  I  should  have  followed 
had  the  fleet  been  here  to  assist  me.  I  think  the  same  plan, 
with  very  little  alterations  should  now  be  adopted.  I  flatter 
myself  that  a  marquis  and  minus  six  hundred  troops  that  are 
coming,  it  would  have  been  in  my  power  to  have  delivered  to 
you  Mr.  Arnold,  but  this  honor  is  reserved  for  another.  But 
do  not  thjnk,  my  dear  general,  that  this  idea,  however  mortify- 
ing, will  in  the  least  relax  my  zeal  in  the  affair;  on  the  con- 
trary, I  hope  the  marquis  will  find  everything  prepared  for  his 
arrival. 

The  Baron  was  not  one  to  sulk  in  his  tent  when 
there  was  a  duty  to  be  performed,  and  he  went  vigorously 
to  work  collecting  supplies  for  the  coming  of  Lafayette, 
boats,  horses  and  provisions,  with  the  usual  scarcity  of 


224    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

everything  that  was  needed.  Muhlenberg  had  only  eight 
rounds  of  ammunition  and  provisions  for  four  days,  so 
that  had  the  promised  reinforcement  from  the  state  ar- 
rived, it  would  doubtless  have  been  of  little  use.  Steuben 
had  declared  that  the  fortifications  of  Portsmouth  could 
be  taken  sword  in  hand,  but  this  idea  was  based  on  the 
expectation  of  having  the  "swords"  to  do  it  with,  which 
in  this  case  meant  ammunition,  etc. 

As  stated,  Lafayette  arived  with  his  troops  at  Elk 
Head  on  March  3,  from  which  point  they  were  trans- 
ferred to  Annapolis  by  water.  As  it  would  be  useless  to 
move  the  troops  to  Portsmouth  until  the  arrival  of  the 
fleet,  Lafayette  took  an  open  boat  down  the  Chesapeake 
bay  to  arrange  with  Steuben  for  a  convoy  and  other 
necessaries.  He  found  the  latter  at  Yorktown  on  the 
14th,  full  of  business  and  expecting  the  co-operation  of 
five  thousand  militia.  Lafayette  wrote  to  Washington 
the  next  day,  giving  a  summary  of  the  situation,  con- 
cluding, "In  your  first  letter  to  the  Baron,  I  wish,  my 
dear  General,  you  would  write  to  him  that  I  have  been 
much  satisfied  with  his  preparations.  I  want  to  please 
him,  and  harmony  shall  be  my  first  object." 

We  have  already  seen,  however,  that  the  expected 
resources  were  largely  on  paper,  although  the  ultimate 
failure  of  the  expedition  cannot  be  charged  to  this  cause. 
The  French  fleet  was  already  due,  but  there  was  no  sign 
of  it.  While  waiting  Lafayette  went  down  to  Muhlen- 
berg's camp  at  Suffolk  on  the  19th,  and  while  there  had 
a  light  skirmish  with  the  enemy.  But  Steuben  never  re- 
laxed his  operations ;  Arnold's  outposts  were  attcked  and 
all  communication  with  the  country  was  cut  off.  His 
capture  was  regarded  as  a  certainty,  and  when,  on  the 
20th,  a  large  fleet  was  seen  entering  the  bay  there  was 
jubilation   among   the   Americans.      The   fleet   came  in 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  225 

slowly,  and  it  was  not  until  the  23d  that  the  colors  on  the 
vessels  were  discovered  to  be  British  and  not  French. 
Admiral  Arbuthnot  had  followed  D'Estouches  down  the 
coast,  and  had  engaged  the  latter  sixty  miles  off  the  en- 
trance of  Chesapeake  bay.  The  result  appeared  to  be  a 
drawn  battle,  but  the  French  admiral  turned  back  to 
Newport  to  repair  damages,  a  most  fatal  procedure  for 
the  Americans,  while  the  British  proceeded  to  Ports- 
mouth for  the  same  purpose,  a  situation  which  could  not 
have  been  more  favorable  to  Arnold. 

Lafayette,  who  seems  to  have  construed  his  orders 
to  limit  his  Southern  operations  simply  to  the  capture  of 
Arnold,  as  soon  as  he  learned  the  new  situation  of  affairs, 
returned  to  Annapolis,  from  where  he  transported  his 
army  back  to  Elk  Head,  with  the  intention  of  again  join- 
ing Washington  in  the  North. 

By  this  time  the  British  force  in  Virginia  was 
greatly  augmented,  and  Clinton  had  sent  General  Phil- 
lips with  two  thousand  men  to  relieve  Arnold.  The  latter 
was  subsequently  sent  back  to  New  York,  and  Phillips 
was  now  in  command  at  Portsmouth  with  about  three 
thousand  five  hundred  troops.  Steuben's  force  was  not 
able  to  confine  this  army  inside  of  Portsmouth,  and  it 
was  evident  that  Virginia  was  to  suffer  yet  more  largely 
from  the  ravages  of  war.  But  notwithstanding  Steuben 
went  to  work  with  the  object  of  at  least  saving  the  stores 
and  supplies  which  had  been  collected  at  various  points 
if  he  could  not  check  the  enemy.  The  next  day  after  the 
arrival  of  Phillips  he  ordered  Muhlenberg  to  concentrate 
all  his  troops  at  one  point,  which  it  would  be  impossible 
to  do  after  Phillips  had  begun  to  move.  Colonel  Parker, 
who  had  a  difficult  journey  across  Dismal  Swamp,  suc- 
ceeded in  uniting  with  the  main  force,  so  that  by  April 
3  he  was  able  to  report  to  Steuben  that  in  his  judgment 


ZU    GENEMlil  WILUAM -VO^  $f©UBEN 

hi&  divisio^  locked  near  Suffolk,  was  in  the  best  po&itiotf 
either' 'io  ^prevent  the  enemy  from  making-  htfstile^ek^ 
Cursions  Untoi-the  country  or  to  keep  pace  witfrHfheffi 
should  they  move  up  James  river,  which  was anticipated? 
But  desertions]  soon  crippled  his  force  to  suck  an  e&tem! 
as  ttfc  'endknger  i  the  i  safety  of  -his  command;-  %M  •  he  vwa& 
forcedtoretire  farther  back  into  the  country:        :  qv/»W 

It  may  fe'  remarked  here  that  while  •  Lafayette  was 
in  camp  Steufeh  had  formulated  a  'plan  fo¥!<Mvlrij*r  the 
British  not  only  out  of  Virginia  but  freeing  th£  entire^ 
South.  It  was  to  take  the  whole  body  of  militia1  and 
march-to  Greene's  assistance  in  'North "  Carolina,'  ^ndtnen' 
move  directly  on  Cornwallis,  who  would  be  forced  <tb  Call 
on  Phillips  to  save^  him.  He  had  four"  thousand  nleri  Sis^ 
sembledj  and  with' an  additional  two  thousand  for  thirty 
days  it  looked  as  though  the  operation  would  be  success- 
ful. But  the  state  government,  which  claimed  to  control 
the  militia,  Was  incapable  of  taking  such  a  broad  view* 
of  operations. 

Its  reply  Was  that  although  the  proposition  seemed 
to  be  founded  on  very  probable  principles,  yet  as  the 
number  of  arms  that  such  a  detachment  would  carry 
with  them  was  greater  than  the  number  which  would  re- 
main in  the  state,  it  would  be  a  measure  unjustifiable  in 
the  present  circumstances  of  affairs,  the  enemy  having 
lately  received  a  great  reinforcement;  that  although  the 
militia  at  present  in  service  would  be  unable  to  resist  the 
whole  force  of  the  enemy  in  any  quarter,  yet,  being 
strangers  to  their  certain  intentions,  the  militia  would  be 
able  to  repel  the  incursions  of  detachments,  which  other- 
wise would  be  rendered  impracticable  for  want  of  arms. 

While  the  reasoning  which  lead  to  this  Conclusion 
was  clearly  faulty,  yet  as  it  emanated  from  the  powers 
that  be  there  was  nothing  to  do  but  submit,  and  Steuben 


zarrj^EENErA^Pr  STEUBEN  •     227 

turned  once  .more  r  to  the,  :taskoi  trying -to  make  bricks 
without  straw.  His  ..report;  io :  Washington  on  April  15 
gives,  a.. graphic  picture  of  his  unsatisfactory  situation. 
Writing  from  Chesterfield  Court  House,  he  says : 

My  situation  is  not  the  most  agreeable,  as  I  am  obliged  to 
SfiifeHa'Re;  the-  defense  against"  three  thousand  regular  troops, 
with  nothing  to  oppose  them  but  militia,  whose  numbers  de- 
crease", every  day.  Those  who  have  served  since  the  beginning 
of  the  invasion  have  discharged  themselves  and  are  not  replaced 
by  others,  in  consequence  of  which  General  Muhlenberg  is  left 
on  the  south  side  of  the  river  (James)  with  only  seven  hundred 
men,  and  General  Weedon  on  the  north  side  with  about  six 
hundred  men.  If  the  enemy  have  any  intention  to  penetrate 
the  country,  the  opposition  we  can  make  will  avail  little. 

A  very  great  evil  resulting  from  the  invasion  is,  that  it 
stops  recruiting  for  the  army.  So  long  as  a  county  has  any 
militia  in  the  field,  so  long  that  county  is  prevented  from  draft- 
ing, and  as  most  of  the  counties  have  had  part  of  their  militia 
either  here  or  with  General  Greene,  little  or  nothing  has  been 
done  in  the  business.  Only  fifty-two  have  yet  come  in,  and  of 
these  some  have  already  deserted.  Some  who  came  as  substi- 
tutes have  received  twenty-five  and  thirty  thousand  pounds 
(paper)  for  eighteen  months. 

Then  follows  the  usual  report  as  to  lack  of1  afms, 
horses  for  cavalry  and  pretty  much  everything  else 
needed  for  an  army.  He  concludes  by  stating  that  he 
had  asked  Greene  to  call  him  to  the  front,  which  would 
be  infinitely  preferable  to  the  Sisyphonian  task  in  which 
he  was  now  engaged.  In  fact,  he  had  written  to  Greene 
on  April  2,-  saying:  "If  I  preferred  my  own  inclinations 
to  the  public  interest  I  should  immediately  set  out  to  join 
you\;  my  desire  to  act  under  your  immediate  directions, 
-and  the  disgust  I  have  from  my  situation  here  are  mo- 
tives equally  forcible  to  urge  my  departure  hence.  I, 
however,  think  it  is  my  duty  to  remain  here  till  I  am  to 
.bring  my  first  detachment  with  me,  which  I  intend  shall 
-amount  to  five  hundred  infantry  and  sixty  to  eighty  cav- 
-alry^and  for  this  I  am  now  exerting  my  very  utmost." 

That   Greene   appreciated   the   Baron's   work,    and 


228    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

deeply  sympathized  with  him  in  his  discouragements,  is 
evident  from  a  letter  which  he  wrote  on  April  3,  probably 
before  the  epistle  quoted  above  had  reached  him,  in  which 
he  says : 

I  see  and  feel  for  your  disagreeable  situation,  and  anything 
that  is  in  my  power  you  may  command.  But  if  you  leave  Vir- 
ginia all  things  will  run  into  confusion,  and  I  am  so  far  from 
thinking  that  you  are  disgraced  by  your  command  in  Virginia, 
that  everybody  allows  you  have  acquired  great  credit,  and 
though  it  is  not  of  that  splendid  kind,  it  is  neverthe- 
less very  honorable,  and  is  founded  upon  the  same 
line  of  conduct  from  which  General  Washington  has 
justly  acquired  so  much  honor — I  mean  that  of  guarding 
against  misfortune.  My  greatest  expectations  of  support  are 
from  Virginia,  drawn  forth  under  your  regulations  and  arrange- 
ments. If  you  leave  them,  state  policy  and  partial  views  will 
counteract  all  the  support  we  may  expect  from  that  quarter, 
and  we  shall  all  fall  together  to  the  southward.  Nothing  in  my 
power  shall  be  wanting  to  do  justice  to  your  reputation,  and  I 
feel  my  obligations  to  you  for  your  exertions.  Should  you 
wish  to  join  the  army,  you  shall  most  readily  have  my  consent, 
for  I  am  greatly  in  want  of  your  aid  here  as  well  as  there,  but 
it  is  my  opinion  that  you  can  be  more  extensively  useful  there 
than  here. 

On  April  6,  Greene  having  no  doubt  in  the  mean- 
time received  Steuben's  letter  of  the  3d,  replied,  again 
giving  his  consent  for  the  latter  to  come  to  the  front, 
but  adding,  "However,  my  dear  Baron,  when  you  con- 
sider the  critical  and  disagreeable  situation  I  am  in,  the 
little  prospect  I  have  of  acquiring  glory,  and  the  almost 
certain  disgrace  that  will  accompany  my  manoeuvres, 
from  the  nature  and  constitution  of  our  army,  and  from 
the  many  difficulties  I  have  to  combat,  and  compare  your 
situation  with  mine,  you  may  think  yourself  happy  that 
you  are  not  in  as  perplexing  a  state  as  I  am.  I  wish  both 
our  prospects  were  better,  but  mine,  of  all  men,  is  the 
most  disagreeable.  Let  us  labor  and  faint  not;  haply 
we  may  get  through  the  thorny  path  in  due  time,  and  by 
ways  and  means  not  very  clear  to  either  at  present." 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  229 

With  this  kind  of  patriot's  faith,  although  the  clouds 
were  very  dark  and  lowering  the  final  outcome,  under 
the  protection  of  a  favoring  Providence  was  certain,  and 
deliverance  was  already  nearer  than  the  leaders  in  this 
great  drama  supposed.  For  six  weary  years  had  the  war 
dragged  along,  more  wearing  even  on  the  moral  and 
mental  faculties  of  those  who  were  conducting  it  than  on 
the  material  interests  of  the  country.  After  all,  one  great 
goal  had  been  reached.  The  traitors,  the  sycophants 
and  incompetents  in  the  higher  branches  of  the  service 
had  been  weeded  out  by  the  progress  of  events,  and  the 
military  machine,  although  in  many,  and,  in  fact,  most 
places,  was  badly  out  of  shape,  yet  was  operated  for  the 
most  part  in  harmony.  Washington  in  the  North, 
Steuben  in  the  Centre  and  Greene  in  the  South,  under- 
stood each  other  thoroughly,  and  had  bent  all  their  ability 
and  energy  solely  to  the  advancement  of  the  cause,  with- 
out selfish  ambition,  but  only  considering  the  interests  of 
their  common  country.  The  Civil  War  furnishes  a 
parallel  to  this  in  the  closing  work  of  Grant,  Sherman 
and  Sheridan,  although  the  surroundings  were  very  dif- 
ferent. 

That  the  enemy  had  the  intention  of  penetrating  the 
country  soon  became  evident,  and  Steuben  set  himself  to 
work  to  hinder  his  progress  as  much  as  possible.  He 
gave  directions  for  the  entire  militia  to  turn  out  in  what- 
ever section  the  British  might  appear.  If  Muhlenberg 
was  attacked  he  was  to  retire  to  Petersburg  to  protect  the 
upper  country  as  far  as  possible,  but  should  they  turn 
south  towards  North  Carolina,  then  the  flank  was  to  be 
harassed  continuously  in  order  to  delay  their  junction 
with  Cornwallis  by  which  that  General  might  be  able  to 
overwhelm  Greene.  Muhlenberg  was  to  remain  at 
Petersburg  in   case  the  enemy  should  come  up  James 


230    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

river.  Nelson  was  ordered  to  follow  Phillips,  and  the 
battery  at  Hood's,  not  being  considered  defensible,  stores 
in  the  neighborhod  were  ordered  carried  to  Petersburg. 
They  had  not  long  to  wait  until  Phillips  manifested 
by  his  movements  which  route  he  intended  taking.  Leav- 
ing a  garrison  at  Portsmouth,  whose  fortifications  had 
been  strengthened,  he  started  on  April  16  for  the  James 
with  twenty-five  flat  boats,  each  carrying  a  hundred  men. 
According  to  Steuben's  orders  Muhlenberg  had  removed 
all  stores  on  the  right  or  south  bank  of  the  river  from 
the  lower  counties  to  Prince  George  Court  House,  about 
sixty  miles  northwest  of  Suffolk,  and  six  miles  from 
Petersburg.  Steuben,  not  deeming  them  safe  even  here, 
had  them  moved  into  the  country  above  Richmond.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  Richmond  was  at  the  head  of 
navigation  on  the  James,  and  unless  he  considered  his 
force  strong  enough  to  overcome  all  obstacles  Phillips 
was  not  likely  to  leave  his  boats  so  far  away  that  they 
would  not  be  a  refuge  in  case  of  retreat.  While  Muhlen- 
berg was  gathering  stores  on  the  south  side  of  the  river 
Colonel  Innes  was  doing  the  same  on  the  north  side, 
and  preparing  for  any  emergency.  On  the  18th  the 
enemy  reached  Pagaa's  Creek,  below  Jamestown  Island, 
and  on  the  next  day  Muhlenberg,  keeping  ahead  of  Phil- 
lips, marched  to  Cabin  Point,  a  short  distance  above.  On 
the  20th  the  enemy  reached  Jamestown  and  landed  at 
Sandy  Point  the  next  day.  We  do  not  hear  of  them  ac- 
complishing anything  special  at  this  place,  but  they  no 
doubt  committed  depredations  wherever  they  stopped. 
Steuben  was  at  Chesterfield  Court  House,  about  half  way 
between  Richmond  and  Petersburg,  where  he  was  or- 
ganizing a  cavalry  corps,  and,  as  usual,  looking  after 
stores.  On  the  23  Phillips  landed  at  Westover,  on  the 
left  side  of  the  river,  and  easily  dispersed  the  five  hun- 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  231 

dred  militia  there,  only  two  hundred  of  whom  were 
armed.  As  Arnold  had  plundered  this  place  a  little  over 
two  months  before  the  British  probably  did  not  find  much 
to  destroy,  although  it  is  said  they  committed  some  depre- 
dations. The  militia  were  ordered  in  all  cases  to  avoid 
a  general  engagement,  which  could  only  lead  to  a  dis- 
astrous defeat  with  useless  sacrifice  of  life,  but  to  harass 
the  enemy  and  impede  his  operations  as  much  as  possible. 
Matters  certainly  looked  bad,  and  Steuben  writes  to 
Washington  that  there  was  not  a  single  company  of  regu- 
lar troops  in  the  state,  and  the  militia  were  too  inex- 
perienced to  hope  for  the  least  resistance  from  them. 
This  time  the  British  did  not  stay  long  at  Westover,  but 
crossing  the  river  on  the  24th,  landed  at  City  Point,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Appomattox  river,  twelve  miles  from 
Petersburg.  Steuben  had  gone  over  to  the  latter  place 
from  Chesterfield  the  same  day  and  taken  charge  of  af- 
fairs there.  We  will  let  him  tell  the  story  of  subsequent 
operations : 

"I  reconnoitred  the  enemy's  fleet,  then  lying  of! 
Westcver,  and  consisting  of  thirteen  topsail  vessels  and 
twenty-three  flat-bottomed  boats  full  of  men.  The  whole 
number  of  troops  on  board  I  judged  to  be  about  two 
thousand  five  hundred,  a  Hessian  sergeant  who  deserted 
to  us  made  them  three  thousand.  The  fleet  of  the  enemy 
soon  came  to  sail,  and  stood  up  the  river  toward  City 
Point,  which  continued  to  keep  me  in  doubt  on  which 
side  they  would  debark.  I  therefore  ordered  the  militia 
under  command  of  General  Muhlenberg  to  retire  to  the 
vicinity  of  Blandford,  a  short  distance  from  Petersburg. 
The  same  evening  the  enemy  landed  all  their  force  at 
City  Point,  which  fully  evinced  that  their  first  object  was 
Petersburg.  Being  obliged  to  send  large  detachments  to 
the  neck  of  land  between  Appomattox  and  James  rivers, 


232     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

I  had  not  more  than  one  thousand  men  left  to  oppose  the 
enemy's  advance.  In  this  critical  situation  there  were 
many  reasons  against  risking  a  total  defeat — the  loss  of 
arms  was  a  principal  one,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  re- 
tire without  some  show  of  resistance,  would  have  inti- 
midated the  inhabitants  and  encouraged  the  enemy  to 
further  incursions.  This  last  consideration  determined 
me  to  defend  the  place  as  far  as  6\tr  inferiority  in  num- 
bers would  permit.  I  made  choice  of  Blandford  as  the 
place  of  defense,  and  the  bridge  of  Pocahontas  as  our  re- 
treat; the  troops  were  disposed  accordingly,  and  passed 
the  night  under  arms. 

"The  morning  of  the  25th  I  was  informed  that  the 
enemy  was  within  three  miles  of  our  advanced  posts,  and 
that  eleven  flat-bottomed  boats,  with  troops,  were  at  the 
same  time  moving  up  Appomattox  river.  Towards  noon 
the  enemy  came  in  sight,  formed  themselves  and  de- 
ployed to  their  left,  but  it  was  near  three  o'clock  before 
the  firing  commenced,  which  continued  from  post  to  post 
till  past  five  o'clock,  when  the  superior  number  of  the 
enemy  and  a  want  of  ammunition  obliged  me  to  order  the 
retreat  and  the  bridge  to  be  taken  up,  which  was  executed 
in  the  greatest  order,  notwithstanding  the  fire  of  the 
enemy's  cannon  and  muketry.  The  troops,  with  the  same 
good  order,  retreated  to  this  place  (Chesterfield),  where 
they  are  just  encamped.  I  am  not  yet  able  to  ascertain 
our  loss,  but  believe  it  not  great.  I  do  not  think  the 
enemy  took  a  single  prisoner.  The  enemy's  loss  I  am 
also  unable  to  form  any  judgment  of.  General  Muhlen- 
berg merits  my  particular,  acknowledgements  for  the  good 
disposition  which  he  made,  and  the  great  gallantry  with 
which  he  executed  it.  Indeed,  the  gallant  conduct  of  all 
the  officers  and  the  particular  good  behavior  of  the  men, 
must,  I  am  persuaded,  have  attracted  the  admiration  of 


GREENE  AND  STEUBEN  233 

the  enemy.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  say  that  our  troops 
disputed  the  ground  with  the  enemy  inch  by  inch,  and  the 
manoeuvres  were  executed  with  the  greatest  exactness." 

"Governor  Jefferson  congratulated  Steuben  on  the 
resistance  which  the  raw  militia  under  him  gave  to  the 
trained  troops,  and  later  wrote  to  Washington  that  "The 
enemy  was  received  by  Steuben  with  a  body  of  militia 
somewhat  under  one  thousand,  who,  though  the  enemy 
were  two  thousand  three  hundred  strong,  disputed  the 
ground  very  handsomely  for  two  hours,  during  which 
time  the  enemy  gained  one  mile  only,  and  that  by  inches." 

Greene  wrote  to  the  same  effect,  and,  and  although 
Irving  mentions  Muhlenberg  alone  in  connection  with 
this  action,  it  is  clear  that  he  acted  in  a  subordinate  ca- 
pacity under  Steuben's  direct  supervision. 

Phillips  burned  the  tobacco  warehouses  in  Peters- 
burg and  destroyed  all  the  vessels  lying  in  the  river,  re- 
peating the  destruction  at  Chesterfield,  which  was  also 
abandoned. 

While  this  was  going  on  a  detachment  under  Arnold 
burned  the  tobacco  magazines  at  Warwick,  a  little  town 
in  the  neighborhood,  and  opened  fire  on  some  small 
armed  vessels  in  the  James,  the  fleet  which  had  been  col- 
lected when  the  first  effort  was  made  to  blockade  Arnold 
at  Portsmouth,  but  which  was  defeated  through  the  re- 
fusal of  the  French  naval  commander  to  co-operate.  The 
crews  sunk  or  burned  the  ships  and  escaped  to  the  upper 
side  of  the  James. 

Phillips  and  Arnold  pursued  their  course  up  the 
James,  burning  and  plundering^  until  they  reached  Man- 
chester, opposite  Richmond,  from  whence  they  could  view 
the  capital  by  the  light  of  blazing  warehouses. 

During  this  expedition  some  smaller  detachments 
practically  unopposed  carried  on  similar  exploits  on  some 


234    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

of  the  other  rivers  in  the  Virginia  tidewater  region.  One 
of  these  going  up  the  Potomac  stopped  at  Mount  Vernon, 
where  Lund  Washington,  a  relative  of  the  General,  had 
charge.  By  furnishing  the  British  with  provisions  he 
prevented  the  ravaging  of  the  estate,  for  which  he  was 
severely  reprimanded  by  the  owner.  But  the  country  has 
looked  very  leniently  on  this  action,  which  saved  the  his- 
toric estate  from  destruction. 


r; 

q 

r    r 

f)fr 

Tifb  - 

srrro 

CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA. 

Lafayette  Ordered  to  Steuben's  Assistance — Cornwallis  Moves 
Northward — Steuben  Prepares  to  Oppose  Him — Magazines 
of  Supplies  Formed  and  Recruits  Gathered — Lafayette  Re- 
treats to  Fredericksburg — Steuben  Extricates  Himself  From 
Point  of  Fork — Important  Stores  Saved — Brilliant  Tactics — 
Cornwallis  Outwitted — Steuben  Gives  Up  Going  South. 
and  Requested  to  Join  Lafayette. 

While  Virginia  was  being  ravaged  by  this  desultory 
warfare,  what  had  become  of  Lafayette  and  the  one 
thousand  two  hundred  Continental  troops  which  Wash- 
ington had  sent  to  aid  in  capturing  Arnold  or  driving  him 
out  of  the  state?  They  were  still  at  the  head  of  Chesa- 
peake bay  preparing  to  march  back  to  the  northern  army. 
But  the  arrival  of  General  Phillips  made  it  apparent  to 
Washington  that  Steuben  with  his  hand  full  of  militia 
would  be  unable  to  cope  with  this  increased  force,  to  say 
nothing  of  Cornwallis  in  North  Carolina,  whose  move- 
ments were  yet  uncertain,  whether  he  would  follow 
Greene  to  southward  or  turn  northward  and  join  the 
enemy  in  Virginia.  Accordingly  the  Commander-in- 
chief  sent  a  courier  with  all  haste  to  Lafayette,  directing 
him  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  help  of  Steuben.  The  mes- 
senger arived  at  Elk  Head  on  April  8,  and,  as  the  British 
fleet  controlled  the  lower  bay,  an  overland  march  was 
determined  upon.  A  new  difficulty  here  arose.  Most  of 
Lafayette's  troops  were  New  Englanders,  who  feared  the 
Southern  climate,  although  it  could  hardly  be  considered 
dangerous  in  April,  and  the  difference  had  not  been  suf- 
ficiently marked  to  prevent  Virginia  troops  from  serving 
in  Massachusetts,  so  thev  refused  to  move.     Desertions 


236     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

followed,  but  Lafayette  made  an  appeal  to  their  patriotic 
pride  by  announcing  that  he  was  about  to  start  on  a  dan- 
gerous enterprise,  and  hoped  that  none  of  his  comrades 
would  leave  him,  but  if  any  were  deterred  by  the  prospect 
he  would  issue  permits  for  them  to  return  North.  That 
was  the  end  of  the  disaffection,  and  it  is  said  that  a  lame 
sergeant,  afraid  of  being  left  behind,  hired  a  place  in  a 
cart  in  order  to  go  with  the  others.  The  army  was  so 
poorly  equipped  that  it  was  hardly  fit  to  proceed  into  an 
enemy's  country,  for  such  in  a  certain  sense  Virginia  had 
now  become,  and  to  remedy  this  Lafayette  pledged  his 
own  credit  with  Baltimore  merchants  for  goods  which 
the  patriotic  women  made  into  summer  clothing,  also 
hats,  shoes,  etc. 

It  was  about  two  hundred  miles  to  Richmond,  but 
by  a  forced  march  Lafayette  arrived  there  on  April  29, 
the  evening  before  Phillips  and  Arnold  appeared  at  Man- 
chester, on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  was  joined  by 
Steuben  with  his  militia  the  same  night.  The  two  little 
armies  together  numbered  about  four  thousand  men,  and 
the  British  general  concluded  not  to  attempt  the  crossing 
of  the  river  in  the  face  of  that  obstacle,  so  Richmond  was, 
for  the  present,  saved  from  a  second  visitation. 

Lafayette,  being  the  ranking  commander,  took 
charge  of  the  movements  and  collected  the  small  boats 
and  stores  above  the  falls  out  of  reach  of  the  enemy,  who 
being  unable  to  accomplish  anything  more  in  that  neigh- 
borhood, dropped  down  the  river  to  a  point  opposite 
Cobham.  Lafayette  in  a  letter  to  Washington  at  that 
time  expresses  the  belief  that  Phillips's  intention  was  to 
go  on  to  Williamsburg  and  gather  up  the  stores  which 
had  been  collected  there.  This  induced  him  to  take  an 
inland  position  between  the  Chickahominy  and  Pamun- 
key  rivers,  where  he  could  protect  other  sections  of  the 


THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  237 

state  while  still  covering  Richmond,  and  send  a  detach- 
ment of  militia  under  General  Nelson  towards  Williams- 
burg. If  this  was  Phillips's  intention  he  changed  his 
mind  on  hearing  that  Cornwallis  was  en  route  to  Vir- 
ginia, and  concluded  to  join  him  at  or  near  Petersburg. 
On  the  5th  of  May  Phillips  started  up  the  Appomattox 
river,  and  four  days  later  entered  Petersburg  without 
opposition.  There  he  died  of  fever,  leaving  Arnold  once 
more  in  command. 

Our  last  view  of  Cornwallis  was  his  arrival  at  Wil- 
mington, North  Carolina,  to  which  point  he  had  been 
forced  by  Greene's  superior  generalship  like  debris  cast 
on  shore  by  an  incoming  wave.  He  was  in  a  quandary. 
To  attempt  a  pursuit  of  Greene,  who  had  already  turned 
south  with  a  good  start,  would  be  most  hazardous.  To 
return  by  water  to  Charleston  or  Savannah,  after  having 
been  manoeuvred  out  of  the  country,  would  simply  expose 
himself  to  ridicule,  and  he  could  not  stay  where  he  was 
if  he  expected  to  take  any  further  part  in  the  war.  He 
was,  of  course,  informed  of  the  operations  in  Virginia, 
and  it  occurred  to  him  that  if  he  could  unite  his  force 
with  Phillips,  and  perhaps  get  further  aid  from  Clinton, 
the  richest  and  strongest  state  in  the  Confederation  might 
be  completely  subdued,  the  North  and  South  separated 
and  beaten  in  detail,  and  the  war  brought  to  a  speedy  con- 
clusion. With  this  scheme  in  view,  and  without  the 
sanction  of  Clinton,  Cornwallis  left  Wilmington  on  April 
25,  and  on  May  20  reached  Petersburg,  where  he  took 
command  of  the  combined  forces,  Arnold  being  ordered 
back  to  New  York.  Cornwallis  now  had  a  force  of 
nearly  five  thousand  men  besides  the  Portsmouth  garri- 
son, with  only  three  thousand  opposed  to  him,  and  with 
the  further  expectation  of  Tory  help.  In  the  latter  he 
was  grieviously  disappointed,  as  had  been  Arnold  and 


238    GENERAL  WILLIAM 'VON"  STEUBEN 

Phillips.  Virginia,  though  overrun  by  'the  enemy;''  re- 
mained solidly  loyal  to  the  patriot  cause,  and  had  it  not 
been  for  the  smoking  ruins  of 'homes  and  the  devastation 
of  the  farms,  the  course  of  the  invader,  through  the  coun: 
try  would  have  been  as  the  passage  of  a  ship  through  the 
waters ;  when  the  agitation  stirred  up  by  the  keel  has  sub- 
sided, the  waters  close  up  and  leave  no  trace.  Neverthe- 
less there  was  great  alarm.  It  was  proposed  to  call  for 
Washington  and  make  him  dictator.  'Cooler  heads  dis- 
couraged the  latter  proposition ;  nevertheless  it  was  ap- 
parent that  matters  were  converging  to  a  focus.  Lafay- 
ette made  a  stand  at  Wilton,  about  twenty  miles  below 
Richmond,  but  Cornwallis  crossed  the  river  at  Westover, 
and,  being  further  reinforced,  drove  him  back  into  the 
country. 

The  arrival  of  Lafayette  relieved  Steuben  from  di- 
rect responsibility,  but  he  continued  to  render  every  aid 
in  his  power,  not  forgetting  Greene  in  the  general  tur- 
moil. With  the  approval  of  Lafayette  he  established  a 
rendezvous  at  Albemarle  barracks,  northwest  of  Rich- 
mond, in  a  comparatively  safe  locality.  But  recruiting 
was  slower  than  ever,  and  he  again  expresed  the  desire 
to  join  Greene  as  soon  as  he  should  complete  his  present 
work.  Greene  had  anticipated  his  desire,  and  in  a  letter 
dated  May  1  asks  the  Baron  to  join  him  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble, for  he  was  badly  needed,  and  bring  with  him  such 
troops  as  he  could  get  together.  Steuben  presented  this 
letter  to  Jefferson  and  Lafayette,  and  it  was  thought  that 
about  one  thousand  five  hundred  men  could  be  gathered 
at  Albemarle  barracks,  and  when  put  in  condition  could 
be  ordered  to  reinforce  Greene  or  Lafayette  as  the  oc- 
casion might  demand.  It  was  subsequently  decided,  how- 
ever, that  Albemarle  was  too  remote  for  convenience,  and 
the  Point  of  Fork,  on  James  River,  about  sixty  miles 


THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  [  Vu  1 0     <  339 

northwest  of  Richmond,  was  substituted.  The  Marquis 
desired  Steuben  to  hasten  there  and  prepare  for  the  ex- 
pected one  thousand  five  hundred  recruits,  but  the  highest 
number  received  was  five  hundred  and 'fifty,  and  even 
these  were  poorly  equipped. 

The  principal  depot  for  state  supplies  was  now  at 
Point  of  Fork,  and  from  the  movements  of  the  enemy 
-Steuben  was  satisfied  that  they  could  riot  remain  there 
with  safety.  So  he  ordered  all  boats '.  possible  up  from 
Richmond  to  assist  in  their  removal,  and  on  May  29th 
-took  up  his  position  there  for  that  purpose..  Four  days 
later  he  wrote  to  Lafayette  stating*  that  he  had  "Five  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  in  a  desert  without  shoes,  shirts,  and, 
what  is  still  worse,  without  cartridge  boxes.  I  write 
everywhere;  send  expresses  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  but 
I  receive  no  answer.  If  I  did  not  expect  Lawson  with  re- 
inforcement I  would  go  to  Charlottesville  to  sing  a  jere- 
maiad  to  my  sovereign  masters.  Please  let  me  have  news 
from  you.  I  am  here  as  I  would  be  in  Kamschatka ;  I  do 
not  know  where  you  are  nor  what  has  become  of  Corn- 
wallis." 

Lafayette  was  at  no  trouble  to  ascertain  what  had 
become  of  Cornwallis,  as  he  was  busily  engaged  in  keep- 
ing out  of  the  way  of  that  general,  who  with  his  greatly 
superior  force  was  able  to  crush  the  smaller  patriot  army 
could  he  bring  on  a  general  action.  This  Lafayette  en- 
deavored to  prevent,  and  pursuing  the  Fabian  policy 
learned  by  both  Greene  and  himself  from  Washington, 
he  retreated  northward  towards  Fredericksburg  and 
crossed  the  Rapidan  west  of  that  town,  about  sixty  miles 
from  Richmond.  Cornwallis  promptly  entered  the  capi- 
tal, the  state  government  having  been  moved  to  Char- 
lottesville, in  Albemarle  county.  The  Bristish  general 
did  not  care  to  follow  Lafayette  so  far  north,  but  de- 


240    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

tached  Tarleton  to  Charlottesville  to  capture  the  members 
of  the  government  if  possible.  Seven  members  of  the 
Legislature  were  apprehended,  but  the  Governor,  with 
the  others,  having  been  warned  in  time,  got  away,  Jeffer- 
son leaving  on  horseback  just  twenty  minutes  before  the 
British  arrived  at  his  home  at  Monticello.  The  troopers 
spared  his  homestead,  as  they  had  done  with  Washing- 
ton's home  at  Mount  Vernon,  but  ravaged  the  farms  (in- 
cluding Jefferson's)  in  the  vicinity,  and  Virginia  was 
now  experiencing  the  horrors  of  war  such  as  had  been 
suffered  by  no  state  north  of  the  Potomac,  with  the  pos- 
sible exception  of  Northern  New  Jersey. 

Lafayette  was  now  comparatively  safe,  and  the  ex- 
pedition was  a  failure  so  far  as  the  capture  of  his  army 
was  concerned,  but  how  about  Steuben,  with  his  band  of 
five  hundred  militia,  at  Point  of  Fork?  If  the  reader 
will  take  the  trouble  to  lay  down  a  ruler  on  the  map  of 
Virginia  he  will  find  a  base  line  of  about  sixty  miles  run- 
ning north  from  Richmond  to  Fredericksburg,  another  of 
seventy-five  miles  northwest  to  Charlottesville,  and  a  third 
seventy-five  miles  northeast  from  Charlottesville  to  Fred- 
ericksburg, thus  giving  him  a  triangle  of  which  Charlottes- 
ville is  the  apex.  Now,  Point  of  Fork  is  located  directly 
on  the  line  between  Richmond  and  Charlottesville,  some- 
what nearer  the  latter.  Steuben  was  thus  directly  be- 
tween Tarleton  and  Cornwallis's  main  army  with  appar- 
ently not  a  possibility  of  escaping.  Cornwallis  advanced 
northward  as  far  as  Hanover  Court  House,  when  he 
turned  squarely  to  the  west,  striking  the  James  river  at 
Elk  Hill,  the  property  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  where  he 
made  his  headquarters  for  ten  days.  He  had  already  de- 
tached General  Simcoe  with  five  hundred  men  against 
Steuben  in  advance  of  the  main  army,  and  Tarleton  was 
approaching  in  the  other  direction  from  Charlottesville. 


THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  241 

While  Steuben  no  doubt  had  an  idea  that  something  was 
wrong,  and  had  taken  the  precaution  to  move  the  most 
valuable  stores  out  of  the  way,  yet  the*  British  managed 
to  keep  their  main  operations  pretty  well  concealed.  On 
June  2  Steuben  heard  of  Simcoe  at  Goochland  Court 
House,  about  twenty-five  miles  distant,  and  supposed  it 
to  be  Cornwallis's  main  army,  which,  in  fact,  was  not 
very  far  behind.  He  at  once  issued  orders  for  removing 
the  remainder  of  the  stores,  and  had  the  boats  which  he 
had  collected  made  ready  for  crossing  the  river  should 
the  occasion  demand  it.  Early  on  June  4  Major  Call 
arrived  and  stated  that  the  enemy  were  approaching  in 
two  columns,  one  via  Goochland  and  the  other  (evidently 
Tarleton's)  via  Louisa  Court  House,  and  that  he  had 
narrowly  escaped  capture.  There  now  seemed  no  doubt 
that  the  enemy  in  force  were  close  at  hand,  and  Steuben 
forthwith  gave  orders  to  move  all  baggage  across  the 
river,  and  placed  a  pjcket  of  eighty  men  opposite  to  where 
he  expected  Cornwallis  to  approach.  Having  guarded 
the  baggage  across  he  left  another  picket  of  fifty  men  on 
the  road  where  Tarleton  was  expected.  General  Lawson 
arrived  the  same  day  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  militia, 
of  whom  fifteen  were  mounted,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river.  Steuben's  force  at  this  time  had  been  reduced 
to  four  hundred  and  twenty  men,  so  that  the  addition, 
though  small,  was  very  welcome.  Colonel  Davies,  repre- 
senting the  state  authorities,  arrived  that  evening  to  re- 
move their  stores,  in  which  work  Steuben  gave  all  possi- 
ble assistance,  as  Davies  was  poorly  supplied  with  means 
of  transportation. 

That  same  morning  Steuben  had  sent  four  dragoons 
up  the  road  to  observe  and  inform  him  of  the  British 
approach,  but  the  entire  party  was  captured.  At  ten 
o'clock  word  was  received  that  Tarleton  was  within  four 


242     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

miles  of  Point  of  Fork,  and  Steuben  sent  one  of  his  aides, 
Mr.  Farile,  to  call  in  the  pickets,  which  was  done,  al- 
though the  messenger  was  captured.  About -noon  Gen- 
eral Simcoe  came  in  sight  with  about  five  hundred  men, 
partly  mounted.  Tarleton  was  close  by  on  the  other  side, 
and,  according  to  the  best  information  then  obtainable, 
Cornwallis  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  branch  river,  six 
or  seven  miles  below,  although,  as  it  afterwards  turned 
rout,  Cornwallis  was  not  that  close.  There"  Was  no  possi- 
bility of  successful  resistance,  and  the  only  possible  ob- 
ject that  could  be  obtained  was  to  detain  the  enemy' by 
a  show  of  force  until  the  balance  of  the  stores  could  be 
removed.  But  the  unreliability  of  the  recruits  completely 
baffled  that  design.  A  picket  of  fifty  men  deserted  the 
post  on  first  sight  of  the  enemy,  and  could  only  be 
brought  back  by  threats  and  persuasion.  A  single  shot 
from  a  three-pounder  seems  to  have  been  the  extent  of 
the  resistance,  and  the  enemy  captured  a  number  of 
canoes  which  had  been  left  in  North  Fork  contrary  to 
Steuben's  orders,  although  they  were  not  absolutely  es- 
sential to  the  attacking  party,  as  the  river  was  fordable. 
Notwithstanding  these  drawbacks  Steuben  held  the  place 
until  dark,  when  he  crossed  to  the  south  side  of  the  main 
branch  of  the  James,  securing,  with  the  bulk  of  the  stores, 
his  entire  force,  with  the  exception  of  about  thirty  men 
who  were  captured  while  awaiting  the  return  of  the 
canoes.  Although,  as  we  shall  see,  Steuben  was  criticised 
for  his  action  here,  yet  it  was  a  most  skillful  manceuver 
in  the  face  of  a  superior  force,  and,  in  a  small  way,  re- 
sembles Washington's  strategy  after  the  battle  of  Long 
Island.  The  fact  that  the  main  body  of  Cornwallis's 
body  had  not  arrived,  as  Steuben  had  supposed,  does  not 
materially  alter  the  situation,  as  had  he  remained  he 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  captured  with  his  entire 


THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  243 

force  and  equippage.  In  order  to  confirm  Steuben  in  his 
opinion  that  he  was  now  confronted  by  Cornwallis  and 
his  whole  army  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  Simcoe 
lighted  fires  on  the  hillsides,  giving  the  appearance  of  an 
extended  camp.  . 

Steuben  the  next  day  retreated  southward,  which 
fact  is  attributed  by  some  historians  solely  to  Simcoe's 
stratagem.  This  no  doubt  accelerated  his  movements,  but 
we  have  seen  that  there  was  nothing  else  for  him  to  do, 
as  he  could  with  his  little  squad  of  raw  material  accom- 
plish nothing  against  the  formidable  foe.  He  writes  to 
Lafayette  from  the  south  side  of  the  James  on  June  5, 
saying  that  he  himself  had  seen  "a  party  of  cavalry  at 
Goochland  Court  House  in  the  morning,  and  another 
large  party  at  Louisa  Court  House  in  the  afternoon ;  the 
latter,  of  at  least  one  thousand  men;  that  both  parties 
seem  to  direct  their  march  this  way.  The  northern 
branch  being  fordable  in  several  places,  my  position  be- 
came critical  and  I  therefore  changed  my  situation.  This 
I  executed  immediately  and  came  here,  first  crossing  the 
baggage  and  a  quantity  of  state  stores  which  were  at 
Fork  Point.  I  have  since  heard  nothing  of  the  party 
which  were  at  Louisa,  those  at  Goochland  remaining 
there  yesterday.  General  Lawson  has  joined  me  with 
three  hundred  militia,  and  we  expect  about  four  hundred 
more  to-day  or  to-morrow.  I  had  ordered  all  the  boats 
below  this  place  to  be  brought  up,  but  the  current  was 
too  strong  to  permit  it.  I  intend  to  move  from  here  as 
soon  as  the  weather  clears  up,  and  take  a  position  at  the 
mouth  of  Willis  Creek,  where  I  shall  collect  every  boat 
on  the  river,  and  from  there  I  have  communication  every- 
where." 

This  does  not  read  as  though  coming  from  a  panic- 
stricken  general,  but  one  who  knowing  that  he  was  con- 


244    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

fronted  by  a  superior  force  takes  every  precaution  to 
conserve  his  men  and  supplies.  As  to  the  latter  there 
was  great  exaggeration  concerning  the  loss.  The  Baron's 
enemies  made  the  most  of  the  affair,  and  the  usually  care- 
ful Irving  says,  "In  his  alarm  he  made  a  night  retreat  of 
thirty  miles,  leaving  the  greater  part  of  the  stores  scat- 
tered along  the  river  bank,  which  were  destroyed  by  the 
next  morning  by  a  small  detachment  of  the  enemy  sent 
across  in  canoes."  But  we  find  the  Baron  the  next  day 
within  a  mile  of  the  Fork  calmly  writing  to  Lafayette  his 
reasons  for  retreating,  which  were  based  on  sound  mili- 
tary grounds.  That  same  day  he  wrote  to  the  Governor 
of  North  Carolina  that  he  proposed  marching  towards 
that   state. 

As  to  the  abandoned  stores  there  is  considerable  con- 
flict of  testimony  as  to  their  value.  General  Simcoe,  who 
was  naturally  disposed  to  make  the  most  of  his  exploit, 
says  there  were  destroyed  at  the  Point  of  Fork  two 
thousand  five  hundred  stand  of  arms,  a  large  quantity  of 
gunpowder,  case  shot,  etc.,  several  casks  of  saltpetre,  sul- 
phur and  brimstone,  sixty  hogsheads  of  rum  and  brandy, 
several  chests  of  carpenters'  tools,  four  hundred  inter- 
changing tools,  casks  of  flint,  etc.,  six  mortars  and  four 
long  brass  nine-pounders.  Lafayette,  however,  declared 
that  the  loss  was  unimportant,  and  Henry  Lee,  in  his 
memoirs,  says  that  most  of  the  arms  were  muskets  out 
of  repair.  Steuben  reported  to  Greene  that  only  a  few 
articles  were  lost,  and  these  through  the  negligence  of 
the  commissaries  and  storekeepers,  and  Colonel  William 
Langborn  reported  that  the  enemy  secured  only  twenty 
barrels  of  powder  and  a  few  canoes,  as  the  boats  had 
all  been  sunk  by  the  Baron's  orders.  The  bulk  of  cloth- 
ing and  manufactured  goods  had  been  removed  to  Staun- 
ton, where  it  was  safe  for  the  present.     Colonel  Davies 


THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  245 

writes  from  there  on  June  23  that  "The  Assembly  were 
at  first  much  mortified  at  the  losses  we  had  sustained  by 
the  rapid  incursions  of  the  enemy,  and  in  their  discontent 
were  really  clamorous;  they  moderate  in  their  vexation, 
as  they  have  since  found  that  the  mischief  done  by  the 
enemy  was  inconsiderable  compared  with  the  plunder  of 
the  inhabitants,  of  whom  we  expect  to  recover  a  great 
deal." 

As  we  have  seen  Steuben  was  still  within  a  mile 
of  the  James  on  June  5,  watching  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  but  by  the  morning  of  the  6th  his  little  army  was 
collected  in  comparatively  safe  quarters  at  Willis  Creek, 
about  thirty  miles  below.  From  here  he  sent  an  officer 
back  to  observe  the  movements  of  Simcoe  and  Tarleton, 
no  doubt  still  supposing  that  Cornwallis  had  joined  them. 
Intelligence  was  received  that  the  enemy  had  constructed 
a  couple  of  rafts,  each  with  a  carrying  capacity  of  eighty 
to  one  hundred  men,  and  had  thrown  a  bridge  across 
North  Fork,  connecting  with  their  force  opposite  Elk 
Island.  This,  if  it  meant  anything,  indicated  a  move- 
ment southward,  and  as  Steuben  himself  says,  "I  could 
not  see  what  could  hinder  the  enemy  from  detaching  a 
sufficient  party  to  disperse  my  force  and  render  them- 
selves masters  of  the  stores  at  Prince  Edward,  Charlotte 
and  Halifax  (Houston)  Court  Houses.  I  thought  it  ab- 
surd making  a  bravado  with  a  small  number  of  bad 
troops  against  such  a  force,  while  the  Marquis,  being 
nearly  one  hundred  miles  off,  could  make  no  diversion  on 
that  side.  I  therefore  gave  orders  for  dispersing  the 
stores  in  such  manner  that  only  part  could  fall  into  the 
enemy's  hands  on  any  route  they  could  take,  and  sent  off 
three  officers  sucessively  to  acquaint  the  Marquis  of  my 
situation.  I  wrote  circular  letters  to  the  county  lieuten- 
ants to  call  out  their  militia,  and,  leaving  General  Law- 


246     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

son  at  Charlotte  Court  House,  I  marched  the  recruits  to 
Cole's  Ferry  on  the  Staunton." 

On  June  9th  Steuben  reached  Charlotte  Court  House 
(now  Smithville),  and  Cole's  Ferry  the  next  day,  where 
he  halted  in  order  to  await  instructions  to  join  Greene 
or  Lafayette,  as  circumstances  might  dictate.  He  had 
never  given  up  the  original  project  of  joining  Greene, 
from  whom  he  had  heard  nothing  since  May  1,  the  lat- 
ter's  orders  for  him  to  proceed  south  having  been  inter- 
cepted by  the  enemy.  His  force  was  now  fifty  to  seventy- 
five  miles  south  of  Simcoe,  who  manifested  no  disposition 
to  follow  him,  and  a  march  into  North  Carolina  seemed 
feasible,  both  as  a  method  of  aiding  Greene  and  indi- 
rectly Lafayette  by  inducing  Cornwallis  to  follow  him, 
although  he  appears  still  to  have  been  in  doubt  as  to  the 
exact  whereabouts  of  the  latter.  He  gave  directions  for 
a  new  distribution  of  stores  to  prevent  them  falling  into 
the  hands  of  an  enemy  marching  southward,  and  issued  a 
circular  appointing  Prince  Edward,  Cumberland  and 
Amelia  Court  House  as  suitable  points  for  concentra- 
ting the  militia,  making  most  earnest  appeals  to  the  patri- 
otism of  the  people,  and  declaring  that  "If  we  succeed  in 
collecting  such  a  body  of  militia  as  can  offer  resistance  to 
the  enemy,  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  we  shall  not 
only  preserve  this  part  of  the  state  from  their  depreda- 
tion, but  that  in  a  short  time  they  will  be  driven  back  to 
their  shipping,  and  probably  convinced  of  the  impossi- 
bility of  conquering  a  country  defended  by  freemen." 

At  this  time  Steuben  requested  Governor  Nash,  of 
North  Carolina,  to  send  him  all  the  armed  militia  possi- 
ble, especially  horses,  he  being  now  only  thirty  or  forty 
miles  from  the  North  Carolina  line. 

Greene,  as  we  have  seen,  was  getting  the  advantage 
of  the  British  in  North  Carolina,  and  Augusta  had  sur-- 


THE  WAR  IN  VIRGINIA  247 

rendered  on  the  5th,  but  the  latest  information  led  Steu- 
ben to  believe  that  he  was  still  needed  in  that  direction, 
as,  indeed  he  was,  for  the  battle  of  Eutaw  Springs,  which 
broke  the  British  power  in  the  South,  was  not  fought 
until  the  following  September  8.  Hence  he  resolved  to 
join  Greene  without  delay,  taking  with  him  about  five 
hundred  and  fifty  recruits,  leaving  General  Lawson  witlv 
six  hundred  militia,  with  which  it  was  believed  he  could 
take  care  of  any  raiding  parties  which  might  put  in  an 
appearance.  On  the  12th  of  June,  however,  according  to 
Kapp,  Steuben  heard  that  General  Sumner  had  been  or- 
dered to  march  with  the, North  Carolina  line  to  Virginia 
and  form  a  junction  with  him.  If  this  were  the  case  the 
orders  were  certainly  countermanded,  for  General  Sum- 
ner remained  with  Greene  and  took  an  active  part 
in  the  battle  of  Eutaw  Springs.  However  that  may  be, 
Steuben  evidently  concluded  that  Greene  was  now  get- 
ting the  Southern  situation  well  in  hand,  and  that  he 
could  do  more  good  by  marching  northward  and  co-oper- 
ating with  Lafayette.  He  gives  his  reasons,  however, 
why  he  at  first  proposed  going  South  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  one  Captain  Kirkpatrick,  of  North  Carolina,  in  which 
he  says :  "I  have  halted  here  two  days  waiting  for  Gen- 
eral Greene's  orders,  in  the  meantime  endeavoring  to  col- 
lect a  sufficient  body  of  militia  to  cover  this  side  of  the 
James  river,  and  promising  if  they  turned  out  with  spirit 
I  would  venture  to  remain  in  the  state  and  join  my  small 
force  to  theirs.  My  reasons  for  marching  southward  (as 
I  find  a  general  must  give  reasons  to  every  citizen  for 
his  conduct)  were  positive  orders  from  General  Greene, 
and  my  own  hopes  that  my  moving  this  way  would  alarm 
Cornwallis  and  induce  him  to  detach  a  part  of  his  army 
in  my  pursuit,  which  would  be  of  more  essential  advan- 


248     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

tage  to  the  Marquis  than  if  five  times  the  number  of  my 
recruits  would  join  him." 

June  13th  found  Steuben  at  Prince  Edward  Court 
House  on  his  northward  march,  where  he  collected  all 
the  militia  possible,  whether  armed  or  not.  From  here 
he  sent  a  militia  detachment  to  Carter's  Ferry,  while 
with  his  main  force  he  started  for  a  point  opposite  Seven 
Islands,  on  the  James  river,  a  few  miles  above  the  now 
celebrated  Point  of  Fork.  This  he  regarded  as  a  favor- 
able rendezous  for  the  militia  and  also  an  exceellent  point 
for  observing  the  enemy's  movements.  While  on  this 
march  he  received  an  urgent  letter  from  Lafayette  re- 
questing him  to  join  the  latter  as  quickly  as  possible. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX. 

Steuben  Joins  Lafayette  and  Forces  Cornwallis  to  Leave  Rich- 
mond— Retreat  to  Williamsburg — Steuben's  Illness — Arrival 
of  Washington  and  Siege  of  Yorktown— Steuben  Assigned 
a  Command — Closing  up  the  Trenches — Receives  a  Depu- 
tation from  Cornwallis — The  Surrender. 

We  left  Cornwallis  with  his  main  force  at  Elk  Hill, 
and  Tarleton  and  Simcoe  within  supporting  distance,  so 
that  his  army  was  now  practically  concentrated  into  one 
body.  Lafayette  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Freder- 
icksburg, about  sixty  miles  northeast,  well  out  of  harm's 
reach,  while  Steuben,  as  we  have  seen,  was  well  south 
of  the  James.  On  June  7th,  however,  Lafayette  was  re- 
inforced by  General  Wayne  with  eight  hundred  to  one 
thousand  Pennsylvania  troops,  which  gave  him  a  force, 
if  not  strong  enough  to  cope  directly  with  Cornwallis,  at 
least  to  protect  stores  at  Albemarle  and  other  points. 
Reinforcements  from  other  sources  had  now  brought  his 
army  up  to  four  thousand  men,  and  Cornwallis,  seeing 
that  he  could  not  now  safely  divide  his  force  into  maraud- 
ing parties,  gathered  it  together  and  retired  to  Richmond. 
It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Lafayette,  on  June  13th,  sent 
the  following  message  to  Steuben : 

I  request,  my  dear  sir.  that  you  will  immediately  return  this 
way,  and  with  the  Continentals  and  militia  under  your  com- 
mand, hasten  to  form  a  junction  with  us.  I  am  afraid  General 
Greene's  letter  requesting  you  to  remain  with  us  has  not  yet 
got  to  hand,  but  unless  you  have  received  orders  subsequent  to 
General  Greene's  march  against  Ninety-six  and  Augusta,  I  can 
assure  you  his  desire  was  then  to  form  a  junction.  Should  the 
enemy  cross  the  James  River,  which  I  do  not  believe  they  will 
do,  and  which  none  of  them  have  yet  attempted,  it  must  be  with 
a  view  to  reconquer  Carolina.     In  this  case   you  would  be  in 


250    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

their  way,  and  I  should  request  every  obstruction  to  be  put  in 
their  way,  as  I  shall  myself  follow  them  as  expeditiously  as 
possible.  But,  on  the  contrary,  should  they  make  the  conquest 
of  this  state  their  main  object,  our  united  force  is  not  too  much 
to  resist  them.  No  news  from  the  northward;  it  is  reported 
General  Washington  is  coming  to  Virginia  with  French  and 
American  troops,  but  I  had  no  letter  from  him. 

There  being  no  evidence  that  Cornwallis  meditated 
a  southward  movement  Steuben  at  once  put  himself  in 
the  way  to  form  the  junction  with  Lafayette  as  requested. 
By  rapid  marching  he  crossed  the  James  at  Carter's  Ferry 
on  June  16  into  Goochland  county,  and  three  days  later 
joined  Lafayette  in  Hanover  county,  twenty-five  miles 
north  of  Richmond.  Lafayette  now  had  a  force  of  five 
thousand  men,  so  Cornwallis,  to  prevent  himself  from 
being  besieged  in  Richmond,  evacuated  that  city  on  the 
20th,  and  retreated  down  the  river,  plundering  and  de- 
vastating the  country  as  he  went.  He  arrived  at  Wil- 
liamsburg on  June  25  and  pillaged  every  dwelling  within 
reach.  The  American  army,  although  close  on  his  heels, 
could  not  prevent  the  destruction  of  property,  and  it  is 
estimated  that  the  losses  suffered  by  the  state  and  people 
of  Virginia  to  this  time  aggregated  not  less  than 
$15,000,000. 

Scarcely  had  Cornwallis  arrived  at  Williamsburg 
than  he  received  an  order  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton  at 
New  York  to  send  three  thousand  men  back  to  that  city, 
as  Washington  was  threatening  the  place.  The  Ameri- 
can general  had  by  numerous  feints  succeeded  in  convinc- 
ing his  foe  that  was  about  to  attack  him  with  over  twenty 
thousand  men,  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  he  did  not  have 
more  than  one-half  that  number.  Besides,  it  seemed  clear 
to  Clinton  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  subjugating 
Virginia  with  Cornwallis's  present  force,  owing  to  the 
solid  loyalty  of  that  state  to  the  American  cause,  and 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  251 

hence  he  thought  it  would  be  advisable  to  merely  hold  a 
defensive  position  on  the  coast  and  send  the  surplus  men 
where  they  could  be  used  to  better  advantage.  Sullenly 
Cornwallis  prepared  to  submit,  and  considering  Ports- 
mouth the  most  available  point  for  a  defensive  post  he 
began  his  march  thither  on  July  4.  During  the  crossing 
of  the  river,  about  eight  miles  above  Jamestown  Island, 
on  the  6th  Wayne,  with  the  Pennsylvania  men,  engaged 
the  British,  and  after  a  sharp  contest  the  Americans  were 
repulsed  with  a  loss  of  one  hundred  and  forty-five  men. 
Kapp  in  his  account  of  this  affair  condemns  Lafayette 
for  having  been  lured  into  an  action  "which,  only  for  the 
bravery  of  Wayne  and  the  inability  of  Cornwallis  to  pur- 
sue his  advantage,  on  account  of  the  night,  would  have 
resulted  in  the  annihilation  of  the  whole  army."  It  is 
only  just,  however,  to  say  that  none  of  the  other  his- 
torians takes  this  view,  although  Irving  says  "That  re- 
treat, if  followed  close,  might  have  been  converted  into 
a  disastrous  flight." 

While  proceeding  to  carry  out  Clinton's  orders  in 
a  half-hearted  way,  Cornwallis  did  not  fail  to  protest 
against  them,  pronouncing  a  defensive  post  on  the  Chesa- 
peake as  of  no  value,  only  giving  access  to  an  unhealthy 
swamp  and  liable  to  become  a  prey  to  a  foreign  enemy 
with  a  temporary  superiority  at  sea.  In  fact,  he  was  so 
disgusted  that  he  wanted  to  transfer  his  command  to 
General  Leslie  and  return  to  Charleston.  In  the  mean- 
time transports  had  arrived  to  carry  the  troops  to  New 
York,  with  instructions  to  hasten  their  embarkation,  for 
Clinton  was  hourly  expecting  an  attack.  But  troops  had 
scarcely  boarded  the  ships  when  counter  orders  were  re- 
ceived. Cornwallis's  rapid  movements  in  the  South,  and 
the  apparent  conquest  of  that  section  had  strongly  com- 
mended themselves  to  Lord  Germain  and  the  British  min- 


252    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

istry,  who  did  not  realize  how  completely  Greene  was  un- 
doing the  work  of  his  late  opponent,  who  had  been  really 
driven  from  the  field.  To  reduce  Virginia  as  he  had  ap- 
parently reduced  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas,  would  go  far 
towards  ending  the  war,  and  there  seemed  no  reason  ap- 
parent to  the  gentlemen  in  London  why  this  should  not 
be  done  if  Cornwallis  were  suffered  to  retain  his  troops. 
This  was  made  known  to  Clinton,  who  already  regarded 
Cornwallis  as  his  rival  and  possible  successor;  hence  the 
rescinding  the  order,  and  the  troops  disembarked.. 

Cornwallis  had  his  way,  but  if  Virginia  were  to  be 
conquered  it  could  not  be  by  sporadic  raids,  but  by  a  regu- 
lar campaign  with  a  suitable  base  on  the  coast.  Ports- 
mouth was  not  adapted  for  this  purpose,  as  the  harbor 
could  easily  be  blockaded,  and  it  would  be  impossible  for 
works  erected  there  to  protect  a  fleet  in  Hampton  Roads. 
Accordingly,  Yorktown,  a  small  village  on  the  right 
bank  of  York  river,  was  selected,  and  the  army  moved 
thither.  A  glance  at  the  map  will  show  that  the  four 
principal  rivers  which  drain  the  Virginia  tidewater  re- 
gion, namely  the  Potomac,  Rappahannock,  York  and 
James,  enter  the  Chesapeake  bay  on  nearly  parallel  lines, 
forming  comparatively  narrow  peninsulas.  Where  stood 
the  town  of  York  the  width  of  the  peninsula  was  only 
about  eight  miles,  while  in  front  vessels  could  safely  ride 
on  the  broad,  deep  river.  Across  the  river,  on  the  north 
side,  and  only  a  mile  distant,  was  Gloucester  Point,  which 
was  also  occupied  by  Cornwallis.  It  will  readily  be  seen 
that  though  the  town  might  be  captured  by  a  superior 
force,  yet  so  long  as  a  garrison  had  command  of  the  sea 
there  was  a  sure  means  of  escape  provided.  When  Corn- 
wallis occupied  Yorktown  he  had  with  him  seven  thous- 
and trained  veterans,  the  flower  of  the  British  army,  most 
of  whom  had  become  inured  to  fatigue  and  danger  dur- 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  253 

ing  their  recent  campaigns.  The  combined  forces  of  La- 
fayette and  Steuben  numbered  something  over  five  thous- 
and, too  weak,  of  course,  to  capture  or  rout  Cornwallis, 
but  strong  enough  to  give  him  occupation  until  a  new 
situation  should  develop.  At  this  time  Cornwallis  was  so 
confident  of  the  security  of  his  position  that  he  professed 
a  willingness  to  send  one  thousand  or  twelve  hundred 
men  north  if  they  were  needed. 

It  was  August  22d  before  Cornwallis  had  concen- 
trated his  entire  force  at  Yorktown,  and  meanwhile  a 
change  was  impending  from  another  quarter. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  Washington, 
while  keeping  one  eye  on  New  York,  had  the  other  con- 
stantly turned  on  the  Southern  campaign.  News  traveled 
slowly  in  those  days,  and,  like  the  light  from  the  so-called 
fixed  stars  which  gives  not  their  position  at  the  time 
they  are  viewed  by  the  eye,  but  sometimes  long  years  be- 
fore, so  it  was  in  a  minor  sense  with  reports  from  the 
theatre  of  war.  Ten  days  were  required  to  transmit  dis- 
patches from  Virginia,  and  three  times  that  long  from 
Greene,  even  when  they  were  not  intercepted  by  the 
enemy,  so  that  when  Washington  learned  of  a  certain 
state  of  affairs,  the  situation  had  usually  entirely  changed 
before  the  information  reached  him.  Nevertheless  he 
kept  in  touch  with  the  situation  as  closely  as  possible,  as 
was  manifested  by  his  instructions  to  Lafayette,  and,  al- 
though utterly  unable  to  make  an  attack  on  New  York 
with  any  prospect  of  success,  yet  by  his  feints  and  man- 
oeuvres, he  kept  Clinton  in  such  a  state  of  alarm  that  not 
only  was  the  latter  anticipating  an  assault  at  any  time,  but 
was  led  to  believe  that  he  could  not  safely  send  further 
aid  to  Cornwallis. 

The  time  was  now  at  hand,  however,  when  some  de- 
cisive action  was  needed.     The  French  troops  could  not 


254    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

be  detained  indefinitely  at  Newport,  both  the  country 
and  the  army  were  certainly  getting  tired  of  watching 
New  York,  and  the  commander-in-chief  was  now  satisfied 
that  with  a  combined  movement  by  the  two  armies  in 
conjunction  with  the  fleet  something  decisive  might  be 
accomplished.  As  has  already  been  indicated  the  com- 
mand of  the  sea  was  necessary  for  the  capture  of  Corn- 
wallis's  army,  without  which  a  march  to  Virginia  would 
be  comparatively  barren  of  results,  and  so  far  the  French 
fleet  had  not  rendered  much  service.  Washington  seems 
to  have  grasped  the  idea  of  a  final  Virginia  campaign 
as  soon  as  he  learned  of  Cornwallis's  entry  into  that  state, 
but  England,  still  having  command  of  the  sea,  it  was 
realized  that  any  effort  in  that  line  would  be  abortive. 
But  a  strong  French  squadron  was  expected  during  the 
spring  of  1781,  and  on  May  22  Washington  went  to 
Wethersfield,  Conn.,  where  he  held  a  conference  with 
Count  Rochambeau  in  regard  to  a  projected  attack  on 
New  York.  In  that  conference  he  broached  the  subject 
of  the  Virginia  campaign  to  Rochambeau,  but  the  matter 
was  kept  a  close  secret,  as  it  was  still  uncertain  what  part 
of  the  coast  the  fleet  under  Count  de  Grasse  would  strike. 
So  Washington  waited  and  watched  the  course  of  events, 
in  readiness  to  strike  at  New  York  or  march  four  hun- 
dred miles  south  and  end  the  campaign  there.  On  Aug- 
ust 14  word  was  received  from  Grasse  that  he  was  en 
route  from  the  West  Indies  to  Chesapeake  bay.  That 
settled  the  question.  Rochambeau's  army  had  joined  the 
American  forces  on  the  Hudson,  ready  for  any  service 
which  might  be  demanded.  Feints  were  made  against 
New  York  which  completely  deceived  Clinton,  and,  on 
August  19,  Washington,  leaving  a  sufficient  force  to  hold 
West  Point  and  other  strategic  centres,  crossed  the  Hud- 
son, at  King's  Ferry,  with  two    thousand    Continentals 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  255 

and  four  thousand  Frenchmen.  Nobody  but  Washington 
and  "Rodiamb'eau  knew  where  they  were  going,  and  it 
was  not  until  they  reached  Philadelphia  that  even  the 
American  officers  guessed  the  secret.  The  country  had 
already  been  cheered  by  intelligence  of  Greene's  success, 
arid  now  the  military  and  civilians  vied  with  each  other  in 
their  enthusiasm.  The  march  through  the  city  was  a 
festal  one,  and  when  Washington,  who  had  galloped 
ahead  to  Chester,  sent  back  word  that  Grasse  had  ar- 
rived in  Chesapeake  bay,  the  joy  was  unrestrained.  The 
2d  and  3d  days  of  September  were  occupied  by  the  troops 
in  marching  through  Philadelphia,  the  Americans  in  their 
tattered  garments  and  the  French  in  their  gorgeous  uni- 
forms. Washington  arrived  at  the  Head  of  Elk  on  Sep- 
tember 6,  followed  as  rapidly  as  possible  by  the  army. 
Part  of  the  force  embarked  at  once,  going  down  the 
Chesapeake,  but  there  being  not  sufncent  vessels  for  all, 
Washington  with  the  rest  of  the  army  marched  overland 
through  Baltimore.  On  the  9th  he  left  that  city  for  a 
short  visit  to  Mount  Vernon,  which  he  not  seen  for  six 
years.  Here  he  entertained  Count  Rochambeau  and  other 
distinguished  guests  with  true  Virginia  hospitality,  and 
on  the  12th  left  to  join  Lafayette  at  Williamsburg. 

Count  de  Grasse  had  reached  the  Chesapeake  on  Sep- 
tember 5,  and  was  conveying  French  troops  up  James 
river  when  the  British  Admiral  Graves  appeared  with 
twenty  ships.  Grasse  put  to  sea  with  twenty-four  vessels, 
and  on  the  7th  engaged  the  British  with  such  effect  that 
after  four  days'  manoeuvering  Graves  bore  away  to  New 
York,  and  De  Barras,  another  French  admiral,  having  ar- 
rived with  transports  carrying  troops  and  stores,  the  al- 
lies were  now  in  full  control  of  both  land  and  water. 

Washington  took  personal  charge  of  affairs  and  was 
urging  matters  forward  with  the  greatest  celerity  until 


256     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  22d,  when  an  incident  occurred  which  threatened  to 
derange  everything.  Word  was  received  that  the  British 
Admiral  Digby  had  arrived  at  New  York  with  six  addi- 
tional ships  and  troops.  This  alarmed  De  Grasse,  lest  the 
reinforced  British  fleet  should  return  and  attack  him  at 
disadvantage,  and  he  proposed  starting  for  the  open  sea, 
where  he  could  either  fight  to  advantage  or  blockade  the 
British  in  New  York.  This  was  enacting  the  Ports- 
mouth fiasco  over  again,  and  Washington,  fearing  the 
complete  failure  of  his  plans,  sent  Lafayette  to  the  Ad- 
miral with  a  courteous  but  urgent  letter,  asking  him  to 
at  least  delay  his  departure  for  a  short  time,  which  he 
finally  consented  to  do.  By  the  25th  the  American  and 
French  troops  had  encamped  between  Williamsburg  and 
Yorktown,  effectually  preventing  any  retreat  by  land, 
while  the  fleet  guarded  the  river.  The  combined  forces 
of  the  besiegers  now  numbered  about  sixteen  thousand 
troops,  of  which  nine  thousand  were  American  and  seven 
thousand  French. 

In  order  to  give  a  connected  resume  of  events  lead- 
ing up  to  the  investment  of  Yorktown  special  reference 
to  Steuben's  movements  during  this  period  has  been 
omitted.  As  previously  stated,  on  June  19  he  with  his 
forces  effected  a  junction  with  Lafayette  in  Hanover 
county,  and  a  few  days  after  he  received  orders  from 
Greene  to  remain  with  the  Marquis  in  connection  with  the 
Virginia  recruits.  Shortly  after  joining  Lafayette's  army 
Steuben,  who  had  been  broken  down  by  anxiety  and  ex- 
posure, fell  ill  and  retired  to  a  country  place  near  Char- 
lottesville to  recuperate.  Here  about  the  end  of  July  he 
received  a  delayed  order  from  Greene  to  join  him,  with 
or  without  recruits,  the  latter  having  all  been  turned  over 
to  Lafayette.  To  this  the  Baron  responded  on  Au- 
gust 13: 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  257 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  19th  of  July,  in  which  I 
am  ordered  to  join  you.  If  it  had  pleased  God,  my  dear  Gen- 
eral, that  this  order  had  reached  me  a  few  months  sooner,  I 
should  have  escaped  a  great  deal  of  pain  and  chagrin,  but  what 
I  have  to  say  on  that  subject  shall  rest  till  I  have  the  pleasure 
to  see  you.  My  duty  and  inclination  would  have  engaged  me  to 
set  out  immediately  on  receipt  of  your  letter  had  not  my  ill  state 
of  health  prevented  me.  An  eruption  of  blood,  which  has  cov- 
ered my  whole  body,  obliged  me  to  retire  to  a  country  house. 
It  is  near  Mr.  Walker's,  whom  you  saw  at  Philadelphia,  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  and  his  father,  who  is  my  physician.  The  heat 
of  the  season,  uneasiness  of  my  mind,  and  a  thousand  other 
things  have  so  used  me  up  that  I  cannot  yet  sustain  the  fatigues 
of  a  journey.  I  shall,  however,  prepare  to  take  up  my  line  of 
march  the  last  of  this  month,  and  hope  to  join  you  before  your 
operations  begin.  I  can  say  nothing  to  you  on  our  affairs 
either  political  or  military;  a  sick  man,  you  know,  looks  on 
things  worse  than  they  really  are.  I  have  the  consolation  to 
hope  I  shall  soon  be  with  the  general  I  esteem  and  the  friend 
for  whom  I  have  the  strongest  affection. 

The  Baron's  health  having  improved  considerably 
towards  the  latter  part  of  August,  he  made  preparations 
for  going  to  Greene,  and  was  about  starting  on  his  jour- 
ney, when  he  received  an  urgent  letter  from  Lafayette 
asking  him  to  join  the  latter  at  once.  We  have  seen 
that  affairs  on  the  York  peninsula  had  assumed  a  critical 
aspect.  Although  Cornwallis  was  in  a  measure  on  the 
defensive,  yet  his  army  was  really  stronger  than  Lafay- 
ette's, and  another  affair  like  that  at  Green  Spring,  James- 
town, might  cause  matters  to  become  very  serious  at  least. 
So  Steuben  went  down  to  King  William  County,  near  the 
head  of  York  river,  where  he  occupied  himself 
with  his  old  work  of  putting  things  in  order  and  aiding 
in  strengthening  the  army  that  was  now  closing  in  about 
Yorktown.  While  here  he  learned  of  Washington's 
southward  march  and  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet.  Old 
soldier  that  he  was,  he  sniffed  the  smoke  of  battle  from 


258     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

afar,  and  for  the  time  being  he  is  willing  if  not  anxious 
to  remain  in  Virginia.  On  September  9th  he  writes  to 
Greene : 

In  the  moment  of  my  departure  to  join  you  I  received  the 
glorious  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet.  The  whole 
country  is  flying  to  arms.  I  had  reason  to  apprehend  that  my 
departure  at  such  a  time  as  this  would  have  been  made  to  oper- 
ate against  me  by  persons  who  seek  to  destroy  the  reputation 
of  every  honest  man.  You  are,  without  doubt,  informed,  my 
dear  General,  of  the  trouble  and  vexation  to  which  I  have  been 
exposed  in  this  state.  The  greatest  sacrifice  I  can  make  to  the 
public  interest,  is  to  suspend  my  endeavors  for  redress  until  the 
present  scene  is  finished.  To  have  quitted  the  state  before  that 
period  would  have  armed  my  enemies  against  me.  Two  days 
before  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  the  marquis  wrote  me  to  hasten 
to  his  assistance,  but  your  orders  and  my  wishes  to  join  you, 
made  me  decide  for  the  southward.  I  beg  you,  my  dear  Gen- 
eral, to  permit  my  assisting  this  expedition  which  is  preparing. 
Considering  how  small  the  number  of  your  troops  is,  I  think 
my  presence  may  be  dispensed  with  for  some  time,  nevertheless 
if  you  judge  it  necessary,  and  should  you  think  the  motives 
which  induce  me  to  stay  insufficient,  the  moment  I  receive  your 
commands  I  shall  begin  my  journey.  To-morrow  I  shall  join 
the  marquis.     I  shall  give  him  every  assistance  in  my  power. 

Of  course,  Steuben,  when  he  wrote  the  above,  had 
not  learned  of  the  battle  of  Eutaw  Springs,  which,  with 
other  events  that  quickly  followed,  removed  the  necessity 
for  him  going  South,  and  the  promised  union  with 
Greene  never  took  place. 

According  to  his  intention  Steuben  started  to  join 
Lafayette  in  Williamsburg  the  next  day,  and  arrived 
there  at  least  by  the  12th,  where  he  met  General  Wash- 
ington and  Count  Rochambeau  when  they  arrived  there 
on  the  14th.  On  the  19th  he  writes  to  Greene:  "Our 
troops  and  those  of  our  allies  from  the  North  are  ex- 
pected every  hour.  They  embarked  at  Baltimore  on  the 
14th  instant.  As  soon  as  they  arrive  our  operations  will 
commence.  This,  my  dear  General,  is  the  decisive  mo- 
ment— the  happiest  time  I  have  spent  in  America.    Every 


APPROACHING  ^HE  CLIMAX  259 

advantage  appears  to  declare  in  favor  of  the  righteous 
cause.  Young  Colonel  Laurens  called  to  see  me  yester- 
day; he  is  just  back  from  France,  and  brings  with  him 
everything  which  will  be  necessary  to  finish  the  war. 
The  court  of  France  has  answered  the  Emperor  (of  Ger- 
many or  the  Holy  Roman  Empire)  on  his  proposition 
of  a  mediation,  that  they  can  enter  into  no  negotiations 
without  the  consent  of  their  allies,  and  as  the  haughty 
Briton  will  not  consider  this  ally  as  an  independent  state, 
the  negotiation  is  broken  off.  I  trust  the  success  of  this 
campaign  will  render  our  enemies  more  tractable." 

In  response  to  Steuben's  request  for  a  regular  com- 
mand Washington  promptly  assigned  him  a  division, 
composed  of  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania 
troops,  numbering  two  thousand  three  hundred  and  nine 
men,  of  whom  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  forty-six 
belonged  to  Wayne's  brigade  and  nine  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  to  Gist's.  According  to  a  report,  dated  October  3, 
there  were  only  seven  hundred  and  thirty  men  of  Wayne's 
men  fit  for  service,  and  four  hundred  and  forty-five  of 
Gist's,  the  sick  numbering  six  hundred  and  seventeen.  It 
is  presumed,  however,  that  under  Steuben's  careful  man- 
agement the  effective  strength  of  the  division  was  brought 
up  more  nearly  to  the  proper  record.  Steuben  was  in  his 
old  place  as  member  of  Washington's  staff,  and  as  none 
of  the  Americans  had  participated  in  regular  siege  opera- 
tions his  experience  as  aid  to  Frederick  the  Great  at  the 
investment  of  Schweidnitz  proved  of  great  value.  The 
first  trenches  in  front  of  Yorktown  were  begun  by  Gen- 
eral Lincoln  on  the  night  of  the  5th  of  October,  the 
American  and  French  working  together  in  friendly  riv- 
alry, so  that  by  the  8th  the  first  parallel  was  completed, 
and  batteries  began  playing  upon  the  enemy's  works. 
This  was  at  a  distance  of  six  hundred  yards,  but  on  the 


260    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

night  of  the  11th  Steuben  with  his  division  began  a  sec- 
ond parallel  within  three  hundred  and  sixty  yards  of 
Cornwallis's  lines,  and  worked  with  such  success  that  the 
enemy  did  not  discover  his  position  until  daylight,  when 
the  Americans  were  too  strongly  entrenched  to  be  dis- 
lodged. General  Wayne  was  with  Steuben,  and  when 
the  British  opened  fire  in  the  morning  a  shell  fell  close 
by  them.  The  Baron  threw  himself  into  the  trench  to 
avoid  the  effect  of  the  explosion,  and  Wayne  in  trying  to 
get  out  of  the  way  fell  on  top  of  him.  The  Baron  per- 
ceiving his  comrade  in  that  position  jocularly  remarked, 
"I  always  knew  you  were  a  brave  general,  but  I  did  not 
know  that  you  were  so  perfect  in  every  point  of  duty; 
you  cover  your  general's  retreat  in  the  best  manner  possi- 
ble. "     Fortunately  neither  of  the  officers  was  hurt. 

Another  incident  of  the  siege  recorded  by  Steuben 
himself  is  worth  relating.  Baron  De  Viomenil  com- 
manded the  trenches  on  the  10th  of  October,  and  at  four 
o'clock  in  the  evening  he  sent  Count  Deuxponts  to  tell 
Steuben  that  he  had  observed,  while  visiting  the  trenches, 
that  his  division  was  extremely  weak,  and  as  it  was  prob- 
able the  enemy  might  make  a  sortie  that  night  he  wished 
to  reinforce  his  (Steuben's)  left  wing  from  five  to  eight 
hundred  men  if  the  latter  should  think  it  necessary.  In 
the  presence  of  General  Wayne  Steuben  replied  that  he 
did  not  think  he  wanted  any  reinforcements,  and  that  if 
the  enemy  were  to  attack  him  he  should  answer  for  being 
able  to  hold  the  battery  until  the  Baron  De  Viomenil 
could  arrive  to  support  him,  and  further,  in  case  Viomenil 
was  attacked,  he  might  rely  upon  Steuben  to  support  him 
with  eight  hundred  men  in  two  columns.  When  Count 
Deuxpontz  had  gone  away  Wayne  remarked  to  Steuben 
that  he  had  only  one  thousand  men  in  his  entire  division. 
"No  doubt  of  it,"  Steuben  replied,  "that  is  my  calculation 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  261 

too,  but  if  it  should  so  happen,  I  should,  on  my  own 
responsibility,  leave  two  hundred  men  to  defend  the  bat- 
tery, and  with  the  remaining  eight  hundred  men  attack 
forthwith  in  two  columns,"  adding  that  if  he  was  guilty 
of  a  certain  amount  of  gasconade  with  regard  to  the  num- 
ber of  men  it  was  for  the  honor  of  his  (Wayne's)  coun- 
try, whereupon  Wayne  took  the  Baron  by  the  hand  and 
addressing  himself  to  the  officers  present  said:  "Now, 
gentlemen,  it  is  our  duty  to  make  good  the  exaggeration 
of  Baron  Steuben,  and  support  him  just  as  if  he 
had  double  the  number  of  men  that  he  has." 

It  would  not  be  profitable  here  to  follow  the  siege 
operations  in  detail,  they  can  be  found  in  any  reliable  his- 
tory. Cornwallis  made  a  desperate  effort  to  escape  from 
the  trap  in  which  he  had  taken  refuge.  On  the  night  of 
October  15  he  started  to  convey  his  troops  across  the  river 
to  Gloucester  Point,  hoping  to  force  his  way  northward 
and  join  Clinton  in  New  York.  The  plan  could  hardly 
have  succeeded  under  any  circumstances,  but  after  part 
of  the  troops  had  crossed  the  river  a  storm  arose  which 
scattered  the  boats,  and  daylight  put  an  end  to  the  pro- 
ject, those  who  had  reached  the  Point  being  compelled 
to  recross  under  the  fire  of  American  batteries.  Further 
resistance  was  impossible,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  17th 
Cornwallis  dispatched  a  flag  of  truce  with  a  letter  to 
Washington  proposing  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for  twen- 
ty-four hours  to  arrange  terms  of  surrender.  Baron 
Steuben  in  command  of  the  trenches  received  the  letter, 
and  forwarded  it  to  the  commanding  general.  Later  La- 
fayette came  with  his  division,  it  being  the  relieving  hour, 
but,  according  to  North,  Steuben  declined  to  be  relieved, 
assigning  as  a  reason  the  etiquette  in  Europe;  that  the 
offer  to  capitulate  had  been  made  during  his  guard,  and 


262    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

that  it  was  a  point  of  honor,  of  which  he  would  not  de- 
prive his  troops,  to  remain  in  the  trenches  until  the  capi- 
tulation was  signed,  or  hostilities  recommenced.  The 
matter  was  referred  by  Lafayette  to  the  commander-in- 
chief,  with  the  result  that  Steuben  remained  in  the 
trenches  until  the  British  flag  was  struck. 

Washington  was  not  disposed  to  grant  very  much 
delay  in  view  of  the  expected  arrival  of  Clinton  with  re- 
inforcements and  the  anxiety  of  De  Grasse  to  get  away, 
but  negotiations  dragged  along  until  the  19th,  when  the 
posts  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester  were  surrendered  to 
General  Washington  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  allied 
army,  and  the  vessels  and  seamen  to  Count  de  Grasse. 
The  troops  surrendered  numbered  seven  thousand  two 
hundred  and  forty-seven  and  eight  hundred  and  forty 
sailors,  or  over  eight  thousand  in  all,  besides  an  im- 
mense quantity  of  military  stores.  The  garrison  lost  five 
hundred  and  fifty-two  during  the  siege,  and  the  besiegers 
about  three  hundred,  killed.  These  figures  are  small  com- 
pared with  those  of  later  contests  on  Virginia  battlefields, 
but  in  its  ultimate  results  the  siege  of  Yorktown  stands 
as  one  of  the  decisive  conflicts  of  the  world. 

Little  detail  is  given  of  Baron  Steuben's  part  in  this 
memorable  contest  other  than  the  incidents  related 
above,  but  Washington  in  his  congratulatory  order  issued 
the  day  after  the  capitulation  specially  mentions  Steuben 
along  with  Lincoln,  Knox,  Lafayette  and  Duportail.  Lin- 
coln was  deputed  to  receive  the  sword  which  Cornwallis 
sent  by  a  deputy,  giving  illness,  real  or  feigned,  as  his 
excuse  for  not  being  present  in  person. 

As  a  rule  not  much  detail  has  been  given  concerning 
the  Yorktown  surrender,  the  participants  having  been 
more  deeply  interested  in  the  general  result  which  not 


EH  £ 


■J     U 


|  | 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  263 

only  freed  Virginia  from  further  invasion,  but  was  prac- 
tically the  end  of  the  war,  although  over  a  year  was  yet 
to  elapse  before  a  formal  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded. 
But  there  was  with  Cornwallis  one  sergeant,  John  Con- 
rad Doehla,  belonging  to  a  regiment  from  Anspach,  Ger- 
many, who  kept  quite  a  full  diary  of  those  eventful  days, 
and  for  a  translation  of  which  we  are  indebted  to  Mr. 
Kapp.     Among  other  things  Sergeant  Doehla  says : 


We  were  left  in  full  possession  of  all  our  equipage  and  ap- 
parel— nothing  belonging  to  us  was  taken,  or  even  touched;  we 
were  treated  with  fairness  and  respect,  as  prescribed  by  the 
usages  of  war.  To  speak  out  plainly  we  were  rather  satisfied 
that  the  end  of  this  siege  had  come  at  last,  escaping  therefrom 
on  unexpectedly  favorable  terms,  while  we  had  been  always  of 
opinion  that  we  should  be  taken  by  assault.  Had  it  lasted  a 
few  days  longer,  a  general  storm  was  unavoidable — the  French 
grenadiers  (?)  were  already  preparing  for  it. 

It  was  on  the  afternoon  of  the  19th  of  October,  between 
the  hours  of  four  and  five  o'clock,  that  all  our  troops,  with  arms 
and  baggage,  standards  covered  but  drums  beating,  marched 
out  of  the  lines  of,  and  the  whole  camp.  *  *  *  The  French, 
who  formed  the  right  wing,  had  sometimes  richly  dressed 
"hieducks"  (fancy  servants)  in  their  suite,  who  being  very  tall 
and  handsome  men,  presented  quite  a  dazzling  appearance  in 
their  gold  and  silver  laced  liveries.  All  the  French  generals. 
Count  De  Rochambeu.  Marquis  De  Lafayette,  Count  De  Deux- 
ponts,  and  Prince  De  Lucerne,  wore  glittering  stars  and  badges 
of  military  orders. 

On  the  right  wing  of  each  French  regiment  was  gorgeously 
paraded  a  rich  standard  of  white  silk  with  three  golden  fleur  de 
lis  embroidered  upon  it.  Beyond  these  standards  stood  the 
drummers  and  fifers,  and  in  front  of  them  the  band  which 
played  delightfully.  It  must  be  confessed  that  the  French 
troops,  altogether,  looked  very  well;  they  were  all  tall,  hand- 
some men.  They  all  wore  white  gaiters,  a  part  of  them  were 
clad  in  red,  some  also  in  green,  most  of  them,  however,  were  in 
white  regimentals.  The  German,  or  Alsacian  regiments  had 
blue  regimentals. 

The  left  wing  of  the  line  through  which  we  had  to  march 
was  formed  of  the  Americans;  in  front  of  them  their  generals, 
Washington,  Gates,  Steuben  and  Wayne.  They  were  paraded 
in  three  lines,  the  first  composed  of  the  regulars,  who  had  also 


264    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

a  band;  playing  moderately  well.  They  looked  passable,  but 
the  militia  from  Virginia  and  Maryland,  forming  the  second  and 
third  lines,  were  both  a  ragged  set  of  fellows  and  very  ill  look- 
ing. 

We,  now  prisoners  of  war,  stared  with  amazement  at  all 
these  troops,  parading  there  in  lines  three  ranks  deep.  We  were 
quite  astonished  at  the  immense  number  of  our  besiegers,  per- 
ceiving well  that,  compared  with  such  a  formidable  army,  we 
were  little  more  than  a  mere  guard,  and  that  they  were  strong 
enough  to  have  eaten  us  up  to  the  last  man.  The  lines  of  both 
armies  extended  nearly  two  miles  in  length.  Think,  only  of  an 
army  of  forty  thousand  men,  altogether  drawn  up  in  lines 
three  ranks  deep,  what  a  space  it  must  cover.  Our  small  num- 
ber quite  puzzled  the  enemy;  they  had  believed  we  were  much 
stronger. 

When  all  was  over,  we  had  to  march  again  through  the 
two  lines  of  the  allied  armies  to  return  to  our  camp,  but  this  was 
done  in  utter  silence  without  further  incumbrance,  as  the  poor 
equipage  which  we  carried  in  our  knapsacks  was  all  we  pos- 
sessed. All  the  courage  and  spirit  which  at  other  times  ani- 
mate a  corps  of  soldiers  were  extinguished,  the  more  so  as  on 
this,  our  return  march,  the  American  part  of  our  conquerors 
jeered  at  us  very  insultingly.  We  were  again  quartered  in  our 
lines  and  tents,  enjoying,  however,  full  liberty  to  walk  any- 
where in  the  lines  as  well  as  in  the  city.  And  I  must  say  the 
French  behaved  very  well  towards  us.  They  were  altogether 
kind  and  obliging.  But  the  Americans  with  the  exception  of 
their  officers,  were  strictly  forbidden  to  come  within  our  lines, 
or  even  to  enter  the  city.  The  French  grenadiers,  who  occu- 
pied all  our  lines,  did  not  allow  any  of  the  American  militia  to 
approach  us,  fearing,  as  they  were  at  all  times  addicted  to 
plunder,  they  might  not  forget  to  rob  us  also,  or  to  make  mis- 
chief, as  was  their  custom. 

Our  worthy  sergeant  has  evidently  allowed  his  im- 
agination free  play  to  some  extent,  especially  as  to  the 
forty  thousand  troops  whom  he  saw  in  the  allied  armies. 
The  records  show  five  thousand  Continentals,  seven  thous- 
and French  and  three  thousand  five  hundred  militia,  six- 
teen thousand  in  all.  As  the  force  surrendered  by  Corn- 
wallis  numbered  about  eight  thousand,  it  is  apparent  that 
the  investing  army  instead  of  the  three  to  one  standard 
considered  by  military  authorities  as  necessary  to  success 
in  siege  operations  the  ratio  was  not  over  two  to  one. 


APPROACHING  THE  CLIMAX  265 

There  had  also  been  gallant  assaults  wherein  Hamilton 
and  others  had  won  laurels,  and  it  seems  fortunate  for 
Cornwallis  that  he  did  not  wait  to  risk  a  general  one.  It 
must  also  be  remembered  that  in  the  surrender  the  army 
was  turned  over  to  the  Americans  and  the  naval  forces 
to  the  French  officers,  and  whatever  protection  the 
prisoners  had  was  due  to  Washington's  orders 
and  not  to  any  special  chivalry  on  the  part  of  the 
French.  A  special  order  by  Washington  guaran- 
teed fair  treatment  to  all.  It  is  very  probable  that  the 
militia  were  restrained  from  mingling  with  the  pris- 
oners, for  most  of  them  were  Virginians  who  for  months 
past  had  been  indignant  witnesses  of  the  unrestrained  li- 
cense of  a  brutal  soldiery,  whose  paths  up  and  down  the 
state  had  been  marked  by  plundered  plantations,  burning 
homes  and  even  violated  women.  No  doubt  the  robbers 
even  at  this  time  had  some  of  the  plundered  property  in 
their  possession,  and  the  temptation  to  "get  even"  would 
certainly  have  been  very  strong  had  opportunity  offered. 

It  may  be  added  that  on  the  day  that  Cornwallis 
surrendered  Sir  Henry  Clinton  sailed  from  New  York 
to  his  relief  with  thirty-five  ships  and  seven  thousand 
picked  troops.  What  might  have  happened  had  this 
force  reached  Yorktown  before  the  surrender  it  is  idle  to 
speculate.  Clinton  arrived  off  Capes  Charles  and  Henry 
on  October  24,  and  after  hovering  about  the  entrance  to 
Chesapeake  Bay  for  five  days,  he  learned  of  Cornwallis's 
surrender  and  forthwith  returned  to  New  York. 

Washington  desired  to  move  south  with  the  allied 
forces,  and  by  investing  Charleston  and  Savannah  drive 
the  British  at  once  from  that  section,  but  the  French  re- 
fused to  co-operate,  so  he  reluctantly  gave  up  the  plan, 
and  proceeded  to  follow  Clinton  to  New  York  with  the 


266 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


American  army  except  Wayne's  division  which  marched 
south  to  join  Greene. 

Rochambeau  remained  with  the  French  forces  in 
Virginia,  and  De  Grasse  left  with  his  fleet  for  the  West 
Indfes,  where  in  the  following  April  he  was  defeated  and 
taken  'prisoner  by  the  British  Admiral  Rodney.  This 
action  maintained  the  Anglo-Saxon  supremacy  on  the 
ocean  which  has  been  preserved  to  the  present  day. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER. 

Review  of  the  Political  Situation — Strength  in  Weakness — 
Adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation — A  Rope  of 
Sand — Controversies  With  the  Virginia  Authorities — Vin- 
dication of  Steuben — Financial  Difficulties — Attack  on  New- 
York  Discussed — Peace  Negotiations — France  and  Spain 
Suggest  the  Alleghenies  for  the  Western  Boundary — 
Steuben  Appeals  to  the  King  of  France. 

The  surrender  of  Cornwallis  produced  such  a  radical 
change  in  the  condition  of  affairs  that  it  may  be  profitable 
at  this  juncture  to  glance  at  the  political  events  with 
which  Baron  Steuben  afterwards  became  more  closely 
connected.  The  lack  of  real  authority  on  the  part  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  which  the  British  scornfully  de- 
nominated a  vagrant  horde,  and  which  was  in  fact  only 
a  large  committee  representing  the  different  colonies,  im- 
pressed on  the  minds  of  the  Colonists  at  a  very  early  date 
the  desirablity  of  some  more  definite  form  of  govern- 
ment, whose  powers,  even  if  restricted,  should  at  least 
possess  a  tangible  reality.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
the  term  "United  States,"  although  in  common  use  at 
that  time,  implied  no  feeling  of  nationality  outside  of  a 
comparatively  few  individuals,  but  was  simply  what  its 
name  indicated — a  league  of  sovereign  Commonwealths 
bound  together  for  mutual  interest  and  protection,  in 
which  league  each  and  all  stood  on  an  equality,  and  from 
which  any  or  all  could  withdraw  at  pleasure.  Hence  it 
was  not  surprising  that  one  of  the  first  actions  of  the 
Congress  was  the  preparation  of  the  instrument  known 
as  the  Articles  of  Confederation  for  the  purpose  of  se- 
curing a  "perpetual  union"  of  the  Colonies,  now  called 


268     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

"States."  It  was  not,  however,  until  November  15,  1777, 
that  the  final  draft  of  this  document  was  prepared  for 
submission  to  the  "States,"  not  the  people.  The  germ  of 
nationality  was  planted  in  the  provision  which  provided 
that  citizens  of  any  State  were  entitled  to  all  the  privileges 
and  immunities  of  citizens  in  every  other  State,  so  that 
Pennsylvania  for  instance  could  not  enact  a  law  favoring 
her  own  people  at  the  expense  of  a  New  Yorker  residing 
within  her  borders.  Each  State  could  have  not  less  than 
two  nor  more  than  seven  delegates  in  Congress,  to  be 
paid  by  the  State,  and  when  it  came  to  balloting  each  State 
was  to  have  one  vote,  and  nine  such  votes  were  necessary 
to  enact  a  law.  There  was  no  President  in  the  present 
sense  of  that  term,  but  during  the  recess  of  Congress  the 
Government  was  administered  by  an  executive  commit- 
tee of  one  from  each  State.  The  right  to  declare  war  or 
make  peace  was  placed  in  Congress,  but  it  could  only  get 
troops  by  requisitions  on  the  States.  Postoffice,  coinage 
and  like  matters  were  entrusted  to  Congress,  in  connec- 
tion with  States,  but  that  body  had  not  the  power  to  levy 
taxes  or  of  enforcing  its  own  decrees.  There  was  no 
Supreme  Court,  some  the  duties  later  conferred  on  that 
body  being  lodged  with  Congress.  Without  going  fur- 
ther into  details,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  instrument 
above  named  was  no  sooner  put  into  operation  than  it 
was  found  to  be  unworkable.  A  body  that  had  neither 
the  power  of  the  purse  nor  of  the  sword,  but  must  de- 
pend upon  another  sovereignty  to  enforce  its  decrees  could 
hardly  be  called  a  government  whatever  else  it  might  be. 
Hence  the  correct  conclusion  of  Von  Hoist  that  the  new 
arrangement  was  worse  than  the  old.  The  very  strength 
of  the  Continental  Government  lay  in  its  weakness.  Not 
possessing   any   real   power    or   claiming   the    right   to 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  269 

"coerce"  a  recalcitrant  State,  but,  as  has  been  said,  being 
a  general  committee  for  the  common  defense,  the  States 
could  obey  its  requests  as  coming  from  their  own  repre- 
sentatives, without  jealousy  or  the  fear  of  usurpation. 
And  so  the  central  body  ventured  on  measures  which  un- 
der other  circumstances  would  have  been  deemed  a  most 
unwarrantable  stretch  of  power.  But  when  this  idea  was 
crystalized  into  a  written  instrument  the  feeling  became 
different,  and  stolid  apathy  or  active  opposition  created 
obstacles  that  were  insurmountable.  The  "Articles"  were 
not  to  take  effect  until  ratified  by  all  the  States,  and  for- 
tunately this  did  not  take  place  until  March  1,  1781,  when 
Maryland  gave  her  consent,  so  the  war  was  practically 
over  before  the  full  operation  of  the  instrument  revealed 
its  glaring  defects. 

Baron  Steuben  did  not  immediately  accompany 
Washington  to  New  York.  There  were  several  reasons 
for  this.  Considerable  work  was  yet  to  be  done  in  Vir- 
ginia, and  he  did  not  know  but  that  Greene  might  still 
need  him  in  the  South.  But  what  probably  influenced 
him  more  than  anything  else  was  the  desire  to  vindicate 
himself  from  the  charges  and  innuendos  which  certain 
enemies  had  made,  especially  in  regard  to  the  loss  of 
stores  at  Point  of  Fork.  His  strict  military  methods  and 
exposure  of  fraud  and  incompetency  naturally  drew 
upon  him  the  hostility  of  all  whose  desire  for  gain  or 
ease  was  stronger  than  their  patriotism,  and  while  they 
could  do  the  Baron  no  permanent  damage  yet  for  the 
time  being  they  were  able  to  cause  him  considerable  an- 
noyance. This  was  one  reason  which  made  him  anxious 
to  join  Greene,  until  affairs  reached  a  point  when  he  felt 
that  he  must  remain  until  the  matter  was  settled.  The 
grievances  of  the  Virginia  officials  seemed  to  be  princi- 


270    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

pally  because  he  insisted  on  the  organization  of  troops 
according  to  the  instructions  of  Congress,  and  hostility 
was   excited    by    his    remonstrances,   sometimes    pretty 
vigorous,  against  the  loose  habits  of  the  militia  as  mani- 
fested on  one  occasion  by  insurbordination  and   indis- 
criminate plundering  of  an  English  ship,  and  his  criti- 
cism  of  the  waste  in  several  departments.     He  made 
other  charges  of  a  more  serious  nature,  which,  whether 
correct  or  not,  brought  upon  him  the  enmity  of  those 
whom  he  thus  verbally  castigated.  There  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  any  formal  attack  upon  him,  however,  on  the 
part  of  the  State  authorities  until  after  the  affair  at  Point 
of  Fork,  and  although  this  was  fully  explained,  showing 
the  loss  was  inconsiderable  and  the  Baron  was  not  to 
blame,    yet    the    animosity    continued.    On    October  6 
Washington  wrote  to  Greene  that  "Baron  Steuben,  from 
the  warmth  of  his  temper,  has  got  disagreeably  involved 
with  the  State,  and  an  inquiry  into  part  of  his  conduct 
must  one  day  take  place,  both  for  his  own  honor  and  their 
satisfaction."    Of  course,  Washington  never  doubted  for 
a  moment  that  such  an  inquiry  would  fully  vindicate  the 
Baron,  and  the  latter  was  more  than  anxious  for  an  in- 
vestigation.    Both  Greene  and  Lafayette  expressed  their 
approbation  of  his  course,  and  the  former  on  September 
17  wrote  as  follows : 


Your  letter  of  the  13th  of  August  gives  me  most  sensible 
pain.  I  am  sorry  that  a  mind  so  zealous  and  intent  in  promot- 
ing the  public  good  should  be  subject  to  chagrin  and  mortifi- 
cation for  its  well  meant  endeavors.  But  let  me  beg  of  you, 
my  dear  Baron,  not  to  feel  too  sensibly  the  illiberal  attack  of  a 
misguided  populace.  Merit  is  too  often  veiled  for  a  time,  and 
the  best  intentions  subject  to  partial  censure,  and  this  more  fre- 
quently in  republican  governments  than  any  others.  But  it 
rarely  happens  that  a  man  of  worth  is  long  without  his  reward, 
for  although  society  may  mistake  for  a  time,  men  are  generally 
willing  to  retract  and  approve  when  properly  informed.     And 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  271 

I  am  so  confident  of  the  propriety  of  your  conduct  and  the  jus- 
tice of  the  people,  that  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  you  will  see 
this  verified  in  your  case. 

Lafayette,  on  reading  this  letter  the  day  after  Corn- 
wall's surrender,  referred  to  it  as  follows: 

The  high  terms  in  which  he  (Greene)  speaks,  particularly 
on  the  subject  you  allude  to,  are  certainly  sufficient  for  your 
satisfaction,  so  that  I  would  think  it  needless  for  me  to  add 
anything  to  an  opinion  for  which  I  have  the  highest  veneration. 
I  will  therefore  only  speak  of  what  can  be  supposed  to  have 
come  under  my  immediate  cognizance.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
campaign  I  considered  you  and  the  new  levies  as  belonging  to 
the  Carolina  army.  The  letters  in  which  General  Greene  and 
myself  were  positive  for  your  joining  me  have  been  intercepted 
by  the  enemy.  Lord  Cornwallis's  intention  (as  I  have  still  more 
particularly  ascertained)  was  to  maneuver  me  from  a  junction 
with  Wayne.  His  endeavors  were  vain,  but  his  movements  to- 
wards our  stores  threw  me,  for  a  little  time,  at  a  pretty  great 
distance  from  the  enemy.  The  account  you  received  was  given 
by  Major  Call,  whom  I  requested  to  watch  in  that  quarter  the 
motions  of  Lord  Cornwallis.  Your  movements  at  that  moment 
must  have  been  directed  by  the  intelligence  you  received,  and 
what  you  conceived  to  be  General  Greene's  intentions.  I  was 
happy  in  your  re-union  with  me,  and  I  think  it  determined  Lord 
Cornwallis  to  a  speedy  evacuation  of  Richmond.  Let  me  add 
that  during  all  the  time  we  served  together  I  have  been  so 
well  satisfied  with  your  assistance,  that  I  was  only  sorry  your 
health  forced  you  to  leave  the  army,  where  your  experience 
and  exertions  were  so  useful.  Should  I  have  forgotten  any- 
thing that  might  add  to  your  satisfaction  I  will  spare  no  pains 
to  convince  you  of  the  sentiments  I  possess  for  you. 

The  above  would  seem  to  have  been  sufficient  in- 
dorsement of  Steuben's  actions  by  the  men  most  com- 
petent to  judge,  and  the  matter  could  well  have  been 
allowed  to  drop  right  there  had  it  not  been  for  a  resolu- 
tion passed  by  the  Virginia  legislature  shortly  after  the 
retreat  from  Point  of  Fork  requesting  Lafayette  to  re- 
quire an  explanation  from  the  officers  under  his  com- 
mand in  regard  to  the  loss  of  stores  at  that  place.  Of 
course,  the  Baron  was  the  only  one  who  could  give  that 
explanation,  and  he  was  ready  at  any  time  to  do  so,  either 


272     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

to  Lafayette  or  to  the  legislature  itself.  We  have  seen 
that  Lafayette  did  not  regard  the  matter  as  worthy  of 
any  attention,  and  in  the  letter  just  quoted  practically  de- 
clared that  Steuben  had  acted  on  intelligence  furnished 
by  his  (Lafayette's)  officer  specially  detailed  for  that 
purpose,  which  was,  of  course,  conclusive,  and  there  was 
nothing  left  to  investigate  or  explain.  But  the  original 
resolution  was  a  matter  of  record  in  the  legislative  jour- 
nal, and  Steuben  was  unwilling  to  depart  until  the  matter 
was  officially  cleared  up.  Accordingly,  on  November  1, 
while  still  at  Williamsburg,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Nelson, 
saying:  "As  my  duty  at  present  calls  me  northward,  I 
cannot  quit  your  state  without  asking  your  Excellency 
to  inform  me  by  an  official  letter  if  government  have  any 
complaint  against  me  since  I  have  had  the  honor  of  serv- 
ing in  Virginia;  that  if  there  should  be  any  I  may  justify 
myself  before  my  departure.  A  reputation  acquired  dur- 
ing twenty-seven  years'  service  authorizes  me  in  this  point 
of  delicacy." 

No  reply  was  received  to  this  letter,  and,  accord- 
ingly, on  December  13,  Steuben  addressed  a  communica- 
tion to  General  Harrison,  President  of  the  Assembly, 
stating :  "I  could  be  but  exceedingly  hurt  by  the  implied 
censure  passed  on  me  by  the  resolve  of  the  Assembly. 
The  State  of  Virginia  had  before  honored  me  with  a  par- 
ticular mark  of  esteem,  and  conscious  that  I  had  exerted 
my  utmost  to  deserve  it,  I  was  unwilling  to  leave  the 
state  before  I  had  fully  justified  my  conduct.  I  accord- 
ingly wrote  to  Governor  Nelson,  desiring  him  to  ac- 
quaint me  with  the  nature  of  any  complaint  the  state 
may  have  against  me,  but  never  received  an  answer.  I 
must,  therefore,  repeat  the  same  request  to  you,  sir.    Col- 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  273 

onel  Davies,  General  Lawson  and  Colonel  Meade  will  be 
my  witnesses  as  to  the  propriety  of  my  conduct  at  Point 
of  Fork." 

To  this  Harrison  replied  on  the  28th :  "The  resolu- 
tions of  the  last  Assembly  respecting  the  loss  of  the  stores 
at  the  Point  of  Fork  were  sent  to  the  Marquis  De  Lafay- 
ette, who  informed  the  present  Assembly  by  letter  that  he 
had  been  too  much  engaged  to  enter  on  the  inquiry,  for 
which  he  begged  their  excuse.  There  the  matter  rests, 
and  I  dare  say  will  not  be  again  taken  up." 

It  was  evident  by  this  time  that  those  who  had  fa- 
vored the  resolution  were  heartily  ashamed  of  their  ac- 
tion, and  were  very  glad  of  an  excuse  to  drop  the  whole 
affair.    It  was  never  heard  of  again. 

Mr.  Kapp  severely  critizes  Lafayette,  both  from 
a  military  standpoint,  and  because  he  considers  him  as 
detracting  from  the  honor  due  Steuben  on  account  of 
his  work  in  Virginia.  It  is  no  doubt  true  that  Lafayette 
was  treated  with  great  favor  on  political  grounds,  and 
to  him  was  ascribed  much  of  the  influence  in  securing 
the  French  alliance  which,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  early 
part  of  this  work,  was  really  due  to  Beaumarchais.  Nev- 
ertheless Lafayette  undoubtedly  rendered  most  important 
aid  to  the  American  cause,  both  politically  and  other- 
wise, and  although  it  has  never  been  claimed  that  he  was 
a  great  general,  his  youth  alone  was  against  him  in  that 
respect,  yet  his  career  was  most  creditable  and  deserving 
of  commendation.  And  it  is  not  necessary  to  draw  com- 
parison between  him  and  Steuben.  The  latter  sacrificed 
all  his  patrimony  in  coming  to  America,  where  he  de- 
voted his  life  to  the  patriot  cause.  His  military  experi- 
ence was  invaluable,  and  more  than  once  turned  defeat 
into  victory.  His  labors  were  untiring,  in  season  and 
out  of  season,  amid  the  utmost  discouragement  and  even 


274    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

hostility  from  those  he  was  benefitting.  But  posterity  is 
beginning  to  recognize  his  merit,  and  Greene's  prediction 
has  been  more  than  verified. 

Many  believed  that  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  pre- 
saged the  immediate  termination  of  the  war,  and  had  the 
Americans  been  in  condition  to  utilize  at  once  the  army 
set  free  by  the  end  of  the  Virginia  campaign,  this  might 
have  been  the  case.  But  of  the  nine  thousand  Ameri- 
cans present  at  the  surrender,  three  thousand  five  hun- 
dred were  militia,  and  the  four  thousand  five  hundred 
Continentals  were  as  usual  poorly  equipped.  With  this 
force  added  to  the  northern  army  they  might  continue  to 
watch  Clinton  in  New  York,  but  as  the  French  fleet  had 
gone  to  the  West  Indies,  leaving  the  English  again  in 
command  of  the  sea,  the  capture  of  that  city  was  out  of 
the  question..  Then,  as  before  intimated,  the  country 
was  becoming  weary  of  the  war,  and  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation which  had  now  taken  effect,  instead  of  pro- 
viding a  stronger  government  only  emphasized  its  weak- 
ness. True  the  last  extensive  campaign  had  ended,  and 
the  last  large  battle  fought,  but  a  single  serious  mistake 
might  easily  undo  all  that  had  been  accomplished,  and  it 
would  not  do  to  trust  too  implicitly  the  indications  that 
the  British  ministry  were  ready  to  treat  for  peace. 

Steuben's  plans  for  the  reorganization  of  the  army 
had  been  interrupted  by  the  Virginia  campaign,  and  for 
a  year  or  more  nothing  had  been  done  in  that  direction. 
It  was  imperatively  necessary  that  this  work  be  taken  up 
at  once,  consequently  at  the  beginning  of  1782  we  again 
find  him  with  Washington's  army  about  New  York  pre- 
paring to  resume  his  former  duties.  In  one  respect  there 
had  been  an  improvement.  The  officers  having  been  fur- 
nished with  printed  copies  of  Steuben's  instructions,  had 
had  the  opportunity  of  becoming  familiar  with  the  same, 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  275 

so  the  principal  object  was  now  to  see  that  they  were 
carried  out.     In  this  connection  and  in  order  to  simplify 
the  system  Steuben  proposed  that  in  the  future  the  of- 
ficers of  the  department  be  limited  to  an  inspector  general 
and  two  inspectors,  one  for  the  northern  and  one  for  the 
southern  army.    This  met  with  the  approval  of  Washing- 
ton, and  Congress  adopted  the  plan  on  January  10,  thus 
completing  the  arrangement  inaugurated  by  Steuben  at 
Valley  Forge  four  years  before,  which  had  been  ham- 
pered and  rendered  largely  nugatory  by  negligence  and 
petty  jealousies.     The  good  that  would  have  accrued 
from  the  early  adoption  of  this  plan  may  be  set  down 
as  incalculable,   and  would  have  averted  much  of  the 
trouble  caused  by  loose  organization,  ill-defined  author- 
ity,   poor   drilling   and    insubordination.      Steuben   was 
now  Inspector  General  of  all  the  armies,  with  Colonel 
Stewart  as  deputy  for  the  northern  army,  and  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Ternant  for  the  southern.     While  this  reform 
was  late  it  was  better  than  not  coming  at  all.     The  In- 
spector General  was  allowed  a  secretary  in  addition  to 
his  aides,  and  was  required  whenever  the  commander-in- 
chief  saw  fit  to  visit  every  part  of  the  army  to  see  that 
uniformity  prevailed;  also  inspect  the  military  hospitals. 
The  Baron  took  great  pride  in  displaying  his  manoeuvres 
in  the  presence  of  the  French  officers,  when  their  precision 
and  quiet  attracted  special  attention  in  view  of  the  rather 
boisterous  evolutions  of  their  Gallic  brothers.  Once  in  dis- 
cussing some  evolutions  with  a  French  general  the  latter 
mentioned  one  of  considerable  difficulty  which  he  had 
witnessed  in  Silesia  by  the  Prussian  army,  adding,  "But 
we  do  not  expect  you  to  equal  the  veterans  of  the  King  of 
Prussia.     All  in  good  time."   When  the  general  had  left 
Steuben  remarked,  "The  time  shall  be  next  week.    I  will 
save  the  gentlemen  who  have  not  been  in  Silesia  the 


276    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

trouble  of  going  any  further  than  Verplanck's  Point  for 
instructions."  The  affair  came  off  as  the  Baron  antici- 
pated with  great  eclat  and  edification  for  the  visitors. 
The  Baron  gave  a  dinner  in  his  tent  to  his  French  asso- 
ciates, saying,  "I  am  glad  to  pay  some  part  of  the  dinner 
debt  we  owe  our  allies."  In  fact,  Steuben  was  always  a 
great  stickler  for  fulfilling  the  duties  of  hospitality  in  a 
manner  which  he  conceived  befitting  his  position,  not- 
withstanding his  financial  condition,  owing  to  the  irregu- 
lar receipt  of  his  pay,  was  not  always  equal  to  the  de- 
mands imposed  upon  it.  This  was  forcibly  illustrated 
just  after  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  when  the  major  gen- 
erals took  turns  in  entertaining  the  British  officers.  At 
this  time  the  Baron  called  on  Colonel  Walter  Stewart  and 
desired  to  sell  him  his  favorite  charger  in  order  to  secure 
funds  with  which  to  entertain  his  late  foes.  "  'Tis  a 
good  beast,"  said  he,  "and  has  proved  a  faithful  servant 
through  all  the  dangers  of  the  war,  but  though  painful 
to  my  heart  we  must  part."  Colonel  Stewart  refused  to 
accept  the  horse,  but  offered  his  purse  freely,  with  the 
suggestion  that  if  this  were  not  sufficient  the  Baron 
might  sell  or  pledge  his  watch.  "My  dear  friend,"  was 
the  reply,  "  'tis  already  sold.  Poor  North  was  sick  and 
wanted  necessaries.  He  is  a  brave  fellow  and  possesses 
the  best  of  hearts.  The  trifle  it  brought  is  set  apart  for 
his  use.  My  horse  must  go — so  no  more,  I  beseech  you, 
to  turn  me  from  my  purpose.  I  am  a  major  general  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  my  private  con- 
venience must  not  be  put  in  the  scale  with  the  duty  which 
my  rank  calls  upon  me  imperiously  to  perform.  "  An- 
other account  says  he  sold  such  part  of  his  camp  equip- 
age, brought  from  Europe,  as  was  of  silver,  that  he 
might  entertain,  saying,  "I  can  stand  it  no  longer;  we 
are  continually  dining  with  these  people  and  cannot  give 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  277 

a  piece  of  bratwurst  in  return ;  they  shall  have  one  grand 
dinner  if  I  eat  my  soup  with  a  wooden  spoon  hereafter." 
Let  us  trust,  although  the  Baron  was  compelled  to  sacri- 
fice his  silver,  yet  he  was  enabled  to  retain  his  fourfooted 
companion.. 

There  is  usually  a  reaction  after  a  spurt  of  any  kind, 
and  the  condition  of  affairs  in  1782  was  no  exception  to 
the  rule.  Officially  the  war  was  in  progress  as  much  as 
ever,  but  there  was  talk  of  peace  on  both  sides,  causing 
a  relaxation  of  efforts  to  keep  up  and  provide  for  the 
army,  which  were  just  as  necessary  as  ever.  There  were 
small  skirmishes  and  much  brutal  outrage  by  companies  of 
British  partisans  which  scoured  the  country,  but  Wayne 
and  Greene  succeeded  in  largely  suppressing  this  kind 
of  work  in  the  South,  and  on  July  11  Savannah  was 
evacuated,  the  regulars  going  to  Charleston,  the  only 
ctiy  south  of  the  Potomac  now  left  to  them,  and  the 
Tories  to  Florida.  Clinton  was  guilty  of  acts  in  New 
York  which  will  forever  render  his  memory  infamous, 
but  on  May  5  he  was  superseded  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton, 
a  humane  and  generous  commander,  who  treated  the 
peace  negotiations  as  practically  in  force.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  year  Wilmot  was  killed  in  an  enterprise 
against  James  Island,  the  last  man  to  fall  in  the  war. 

Under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  Congress  could 
requisition  the  States  for  money,  but  the  States  could  suit 
themselves  about  complying,  which  in  most  cases  was 
not  at  all.  As  a  single  example  of  the  state  of  affairs,  on 
March  1,  1782,  the  country  owed  Steuben  $0,850  in 
specie  (figures  would  hardly  be  sufficient  to  state  this  in 
Continental  courrency),  and  being  unable  to  draw  bills 
of  exchange  even  at  heavy  discount  or  to  borrow  any 
money  he  addressed  the  following  personal  letter  to 
Washington : 


278     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Without  troubling  your  Excellency  with  a  tedious  detail 
of  the  hardships  attending  my  situation,  I  pray  you  to  consider 
the  peculiarity  of  my  employment  compared  with  that  of  other 
officers.  The  arrangements  which  are  going  to  take  place  for 
furnishing  the  army  with  provisions,  forage,  etc...  will  not  be  of 
advantage  to  me,  and  I  am  bound  to  travel  from  one  part  of  the 
country  to  the  other,  to  live  at  double  expenses  in  taverns,  in 
which  I  have  to  pay  ready  money  not  only  for  my  personal  ex- 
penses, but  also  for  the  entertainment  of  my  aides  de  camp  and 
horses  necessary  to  perform  our  journeys.  I  would  be  happy 
if  the  pay  allowed  by  Congress  were  equal  to  such  expenses. 
I  do  not  want  to  lay  up  any  part  of  my  pay,  I  ask  no  addition 
to  it,  but  I  declare  it  to  be  totally  out  of  my  power  if  my  ap- 
pointments, as  well  those  of  January  and  February,  as  those 
occurring  in  the  future,  are  not  regularly  paid  me.  With  regard 
to  the  arrearages,  I  shall  be  satisfied  to  leave  in  the  public 
funds  $6,000  provided  I  am  paid  the  remaining  $850,  which  are 
indispensably  necessary  to  enable  me  to  discharge  my  expenses 
here  and  provide  myself  with  the  necessary  equipage  for  the 
ensuing  campaign. 

Washington  took  up  the  matter,  and  by  special  ex- 
ertions obtained  the  $850  asked  for  and  also  $500  on 
account  of  pay  due  for  January  and  February,  which 
was  all  he  received  since  entering  the  service  up  to  this 
time. 

The  troubles  in  regard  to  arrears  of  pay  and  lack  of 
supplies  were  not  confined  to  Steuben,  but  were  general 
throughout  the  army,  Washington  and  some  of  the 
other  officers  had  independent  resources,  but  the  destitu- 
tion was  general.  The  army  was  not  in  condition  to 
make  a  day's  march,  and  had  the  British  in  New  York 
not  become  apathetic  they  might  at  least  have  caused 
considerable  trouble.  There  was  mutiny  among  the  Con- 
necticut soldiers  arising  from  these  causes,  and  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  shoot  the  ringleaders.  Officers  sent 
in  their  resignations,  and  there  appeared  great  danger  of 
a  general  collapse. 

Amid  all  these  troubles  Washington  did  not  lose 
sight  of  the  fact  that  a  direct  movement  against  New 
York  would  be  most  desirable  if  there  was  the  slightest 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  279 

chance  of  success,  and  that  in  any  event  it  was  better  to 
keep  the  army  employed  in  active  work  than  permit  it  to 
disintegrate  through  inanition.  So,  as  in  a  similar  con- 
dition, two  years  before,  he  called  on  Steuben  for  a  review 
of  the  situation,  a  plan  of  attack,  should  one  be  attempted, 
and  the  chances  of  success  or  of  failure.  Steuben's  re- 
port gives  a  valuable  resume  of  the  state  of  affairs  at 
that  time.  Leaving  out  Canada  he  sums  up  the  forces 
then  in  America  as  follows : 

British  Army. 

Regulars  at  New  York  9,000 

Militia   ." 3,000 

Garrison  at  Charleston    3,000 

Garrison  at  Savannah  700 

Total    15,700 

Allied  Army. 

Northern  Cont.  Army 10,000 

French  Troops   4,000 

Southern  Army  2,000 

Total  16,000 

American  militia  do  not  seem  to  be  included  in  the 
above,  which  number  was  constantly  fluctuating  from 
practically  nothing  to  four  or  five  thousand.  Taking  the 
above  figures  as  a  basis  the  Baron  proceeds  to  discuss  the 
chances  of  an  attack  on  New  York,  as  follows : 

The  position  of  the  enemy  is  on  three  islands.  Whenever 
we  attack  one  the  other  two  must  be  kept  in  check.  If,  then, 
the  besieged  should  consist  of  12.000  men,  and  the  besiegers  of 
24,000,  the  latter  must  be  divided  into  three  parts,  each  consist- 
ing of  8.000  men.  The  points  of  attack  are  the  passage  at 
Kingsbridge,  the  Heights  of  Brooklyn,  and  the  works  on  Staten 
Island.  The  shortest  line  of  communication  between  them  is 
from  twenty  to  twenty-four  miles  with  a  river  between  each. 
How,  then,  is  the  cne  to  support  the  other  in  case  of  a  superior 
attack,  which  the  enemy  may  easily  make,  as  they  possess  every 
possible  advantage  by  water?  And.  even  supposing  we  should 
obtain  possession  of  either  island,  what  position  should  we  take 
to  cover  our  flanks  from  the  enemy's  force  by  water?     But  if 


280     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

we  should  be  unfortunate  enough  to  have  any  one  division  de- 
feated, what  retreat  is  left  while  the  enemy  keep  possession  of 

the  water?  „„..,,. 

These  reasons  alone  prove  to  me  sufficiently  the  impropriety 
of  such  an  undertaking  as  long  as  the  enemy  keep  possession 
of  the  port  and  the  river  by  which  the  islands  are  surrounded. 

As  soon  as  a  superior  fleet  shall  have  blocked  up  the  harbor 
without,  our  principal  object,  I  conceive,  will  be  Long  Island. 
in  which  case  the  greater  part  of  our  strength  will  be  necessarily 
employed  in  carrying  the  works  at  Brooklyn,  either  by 
^torm  or  regular  approaches,  and  to  erect  batteries  to  bombard 
the  city  and  the  fleet  in  the  bay.  But  even  then  it  will  be  neces- 
sary that  our  frigates  should  be  in  possession  of  the  Sound,  and 
that  batteries  should  be  erected  on  our  flanks  commanding  the 
river. 

The  last  proposition  supposes  that  we  were  in  possession 
of  the  harbor  and  had  the  superiority  at  sea.  In  this  case  we 
should  be  highly  reprehensible  if  we  did  not  make  the  attempt; 
yet  even  then  I  would  propose  that  we  should  have  the  most 
pointed  assurances  that  the  fleet  destined  for  this  service  should 
remain  long  enough  to  effect  a  co-operation  on  the  occasion.  It 
would  also  be  necessary  to  make  an  exact  estimate  of  the  num- 
ber of  troops  and  the  means  which  we  possess  to  make  the  at- 
tempt If  the  enemv  should  abandon  the  southern  States  and 
collect  their  whole  force  at  New  York,  it  would  amount  to 
16  000  men.  and  by  recalling  our  troops  thence  we  should 
amount  to  the  same  number.  If  they  retain  possession  of 
Charleston  and  Savannah  General  Greene  must  also  remain 
there,  and  then  we  shall  be  in  the  same  proportion  of  14,000  to 
14,000.  .      . 

It  would  be  no  less  difficult  than  hazardous  to  attack  the 
enemy  in  their  present  position  with  less  than  double  this  num- 
ber or  28,000  men.  If  the  States  of  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York  and  Jersey  could  send  4.000  men  as 
rank  and  file  into  the  regular  army,  it  would  amount  to  14,000 
men  (Continental  troops);  4,000  French  and  10,000  militia;  with 
this  and  no  less  than  this,  I  conceive  we  might  attempt  the  en- 
terprise. 

As  a  conclusion  to  the  above  resume  of  the  whole 
situation  the  Baron  expresses  the  fear  that  the  supposi- 
tions on  which  the  questions  depend  will  never  be  real- 
ized. "The  late  unfortunate  defeat  of  the  French  fleet 
in  the  West  Indies,  the  improbability  of  collecting  a  force 
sufficient  to  carry  on  the  siege,  and  the  difficulty,  I  had 
almost  said  the  impossibility,  of  supporting  them,  afford 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  281 

but  too  just  grounds  for  this  suggestion."  He  goes 
farther,  however,  and  although  the  proposition  to  attack 
New  York  is  shown  to  be  chimerical,  he  concludes  as 
follows : 

However,  though  our  particular  situation  makes  it  hazard- 
ous to  undertake  an  operation  which  calls  for  more  force  and 
greater  resources  than  we  at  present  possess,  yet  I  am  not  of 
opinion  that  we  should  permit  the  campaign  to  waste  away 
without  improving  those  advantages  which  are  within  our  reach. 
The  army  should  move  down  and  take  some  advantageous  posi- 
tion at  or  near  the  White  Plains,  and  if  our  force  will  admit 
that  the  two  York  regiments,  with  Hazen's,  should  be  added 
to  the  two  Hampshire  regiments  who  are  now  stationed  on  the 
northern  frontier,  and  march  under  the  command  of  Hazen.  to- 
wards St.  John's  in  Canada,  by  the  road  lately  laid  out  or  which 
other  way  may  appear  most  proper;  if  this  diversion  should  be 
attended  with  no  other  advantages  it  would  at  least  prevent  the 
incursions  of  the  savages,  a  circumstance  of  the  greatest  import- 
ance. Should  it,  therefore,  be  advisable  to  recall  the  French 
troops  from  Virginia  I  should  conceive  the  army  would  be  form- 
idable enough  to  move  down  and  take  an  advantageous  post  at 
or  near  White  Plains;  and  if  by  the  addition  of  recruits  or  mili- 
tia our  situation  would  admit  of  a  diversion  with  the  two  York 
regiments  under  Hazen,  added  to  those  of  Hampshire,  toward 
the  garrison  of  St.  John's  in  Canada,  I  am  persuaded  it  would 
be  attended  with  the  most  salutary  consequences. 

But  peace  talk  and  other  causes  had  produced  so  much 
apathy  that  the  inertia  could  not  be  overcome,  and  so  none 
of  these  suggestions  wTas  adopted.  Neither  New  Eng- 
land nor  the  Middle  States  possessed  a  George  Rogers 
Clark  to  invade  Canada  and  at  least  make  the  St.  Law- 
rence the  northeastern  boundary  from  Lake  Ontario  t«p 
the  sea. 

During  this  period  Washington  received  a  letter 
from  one  Colonel  Lewis  Nicola,  who  had  obtained  some 
prominence  in  the  army,  who  attributed  the  existing  dis- 
tress to  the  form  of  government,  and  suggesting  a  con- 
stitutional monarchy  like  that  of  England.  It  was  deli- 
cately hinted  that  Washington  would  be  the  proper  per- 


282     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

son  to  head  a  movement  in  that  direction.  Had  Wash- 
ington been  either  a  Caesar  or  Napoleon  the  suggestion  in 
the  then  desperate  state  of  affairs  might  have  carried 
some  weight.  Being  neither,  but  an  American  patriot, 
he  wrote  a  most  stinging  reply,  concluding  with  the 
words,  "I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  part  of 
my  conduct  could  have  given  encouragement  to  an  ad- 
dress, which  to  me  seems  big  with  the  greatest  mischiefs 
that  can  befall  my  country.  If  I  am  not  deceived  in  the 
knowledge  of  myself  you  could  not  have  found  a  person 
to  whom  your  schemes  are  more  disagreeable.  At  the 
same  time,  in  justice  to  my  own  feelings,  I  must  add 
that  no  man  possesses  a  more  sincere  wish  to  see  ample 
justice  done  to  the  army  than  I  do.  and  as  far  as  my 
powers  and  influence,  in  a  constitutional  way,  extend, 
they  shall  be  employed  to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities  to 
that  effect  should  there  be  any  occasion.  Let  me  conjure 
you,  then,  if  you  have  any  regard  for  your  country,  con- 
cern for  yourself  or  posterity,  respect  for  me,  to  banish 
these  thoughts  from  your  mind,  and  never  communicate, 
as  from  yourself  or  any  one  else,  a  sentiment  of  the  like 
nature." 

The  muster  roll  of  the  northern  army  at  the  June 
inspection,  1782,  disclosed  seven  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  thirty-seven  infantry  and  seven  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight  artillery,  a  total  of  eight  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  thirty-five,  with  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  sick 
and  absent,  leaving  eight  thousand  four  hundred  and 
ninety-four  fit  for  duty,,  this,  of  course,  not  including  the 
sporadic  militia.  The  universal  poverty  was  displayed 
to  an  almost  ludicrous  extent  by  the  fact  that  blanks  and 
muster  rolls  were  allowed  to  lie  in  the  post  offices  for 
want  of  cash  to  pay  for  the  cost  of  postage,  Congress  not 
having  allowed  them  the  franking  privilege  unless  the 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  283 

words  "public  business"  were  written  upon  them,  a  duty 
which  some  of  the  officers  neglected  to  perform.  In  spite 
of  all  these  drawbacks  drilling  and  inspection  were  car- 
ried on  with  such  efficiency  that  on  June  18  Washington 
issued  a  general  order  from  his  headquarters  in  Newburg 
expressing  satisfaction  with  the  appearance  and  manoeu- 
vres of  the  troops  and  returning  thanks  to  Major  General 
Baron  De  Steuben  for  the  indefatigable  assiduity  and 
singular  attention  exhibited  in  the  late  inspection  and 
review,  and  for  his  eminent  service  in  promoting  the  dis- 
cipline of  the  army  on  all  occasions. 

In  accordance  with  his  policy  of  keeping  up  the  in- 
spection and  drill  at  all  hazards  Steuben  paid  the  ex- 
penses of  two  officers  sent  to  Saratoga  out  of  his  own 
pocket.  On  another  occasion  when  Colonel  Hazen's 
regiment  was  to  be  reviewed  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  the  Min- 
ister of  War  said  it  was  not  worth  while  to  go  to  that 
out-of-the-way  place,  to  which  Steuben  replied,  "It  is  my 
opinion  that  omitting  the  inspection  of  only  one  regiment 
for  one  month  can  cause  more  expense  to  the  United 
States  than  the  inspection  of  the  whole  army  for  a  year 
can  cost." 

Matters  were  going  from  bad  to  worse.  Steuben 
writes :  "If  my  life  depended  on  it  I  would  not  be  able  to 
raise  ten  dollars  on  credit.  The  certificate  for  $6,000 
which  I  held  from  the  United  States  I  offered  in  vain  for 
one-tenth  of  its  nominal  value.  There  is  no  resource 
whatever  left  in  me.  I  have  already  lost  six  horses  since 
I  am  in  the  service  chiefly  for  want  of  forage,  the  two 
best  were  stolen,  as,  while  in  West  Point,  I  had  to  send 
them  twenty  miles  from  that  place  to  find  pasturage  for 
them;  besides  that  for  want  of  bolts  and  bars  for  my 
house,  my  silver  and  linen  were  stolen,  so  that  I  am  re- 
duced in  everything." 


284    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Of  course  the  $850  pittance  which  Steuben  had  re- 
ceived from  Congress  in  the  spring  was  a  mere  bagatelle 
and  was  speedily  dissipated.  In  June  he  wrote  to  the 
Secretaries  of  War  and  Finance  that  the  defrayment  of 
at  least  his  ordinary  expenses  was  an  absolute  necessity, 
pointedly  stating  that,  "While  other  officers  were  sta- 
tioned within  their  respective  divisions,  brigades  and 
corps,  and  could  avail  themselves  of  their  ordinary  sup- 
plies, the  nature  of  my  duty  kept  me  in  constant  motion 
from  one  division  of  the  army,  and  even  from  one  army 
to  another,  necessarily  subjecting  me  to  all  the  expenses 
incident  to  traveling.  I  ever  have  been,  and  ever  will  be, 
disposed  to  draw  an  equal  lot  with  those  truly  brave  men 
whose  sufferings  have  long  since  called  aloud  for  speedy 
redress;  with  them  I  have  frequently  wanted  not  only 
the  conveniences  but  even  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  if 
my  duty  confined  me  to  my  camp  and  quarters,  I  would 
not  conceive  myself  entitled  to  any  extraordinary  privi- 
lege. Hitherto  I  have  never  made  a  requisition  of  any 
kind  to  Congress,  and  entreat  your  Excellency  to  be  per- 
suaded that  it  is  with  singular  pain  I  am  compelled  to 
make  one  at  this  time;  but  the  duty  I  owe  to  my  own 
feelings,  as  well  as  the  respect  I  entertain  to  that  august 
body,  required  that  I  should  thus  be  explicit  with  them." 
This  communication,  not  appearing  to  have  any  ef- 
fect, Steuben  concluded  to  go  in  person  to  Philadelphia, 
and  during  the  journey  he  inspected  and  reviewed  the 
troops  stationed  along  the  line  of  his  route.  In  order  to 
better  sustain  his  claims  he  propounded  certain  questions 
to  Washington  as  to  the  necessity  of  his  department  in 
the  army,  and  whether  it  had  been  conducted  during  the 
previous  five  years  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  whether  it  had  come  up  to  ex- 
pectations. To  both  these  questions  Washington  responded 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  285 

decidedly  in  the  affirmative,  adding  that  the  department 
had  been  of  the  utmost  utility  and  continued  to  be  of  the 
greatest  importance  for  reasons  too  obvious  to  need 
enumeration,  but  more  especially  for  having  established 
one  uniform  system  of  manoeuvres  and  regulation  in  an 
army  composed  of  thirteen  states  (each  having  its  local 
prejudices),  and  subject  to  interruptions  and  deviations 
from  the  frequent  changes  and  dissolutions  it  had  under- 
gone. The  intelligence,  activity  and  zeal  of  the  Baron 
were  highly  commended  as  not  less  beneficial  to  the  public 
than  honorable  to  himself,  and  the  general  expressed 
himself  as  having  abundant  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
inspector's  abilities  and  attention  to  the  duties  of  his 
office.. 

But  Congress  dallied  along  and  did  nothing,  and  al- 
though Steuben  was  in  receipt  of  unsolicited  testimonials 
as  to  the  justice  of  his  cause  and  the  condition  of  the 
army,  they  did  not  relieve  the  tension.  Walker  wrote 
from  Newbnrg  on  November  20  that  the  discontent  was 
general,  and  a  memorial  to  Congress  was  under  consid- 
eration. North  wrote  him  on  October  29  :  "Your  ser- 
vices to  my  ungrateful  country  have  been  treated  with  a 
neglect  shocking  to  every  man  of  sensibility.  *  *  * 
The  army  of  the  United  States  know  what  you  have 
done;  your  intimate  friends  only  know  what  you  have 
suffered,  since  you  took  upon  you  the  Herculean  task  of 
forming  the  American  armies.  It  is  now  five  years  since 
you  undertook  this  last  work.  How  well  you  have  suc- 
ceeded the  present  state  of  the  army  will  declare;  but 
unfortunately  for  our  honor  your  reward  only  consists 
in  the  consciousness  of  having  acted  a  great  and  good 
part.  The  war,  my  dear  general,  is,  perhaps,  drawing 
towards  a  close.  It  has  happily  been  successful,  and  you 
doubtless  have  acquired  a  lasting  honor  by  the  part  you 


286     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

had  in  it.  But  honor  alone  will  never  compensate  for 
your  sacrifices  in  Europe,  nor  your  sacrifices  in  America ; 
a  reward  of  another  kind  is  due.  Justice  to  yourself  and 
to  your  friends  points  out  the  necessity  of  your  endeav- 
ouring to  procure  it." 

General  Otho  Williams,  coming  north  at  this  time, 
was  especially  struck  with  the  change  in  the  condition  of 
the  troops,  and  volunteered  the  following :  "How  much 
our  troops  are  indebted  to  you,  sir,  for  that  military  abil- 
ity and  appearance  in  which  they  now  both  so  advantage- 
ously compare  with  the  best  disciplined  troops  in  Europe, 
Congress,  his  Excellency  General  Washington  and  other 
eminent  characters,  bear  honorable  testimony.  The  per- 
sonal knowedge  I  have,  as  an  officer  of  the  American 
army,  acquired  from  your  general  instructions,  influences 
my  gratitude  to  add  my  private  thanks  to  the  more  im- 
portant acknowledgements  you  have  already  and  repeat- 
edly received." 

General  Gates  visited  the  army  during  the  fall  of 
1782  while  it  was  building  huts  to  go  into  winter  quar- 
ters at  New  Windsor.  He  had  been  absent  three  years, 
and  writes  to  the  Baron  his  astonishment  with  which  he 
beheld  the  order,  regularity  and  attention  which  he  had 
taught  the  American  army,  and  that  the  obedience,  ex- 
actness and  true  spirit  of  military  discipline  which  he  had 
infused  into  them  did  him  the  highest  honor.  He  hopes 
that  the  generosity  of  the  governing  powers  will  proclaim 
to  the  world  his  merits  and  their  obligation,  and  thus 
convince  mankind  that  the  Republics  of  America  have  at 
least  the  virtue  to  be  grateful." 

General  Robert  Howe  wrote  to  the  same  effect,  and 
these  epistles  might  be  considerably  multiplied  if  neces- 
sary, but  the  evidence  would  only  be  cumulative. 

But  still  there  was  nothing  doing,  and  at  last,  tired 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  287 

out  with  waiting,  Steuben  on  December  4  addressed  a 
letter  to  Hon.  Elias  Bondinot,  President  of  Congress, 
calling  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  had  now  given  five 
years'  service  to  the  American  army  after  renouncing 
respectable  commands  and  affluent  circumstances  in  Eu- 
rope, and  it  was  mortifying  to  appeal  to  Congress 
in  reference  to  his  private  affairs.  His  private  resources 
being  exhausted,  he  entreated  Boudinot  to  appoint 
a  committee  to  examine  into  his  situation  and  report  the 
reasonableness  of  his  demands.  He  was  ready  to  demon- 
strate wherein  his  administration  had  resulted  in  im- 
mense saving  to  the  country,  and  refers  to  the  remarkable 
order  and  discipline  which  now  prevailed  in  the  army, 
winning  the  approbation  of  its  allies.  He  concluded  as 
follows :  "When  I  drew  my  sword  in  defense  of  these 
states  I  did  it  with  a  determination  that  death  only  should 
force  me  to  lay  it  down  before  Great  Britain  had  ac- 
knowledged the  independence  of  America,  and  I  still 
persist  in  the  same  resolution.  Your  own  feelings,  sir, 
and  those  of  Congress  may  enable  you  to  judge  of  those 
of  an  old  soldier  who  finds  himself  obligated  to  mention 
facts  of  such  a  nature  as  those  I  have  been  laying  before 
you.  Congress  will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe  that,  in 
doing  justice  to  the  zeal  and  capacity  of  the  officers,  and 
the  docility  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Federal  army,  to  speak 
of  myself  is  a  task  highly  painful  and  disagreeable  to 
me." 

Congress  seemed  moved  at  last  to  take  the  matter 
up,  and  appointed  a  committee,  consisting  of  Messrs. 
Hamilton,  Clarke  and  Carroll,  to  investigate  and  report. 
It  did  not  take  the  committee  long  to  verify  each  and 
every  statement  made  by  the  Baron,  his  relinquishment 
of  substantial  benefits  in  Europe,  his  coming  to  America 
at  a  critical  period,  his  disinterested  work  in  the  army 


288     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

without  the  compensation  similar  to  those  made  to  other 
foreign  officers ;  his  establishment  of  discipline,  order  and 
economy  in  the  army  and  his  conduct  as  a  brave  and  ex- 
perienced officer,  all  of  which  entitled  him  to  the  dis- 
tinguished consideration  of  Congress  and  to  a  generous 
compensation  whenever  the  situation  of  public  affairs 
would  admit.  It  was  also  found  that  the  Baron  had  con- 
siderable arrearages  of  pay  due  him,  and  that  having 
exhausted  his  own  resources  it  was  indispensable  that  a 
sum  of  money  be  paid  him  for  his  present  support,  and 
to  enable  him  to  take  the  field  for  another  campaign.  It 
was  proposed  that  $2,400  be  paid  him  to  be  charged  to 
his  account,  and  that  he  be  allowed  $300  per  month  in 
lieu  of  extra  pay  on  account  of  traveling  expenses,  forage, 
etc.  Congress  on  December  30  adopted  these  sugges- 
tions, and  thus  the  matter  closed  for  the  present. 

Holland  recognized  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  on  March  29,  1782,  and  on  August  2  Sir  Guy 
Carelton  and  Admiral  Digby  sent  a  joint  letter  to  Wash- 
ington, informing  him  that  general  peace  negotiations 
had  been  opened  at  Paris.  Washington,  however,  re- 
laxed none  of  his  vigilance  on  that  account,  rightly  judg- 
ing that  the  surest  way  to  expedite  the  progress  of  the 
negotiations  was  to  keep  the  army  up  to  a  state  of  ef- 
ficiency as  far  as  possible.  Disintegration  or  disaster 
would  certainly  cause  the  British  ministry  to  call  a  halt 
in  the  negotiations,  which  were  in  fact  not  concluded 
until  the  following  spring.  In  September  the  northern 
army  was  strengthened  by  the  addition  of  the  French 
from  Virginia,  which  added  much  to  the  gayety  of  the 
force  as  well  as  its  strength. 

But  notwithstanding  the  evidence  that  war  was 
officially  in  progress  the  belief  was  general  that  the  end 
was  near.     Outside  the  fact  that  negotiations  were  ac- 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  289 

tually  in  progress  was  the  further  fact  that  the  British 
now  held  but  two  cities  on  the  Atlantic  coast — New  York 
and  Charleston — and  the  tenure  of  the  latter  was  very  in- 
secure. No  invasion  of  the  country  could  be  safely  at- 
tempted without  reinforcements,  which  the  ministry  were 
not  able  to  send,  however  much  they  might  desire  it. 
Besides  the  United  States  England  was  at  war  with 
France,  Spain  and  Holland,  and  there  were  plenty  spec- 
tators in  Continental  Europe  watching  for  her  downfall. 
The  conviction  had  become  general  that  the  American 
Colonies  were  lost  beyond  recovery,  and  the  only  object 
now  was  to  get  out  of  a  bad  situation  with  as  little  loss 
of  material  and  prestige  as  possible.  Peace  negotiations 
had  been  delayed  by  previous  instructions  of  Congress  to 
the  American  Commissioners  to  do  nothing  without  the 
co-operation  of  France,  and  that  nation  with  Spain  was 
not  anxious  that  America  should  have  the  great  territory 
northwest  of  the  Ohio  river.  In  fact,  a  map  of  the  coun- 
try as  proposed  by  these  two  powers  made  the  Allegheny 
mountains  the  western  boundary  of  the  United  States, 
taking  in  only  the  original  thirteen  colonies  along  the  At- 
lantic coast.  All  west  of  the  present  states  of  Georgia, 
South  Carolina,  North  Carolina  and  the  greater  part  of 
Virginia  to  the  Missisippi  and  south  of  the  Ohio 
river  was  to  be  a  neutral  zone  under  the  name  of  Indian 
Territory,  and  all  northwest  of  the  Ohio  to  the  Missis- 
sippi was  to  remain  a  part  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  to 
which  it  had  been  annexed  in  1774.  Spain  was  to  retain 
the  Floridas  and  the  Louisiana  territory.  This  delectable 
programme,  however,  received  its  quietus  by  the  state- 
ment that  George  Rogers  Clark  and  his  hardy  band  of 
Virginia  troops  had  settled  that  question  by  the  conquest 
of  the  disputed  territory  which  was  now  in  possession 
of  the  United  States,  and  there  it  would  remain.     The 


290    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

logic  of  events  was  too  strong  for  the  schemes  of  intrigu- 
ing European  diplomats,  and  the  Mississippi  and  the  great 
lakes  became  the  western  and  northern  boundary. 

It  was  natural  under  such  condition  of  affairs  that 
many  of  the  officers  should  be  taking  thought  of  the  fu- 
ture when  the  army  should  be  disbanded  and  they  were 
retired  to  civil  life.  Of  course,  so  far  as  the  French  of- 
ficers were  concerned,  they  had  their  permanent  positions 
in  the  army,  and  in  a  few  years  were  destined  to  have 
more  occupation  than  they  anticipated.  The  Americans 
were  at  home,  and  could  look  forward  either  to  political 
preferment  or  engaging  in  business  and  professional  life. 
To  Baron  Steuben  there  was  no  such  opening.  His  pro- 
fession had  been  solely  military,  and  the  chances  of  tak- 
ing up  another  pursuit  in  a  foreign  country  at  his  age 
were  not  encouraging.  He  had  cut  loose  entirely  from 
Germany,  and  it  was  not  unnatural  that  he  should  turn 
to  those  who  had  first  suggested  that  he  go  to  America 
and  furnished  the  means  to  do  so.  Hence  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  during  the  latter  part  of  1782,  when  peace 
was  clearly  in  sight,  we  find  him  writing  to  various 
French  officials  concerning  his  future  prospects.  The 
first  of  these  letters  is  to  Luzerne,  the  French  minister, 
wherein  he  recites  his  work  of  the  preceding  five  years, 
and  suggests  that  Luzerne  having  personal  knowledge  of 
the  facts,  forward  an  enclosed  letter  to  Count  Vergennes. 
The  latter  was  asked  to  authorize  Luzerne  to  state  to 
Congress  that  it  was  with  the  acquiescence  of  France  that 
the  Baron  had  come  to  America,  and  interest  himself 
in  having  his  claims  adjusted.  He  follows  this  with  two 
other  letters  sent  directly  to  Vergennes  through  Chev- 
alier De  Chattelux,  along  the  same  line,  but  with  the 
second  one  was  enclosed  a  memorial  to  the  French  Court, 


YORKTOWN  AND  AFTER  291 

in  which  he  anticipated  a  favorable  report  of  his  opera- 
tions by  Chattellux,  and  adds  these  significant  words : 

The  zeal  and  perseverance  with  which  for  a  period  of  nearly 
six  years  he  has  surmounted  every  obstacle,  the  difficulty  of 
conducting  his  operations  without  any  support,  and  almost  with- 
out means,  and  lastly  the  system  which  he  has  established,  and 
the  success  which  has  followed  it,  are  the  titles  on  which  he  pre- 
sumes to  rest  his  claims  to  the  favors  and  munificence  of  His 
Most  Christian  Majesty.  He  binds  himself  to  bring  the  work 
he  has  commenced  to  a  termination.  It  is  only  when  the  war 
shall  have  ceased,  and  the  independence  of  America  shall  have 
been  recognized  by  England,  that  he  wishes  to  finish  his  days 
in  the  dominion  of  His  Majesty.  He  hopes  to  obtain  from  the 
United  States  of  America  an  indemnity  for  the  sacrifices  he  has 
made  to  enable  him  to  enter  into  their  service.  This  sum  would 
nearly  reinstate  him  in  the  same  situation  he  was  in  previous  to 
leaving  Europe.  Whom  can  he  look  to  for  the  reward  of  such 
a  hazardous  enterprize  if  it  is  not  to  the  generosity  of  that 
prince  who  has  rewarded  the  smallest  services  renderded  in  this 
revolution?  Encouraged  by  these  examples  of  generosity  he 
presumes  to  take  the  liberty  of  asking  for  the  favors  mentioned 
in  the  following:  that  His  Mejesty  will  condescend,  after  this 
war,  to  grant  him  the  same  rank  in  his  armies  which  he  may 
then  hold  in  the  American  service.  As  his  age  will  hardly  allow 
him  to  be  actively  employed,  the  rank  which  he  asks  will  not 
cause  any  jealousy  in  the  army.  That  will  be  a  title  wished 
for  by  an  old  soldier  which  would  confer  upon  him  the  sole 
object  of  his  ambition.  That  His  Majesty  will  add  to  the  pen- 
sion which  Mr.  De  Steuben  hopes  to  obtain  from  Congress,  such 
sum  as  will  yield  him  a  life  interest  of  20.000  livres  (about 
$4,000)  per  annum,  to  enable  him  to  end  his  days  at  ease  in  the 
States  of  the  King. 

Mr.  De  Steuben  is  emboldened  to  beseech  the  Count  De 
Vergennes  to  grant  him  his  influence  for  obtaining  the  favor 
which  he  asks.  It  is  worthy  of  the  munificence  of  the  King.  It 
will  be  the  reward  of  an  old  soldier  who  has  sacrificed  all  to 
attain  so  interesting  an  object  as  the  independence  of  America. 

By  the  same  post  Steuben  sent  a  letter  to  Prince  De 
Montbarey  recalling  the  latter's  former  friendship,  and 
asking  an  expression  of  approval  from  him. 

Vergennes  did  not  reply  to  these  communications 
until  July  21  following,  acknowledging  their  receipt, 
and  concluding  with  the  following  rather  non-committal 


292     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

language:  "I  have  taken  great  interest  in  your  success. 
You  have  rendered  valuable  service  to  the  United  States, 
and  I  do  not  doubt  you  will  harvest  the  fruit  which  you 
have  the  right  to  expect.  I  have  the  honor  of  being  your 
obedient  servant.  De  VERGENNES." 

What  would  have  been  the  final  result  to  Steuben 
had  he  entered  the  French  service  it  is  idle  to  speculate. 
Before  Congress  had  settled  his  claims  France  was  in 
the  throes  of  revolution,  to  be  followed  by  the  Reign  of 
Terror  and  the  beheading  of  that  sovereign  to  whom 
Steuben  was  now  appealing,  while  the  latter  had  appro- 
priately assumed  the  duties  and  privileges  of  citizenship 
in  the  country  to  which  he  had  rendered  these  years  of 
efficient  service.. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

DISBANDING  THE  ARMY. 

Difficulties  of  the  Officers — Peace  Officially  Announced— Part- 
ing Scenes — Testimonials  to  Steuben — Plans  a  Military 
Academy — Visit  to  Frontier  Posts — Washington's  Farewell 
Letter— A  Belated  Tribute. 

Notwithstanding  the  prospect  of  peace  the  year  1783 
cannot  be  said  to  have  opened  very  encouragingly.  The 
main  army  was  in  winter  quarters  in  the  huts  the  troops 
had  built  about  Newburg.  Affairs  were  not  as  bad  as  at 
Valley  Forge  five  years  earlier,  but  they  were  bad  enough, 
and  the  months  of  inaction  gave  the  men  plenty  of  time 
to  brood  over  their  wrongs.  While  facing  the  enemy, 
whether  in  camp,  on  the  march,  or  in  battle,  their  patriot- 
ism was  proof  for  years  against  every  strain,  but  now 
that  this  tension  was  relaxed  the  feeling  that  they  were 
treated  unjustly  by  the  country  they  had  saved  bid  fair 
to  overcome  every  other  sentiment.  A  committee  was 
sent  to  Philadelphia  to  present  their  case  before  Congress, 
which,  among  other  things,  reported : 

We,  the  officers  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  in  behalf 
of  ourselves  and  our  brethren  the  soldiers,  beg  leave  freely  to 
state  to  the  supreme  power,  our  head  and  sovereign,  the  great 
distress  under  which  we  labor.  Our  embarrassments  thicken  so 
fast  that  many  of  us  are  unable  to  go  farther.  Shadows  have 
been  offered  to  us,  while  the  substance  has  been  gleaned  by 
others.  The  citizens  murmur  at  the  greatness  of  their  taxes, 
and  no  part  reaches  the  army.  We  have  borne  all  that  men  can 
bear.  Our  property  is  expended;  our  private  resources  are  at 
an  end.  We  therefore  beg  that  a  supply  of  money  may  be  for- 
warded to  the  army  as  soon  as  possible.  The  uneasiness  of  the 
soldiers  for  want  of  pay  is  great  and  dangerous,  further  experi- 
ments on  their  patience  may  have  fatal  effects.  There  is  a  bal- 
ance due  for  retained  rations,  forage,  and  arrearages  on  the 
score  of  clothing.     Whenever  there     has  been     a  real     want  of 


294     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

means,  defect  in  system  or  in  execution  we  have  invariably  been 
the  sufferers  by  hunger  and  nakedness,  and  by  languishing  in  a 
hospital.,  etc. 

The  Superintendent  of  Finance,  Robert  Morris,  in- 
formed Congress  that  not  only  was  the  treasury  empty, 
but  that  he  had  overdrawn  his  European  account  by 
$700,000.  Congress  authorized  a  further  loan,  as  noth- 
ing could  be  raised  by  taxes.  It  was  a  great  source  of 
irritation  that  the  state  legislatures  never  adjourned  with- 
out paying  themselves  in  full,  and  those  on  the  United 
States  civil  list  received  their  salaries  regularly.  Con- 
gress hesitated  to  take  radical  measures  for  fear  of  of- 
fending the  states,  when  Morris  threatened  to  resign  un- 
less something  was  done,  so  on  February  5  he  was  en- 
abled to  issue  a  warrant,  by  which  the  officers  received 
one  month's  pay  in  notes  and  the  privates  a  month's  pay 
in  installments  of  fifty  cents  each. 

On  April  21,  1778,  Congress  had  agreed  that  the 
officers  of  the  army  should  receive  a  life  pension  begin- 
ning at  the  close  of  the  war,  equal  to  one-half  their  ex- 
isting pay.  Later  this  was  altered  to  half  pay  for  seven 
years.  It  was  now  attempted  to  repudiate  this  contract, 
although  the  Articles  of  Confederation  provided  that  all 
debts  contracted  by  the  Continental  Congress  should  be 
held  valid.  Some  of  the  longer  heads  were  beginning  to 
realize  that  the  Confederation  was  a  sham,  and  unless 
strengthened  must  soon  fall  to  pieces  of  its  own  weight, 
but  that  did  not  help  the  immediate  situation.  . 

Finally,  on  March  10,  an  anonymous  circular  was 
sent  through  the  camp,  calling  a  meeting  of  officers  to 
consider  a  letter  from  Philadelphia.  It  was  an  insidious 
appeal  to  force  in  case  Congress  failed  to  accede  to  the 
demands  of  the  army.  As  soon  as  Washington  heard 
of  it  he  called  a  meeting  of  officers  on  the  15th,  ostensibly 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  295 

to  receive  the  report  of  the  committee  which  had  been 
sent  to  Philadelphia.  To  the  surprise  of  Gates  and  other 
malcontents  who  had  engineered  the  scheme  Washing- 
ton himself  was  present.  Gates  was  in  the  chair,  when 
the  commander-in-chief  arose,  and  in  a  neloquent  ad- 
dress beseeched  his  comrades  not  to  sully  their  patriotism 
which  had  been  so  sorely  tried  through  previous  years 
by  any  grievous  error  now.  He  concluded  by  saying  that 
his  utmost  endeavors  would  be  to  see  that  justice  was 
done.  The  address  had  its  effect,  and  a  resolution  was 
promptly  adopted  concurring  with  him,  and  declaring 
that  nothing  should  be  done  calculated  to  sully  the  glory 
and  reputation  acquired  at  the  price  of  their  blood  and 
eight  years'  faithful  service.  Washington  at  once  wrote 
a  strong  appeal  to  Congress,  which  again  took  up  the 
matter,  and  the  vote  of  nine  States,  necessary  under  the 
Articles,  passed  a  resolution  commuting  the  half-pay 
proposition  into  a  sum  equal  to  five  years'  whole  pay, 
and  the  matter  was  settled. 

Washington  received  on  April  17  the  proclamation 
of  Congress  officially  announcing  that  a  treaty  of  peace 
had  been  concluded  on  January  20  preceding.  This  was 
given  to  the  army  two  days  later,  just  eight  years  after 
the  battle  of  Lexington,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  descant 
on  the  joy  that  prevailed.  Many  of  the  soldiers  desired 
to  go  home  at  once,  and  Congress  authorized  Washing- 
ton to  grant  furloughs  at  discretion,  which  power  was 
exercised  liberally,  and  the  danger  of  disbanding  large 
companies  of  unpaid  troops  at  one  time  was  thus  avoided. 

Steuben,  seeing  that  nothing  was  to  be  accomplished 
for  the  present  by  remaining  in  Philadelphia,  returned 
to  Washington's  headquarter's,  on  the  Hudson,  in  March, 
and  was  immediately  called  to  active  duty  in  connection 
with  the  disbandment  of  the  army,  the  difficulties  con- 


296     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

nected  with  which  we  have  already  discussed  to  a  lim- 
ited extent.  As  Richard  Peters  wrote  to  Steuben  on 
April  23,  "Our  means  are  small  though  our  wishes  are 
favorable  and  sincere.  Our  circumstances  afford  an  odd 
contrast  to  those  we  have  heretofore  experienced.  The 
difficulty  which  heretofore  oppressed  us  was  how  to  raise 
an  army ;  the  one  which  now  embarasses  us  is  how  to  dis- 
solve it.  Everything  that  Congress  can  do  for  our  de- 
serving soldiers  will  be  done,  but  an  empty  purse  is  a  bar 
to  the  execution  of  the  best  plans." 

The  Baron's  decidedly  humorous  reply  to  this  com- 
munication is  worthy  of  reproduction,  notwithstanding 
its  length : 

This  glorious  peace  has  caused  a  great  change  in  my  way 
of  thinking.  You  know.,  my  dear  friend,  that  I  have  often  la- 
mented, like  Heraclitus,  the  follies  of  the  human  race.  But  I 
now  laugh,  like  Democritus,  particularly  at  our  extravagance.  A 
money  without  gold  or  silver,  military  schools  where  they  teach 
the  Presbyterian  catechism,  arsenals  filled  with  the  Word  of 
God,  and  even  the  hereditary  sin  of  Congress,  an  empty  purse, 
are  things  to  make  the  gloomiest  pedagogue  laugh.  But  what 
will  the  world  say  if  this  great  independent  empire,  which  has 
supported  a  war  for  eight  years  against  Great  Britain,  cannot 
support  itself  during  one  year  of  peace?  O,  Fathers  of  Areo- 
pagus, spare  the  poor  Americans  this  ridicule.  Do  not  make 
money  without  metal,  or  arsenals  without  arms.  "Has  not  this 
old  German  Baron  plenty  of  reason  to  laugh  his  own  folly?" 
You  will  say,  as  a  member  of  Congress.  "Must  he  always  amuse 
himself  at  the  expense  of  his  sovereign?"  Stop,  member  of 
Congress!  I  arn  Baron  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  conse- 
quently a  sovereign  myself.  Quite  as  poor,  but  quite  as  proud 
as  any  American  Senator,  I  retain  the  privilege  of  laughing  at 
your  folly  as  I  laugh  at  those  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  or  of 
Kings.  Will  they  believe  in  Europe,  that  after  seven  years  of 
war  this  country  is  quite  as  thickly  populated,  if  not  more  so, 
as  it  was  when  the  war  began;  that  at  this  moment  the  country 
is  quite  as  widely  cultivated,  has  as  much  merchandise  and  far 
more  coin  than  it  had  before  the  war;  that  its  commerce  is  more 
extended  than  ever,  and  its  ports  the  market  of  the  world;  that 
everybody  has  more  of  everything  than  he  needs;  that  among 
three  million  of  men  thirteen  (certainly  the  most  enlightened) 
have  been  chosen  to  govern  this  vast  empire;  and  that  this  same 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  297 

vast  empire  has  no  more  credit  than  the  smallest  village  in  the 
Canton  of  Grison?  O,  Fathers  of  the  Areopagus,  suffer  not  the 
Grisons  and  the  grizettes  to  laugh  at  us!  Go  on,  gentlemen, 
when  Providence  gives  you  wisdom.  I  shall  lose  the  greatest 
object  of  my  mirth. 

But,  gentlemen  laughers,  what  would  you  do  if  you  were 
Congress,  without  money,  without  credit,  without  authority,  and 
the  people  unwilling  to  pay  taxes?  The  case  is  certainly  a 
difficult  one.  As  a  Prussian  officer  I  shall  reply — but  that  wont 
do.  I  should  resort  to  common  sense.  I  should  beg  Common 
Sense  to  speak  to  the  people  in  its  own  language  (the  most  un- 
intelligible to  the  people);  to  explain  first  the  advantages  that 
result  from  the  independence  obtained  by  peace;  then  the  debt 
they  have  contracted  to  obtain  these  advantages;  the  necessity 
to  pay  these  debt  to  maintain  the  national  credit;  the  decline  of 
a  nation  and  of  each  individual  inhabitant  when  the  national 
credit  declines;  the  advantages  of  a  solid  confederation  to  se- 
cure the  property  of  every  citizen;  and  finally,  I  would  beg 
Common  Sense  to  show  the  people  a  bill,  as  simple  as  that  of 
the  butcher,  of  the  general  debt,  the  annual  interest,  the  division 
of  this  interest  among  the  inhabitants,  and  the  sum  required  to 
pay  it  off,  and  provide  for  the  wants  and  security  of  the  empire, 
also  divided  among  the  people.  The  people  seeing  that  this  sum 
will  be  very  small  (which  it  ought  to  be)  will  not  hesitate  to 
adopt  the  proposed  measures. 

I  think  that  a  pamphlet  written  by  Common  Sense  on  this 
subject  would  produce  a  better  effect  than  all  the  recommenda- 
tions cf  Congress  in  prose  and  verse.  "But  if  the  people  will  not 
listen  to  Common  Sense?"  In  that  case  I  should  say  to  such  a 
people,  "Go  to  the  devil  with  your  independence."  Adieu,  my 
dear  friend. 

As  already  intimated  the  suspension  of  hostilities 
having  been  announced  on  April  19,  the  manner  of  dis- 
banding the  army  was  the  first  and  foremost  question, 
as  well  as  its  peace  footing  if  any  was  to  be 
maintained.  At  Washington's  request  Steuben  on  April 
26  submitted  a  plan  at  once  efficient  and  dignified.  He 
proposed  that  every  man  before  dismissal  should  receive 
a  printed  discharge  signed  by  the  commander-in-chief, 
which  would  be  a  testimonial  of  the  recipient's  patriotism 
and  valor  and  also  legal  evidence  of  his  services  should 
any  be  needed.  Of  course  a  record  was  to  be  kept  of  all 
discharges,  and  the  troops  to  be  dismissed  in  line  begin- 


298     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

ning  with  New  Hampshire.  The  troops  were  to  be  as- 
sembled in  regiments  or  battalions,  and  after  inspection 
were  to  march  to  a  rendezvous  in  their  respective  states, 
where  they  were  to  be  finally  dismissed.  Those  who  re- 
mained to  be  formed  in  battalions  and  companies  until 
other  arrangements  were  made.  Washington  approved 
of  the  plan,  but,  as  we  have  seen,  financial  embarrass- 
ments made  it  impossible  to  carry  it  out.  In  a  subsequent 
letter  to  North  the  Baron  gives  some  details  concerning 
the  manner  in  which  the  army  was  finally  dispersed,  in 
which  he  once  more  displays  his  wit  and  sarcasm.  Among 
other  things,  he  says : 

This  disbandment  of  the  army,  for  instance.,  was  so  thor- 
oughly comic  that  you  would  have  laughed  yourself  sick  had 
you  seen  it.  I  drew  the  most  amusing  picture  of  it  for  your 
special  entertainment,  but  all  of  a  sudden  I  thought,  "The  lazy 
fellow  does  not  deserve  it,"  and  I  tore  up  the  work.  *  *  * 
Every  man  played  his  part  in  the  melancholy  scene  according 
to  his  character.  As  I  could  not  trust  my  temper,  I  shut  myself 
up  in  my  rooms  and  pleaded  illness.  Each  corps  was  disbanded 
by  separate  orders  to  the  commander  of  each  regiment,  with 
the  exception  of  the  general  order  announcing  the  resolution  of 
Congress.  Each  corps  dispersed  without  leave-taking  on  either 
side.  As  Congress  said  nothing  to  either  officers  or  soldiers, 
the  commander  in  chief  did  not  see  fit  to  say  anything,  al- 
though everyone  considered  this  an  absolute  dismissal.  I  was 
the  only  person  who  had  to  bear  the  sad  farewells  of  the  of- 
ficers and  soldiers.  They  came  to  visit  me  in  my  retreat,  and 
nearly  all  of  them  in  heart-broken  accents  began  the  conversa- 
tion by  asking  me  what  I  thought  of  the  way  they  had  been  dis- 
missed. Not  venturing  to  say  what  I  thought  I  had  nothing 
left  to  do  but  assure  them  of  my  friendship,  and  console  them 
as  well  as  I  could.  The  New  York  regiments  which  were  a 
model  of  discipline  and  order  for  the  entire  army,  were  dis- 
banded the  same  day.  The  officers  did  me  the  honor  to  present 
me  an  address,  of  which  I  enclose  you  a  copy.  As  they  only 
addressed  the  Governor  and  myself,  how  do  you  think  the  pro- 
ceedings will  be  regarded?  However  that  may  be,  I  feel  infin- 
itely flattered,  and  their  kindly  sentiments  towards  me  will  be 
the  consolation  of  my  old  days. 

What  a  contrast  does  all  this  present  to  the  grand 
review  in  Washington  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  and 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  299 

how  the  Baron  would  have  delighted  in  such  a  pageant 
as  the  latter,  even  though  on  a  much  smaller  scale! 

Concerning  the  peace  establishment  Steuben  had  al- 
ready furnished  a  simple  plan  to  Washington,  suggesting 
that  the  troops  retained  be  entirely  Continental  as  distinct 
from  the  militia,  thus  planting  the  germ  of  what  has  since 
become  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States  in  which 
state  distinctions  are  entirely  ignored.  The  pay  was  to 
be  less  than  in  actual  war,  and  disbursed  weekly.  Money 
was  to  be  given  in  lieu  of  rations,  and  the  Baron  sug- 
gested the  need  of  a  regular  force  for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier,  that  the  militia  be  on  the  regular  establish- 
ment (a  plan  which  is  now  after  more  than  a  hundred 
years  being  carried  out)  and  that  the  establishment  of 
military  schools  and  manufactories  would  be  the  best 
means  of  providing  for  security  in  the  future. 

At  this  time,  at  the  special  request  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  General  Benjamin  Lincoln,  Steuben  presented 
detailed  plans  for  a  military  academy  which  afterwards 
developed  into  the  West  Point  establishment.  They 
were  modeled  on  the  Prussian  cadet  plan,  with  a  director 
general  at  the  head  and  inferior  officers  to  be  appointed 
by  Congress.  The  foundation  was  to  consist  of  120 
young  men  over  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  eighty  of 
whom  should  be  destined  for  infantry  officers,  twenty  for 
cavalry,  and  twenty  for  engineers  and  artillery.  Each 
cadet  was  to  pay  $300  per  year  for  board,  clothing  and  in- 
struction, all  of  which  is  now  allowed  by  the  Government, 
and  if  any  cadet  left  before  the  expiration  of  his  three 
years'  term,  he  was  not  to  be  given  a  certificate.  There 
was  to  be  a  general  education  by  five  professors  with 
other  instructors  along  special  lines.  No  person  was  to 
be  employed  as  an    officer  in    the    army  unless  he  had 


300     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

served  as  such  during  the  Revolution  or  had  a  certificate 
from  the  director  general  as  to  his  capacity. 

Connected  with  this  school  was  to  be  a  manufactory 
with  six  hundred  employees,  who  were  to  make  every- 
thing necessary  for  the  use  of  the  army.  It  was  figured 
out  that  the  cost  of  operating  both  of  these  establishments 
would  be  $142,636  per  year.  The  manufactured  articles 
would  be  worth  $95,950,  and  the  tuition  from  students 
would  be  $36,000,  leaving  a  balance  of  $10,686  to  be 
made  up,  a  very  modest  estimate.  The  director  general 
was  to  receive  a  salary  of  $2,832,  and  each  assistant 
$1,488,  a  total  of  $8,784;  the  five  professors,  $6,721;  five 
masters  of  arts  and  tutors,  $3,264;  and  hospital  depart- 
ment, $4,212.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  add  that  at  pres- 
ent the  maximum  number  of  cadets  allowed  at  the  West 
Point  academy  is  533,  and  each  is  allowed  $500  per  an- 
num and  one  ration  per  diem  or  commutation  thereof  at 
the  rate  of  thirty  cents  each.  Within  the  last  ten  years 
Congress  has  appropriated  about  $8,000,000  for  the  re- 
construction of  the  academy,  placing  it  among  the  first 
military  schools  of  the  world,  but  after  all  it  is  only  an 
enlargement  of  Steuben's  plan  with  changes  to  meet 
modern  conditions.  The  manufacture  of  military  sup- 
plies proposed  by  the  Baron  is  carried  on  elsewhere,  al- 
though there  is  a  machine  department  at  the  academy  for 
repairs  and  local  needs. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  an  address  pre- 
sented to  Steuben  by  the  officers  of  the  two  New  York 
regiments.  This  address  was  offered  on  June  9,  before 
the  departure  of  the  men  for  their  homes,  and  reads  as 
follows : 

The  objects  for  which  we  took  upon  us  the  profession  of 
arms  being  accomplished,  we  are  now  about  to  retire  from  the 
field,  and  return  to  the  class  of  private  citizens.    But  before  we 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  301 

separate  forever,  permit  us,  the  officers  of  the  two  New  York 
regiments,  to  express  our  feelings  toward  you  on  this  occasion. 
The  essential  and  distinguished  services  you  have  rendered  this 
country  must  inspire  the  breast  of  every  citizen  of  America 
with  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  esteem.  _  But  we,  sir,  feel  sen- 
timents of  another  nature.  Your  unremitted  exertions  on  all 
occasions  to  alleviate  the  distress  of  the  army,  and  the  manner 
in  which  you  have  shared  them  with  us.  have  given  you  more 
than  a  common  title  to  the  character  of  our  friend — as  our  mili- 
tary parent  we  have  long  considered  you.  Ignorant  as  we  were 
of  the  profession  we  had  undertaken,  it  is  to  your  abilities  and 
unwearied  assiduity  we  are  indebted  for  that  military  reputation 
we  finally  attained.  We  therefore  feel  ourselves  bound  to  you 
by  the  strongest  ties  of  affection,  and  we  now  take  leave  of  you 
with  that  regret  which  such  sentiments  must  occasion.  Wish- 
ing you  long  to  enjoy  in  health  and  happiness  those  rewards 
which  your  services  have  merited,  and  which  a  grateful  people 
cannot  fail  to  bestow,  we  have  the  honor  to  remain,  Yours  &c. 

The  terms  of  peace  establishing  our  northern  bound- 
ary having  been  received  Washington  appointed  General 
Steuben  a  special  commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  to  proceed  to  Canada  and  claim  from  General  Hal- 
dimand,  Governor  of  that  province,  the  surrender  of  cer- 
tain frontier  posts  whose  locations  were  within  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States  according  to  the  boundary  line 
upon  which  both  countries  had  agreed.  Detailed  instruc- 
tions were  issued  to  the  Baron  on  July  12,  which,  after 
outlining  the  course  of  his  journey,  directed  him,  in  case 
the  Governor  refused  to  surrender  the  posts  at  once,  to 
ascertain  what  date  should  be  fixed  for  their  evacuation 
in  order  that  they  might  be  occupied  by  American  troops 
without  delay.  He  was  also  to  arrange  for  the  exchange 
of  artillery  and  other  stores.  This  being  accomplished 
he  was  to  visit  at  his  discretion  the  several  posts  and  fort- 
resses on  the  frontier  as  far  as  Detroit,  view  their  situa- 
tion, strength  and  circumstances,  and  forming  a  judg- 
ment of  their  relative  position  and  probable  advantages 
the  same  were  to  be  reported  to  Washington.  In  passing 
Lake  Champlain  he  was  to  critically  observe  its  width 


302     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

at  the  northern  extremity  and  the  nature  of  the  ground 
adjoining,  with  a  view  to  determine  whether  there  was 
any  spot  south  of  the  45th  degree  of  north  latitude  on 
which  it  would  be  convenient,  should  Congress  judge  it 
expedient,  to  erect  fortifications  which  would  command 
the  entrance  from  Canada  into  that  lake.  To  the  French 
settlers  at  Detroit  he  was  to  intimate  the  good  disposition 
of  Congress  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  for 
their  welfare  and  protection,  expressing  at  the  same  time 
our  expectation  of  finding  the  like  disposition  in  them 
towards  us  and  the  post  proposed  to  be  established 
there,  or  any  other  settlement  which  might  be  formed 
in  their  neighborhood  by  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
It  was  suggested  that  as  the  advanced  season  or  some 
other  obstacle  might  prevent  the  arrival  of  the  American 
troops  before  the  withdrawal  of  the  British  garrison  the 
inhabitants  might  provide  a  company  of  militia  to  be  paid 
by  the  United  States,  to  take  charge  of  the  works,  and 
also  to  learn  upon  what  terms  the  farmers  or  merchants 
of  Detroit  would  supply  the  American  garrison  with  pro- 
visions. At  this  time  Washington  himself  made  a  trip  to 
northwestern  New  York  and  along  the  Susquehanna  to 
facilitate  the  operation  of  changing  the  occupants  of  the 
posts. 

As  soon  as  possible  Steuben  left  for  Canada,  and 
arrived  at  Chamblee  on  the  Sorel  river  about  twenty 
miles  southeast  of  Montreal  on  August  2.  From  here  he 
sent  Major  North  to  General  Haldimand  to  announce  his 
arrival,  and  by  arrangement  they  met  at  Sorel  about  forty- 
five  miles  below  Montreal  on  the  St.  Lawrence  river  on 
the  8th.  What  happened  there  we  will  let  Steuben  tell  in 
his  own  words : 

"To  the  first  proposition  which  I  had  in  charge  to 
make,  General  Haldimand  replied  that  he  had  not  received 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  303 

any  orders  for  making  the  least  arrangement  for  the 
evacuation  of  a  single  post;  that  he  had  only  received 
orders  to  cease  hostilities ;  those  he  had  strictly  complied 
with,  not  only  by  restraining  the  British  troops,  but  also 
the  savages,  from  committing  the  least  hostile  act;  but 
that,  until  he  should  receive  positive  orders  for  that  pur- 
pose, he  would  not  evacuate  an  inch  of  ground.  I  in- 
formed him  that  I  was  not  instructed  to  insist  on  an  im- 
mediate evacuation  of  the  posts  in  question,  but  that  I 
was  ordered  to  demand  a  safe  conduct  to  and  a  liberty  of 
visiting  the  posts  on  our  frontiers  and  now  occupied  by 
the  British,  that  I  might  judge  of  the  arrangements  nec- 
essary to  be  made  for  securing  the  interests  of  the  United 
States.  To  this  he  answered  that  the  precaution  was 
premature,  that  the  peace  was  not  yet  signed  [this  was 
not  correct] ,  that  he  was  only  authorized  to  cease  hostili- 
ties, and  that,  in  this  point  of  view,  he  could  not  permit 
that  I  should  visit  a  single  post  occupied  by  the  British. 
Neither  would  he  agree  that  any  kind  of  negotiation 
should  take  place  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Indians,  if  in  his  power  to  prevent  it,  and  that  the 
door  of  communication  should,  on  his  part,  be  shut  until 
he  received  positive  orders  from  his  court  to  open  it.  My 
last  proposal  was  that  he  should  enter  into  an  agreement 
to  advise  Congress  of  the  evacuation  of  the  posts  three 
months  previous  to  their  abandonment.  This,  for  the 
reason  before  mentioned  he  refused,  declaring  that  until 
the  definite  treaty  should  be  signed  he  would  not  enter 
into  any  kind  of  agreement  or  negotiation  whatever. " 

Although  wrong  in  his  assertion  that  the  treaty  of 
peace  had  not  been  signed  yet  General  Haldimand  was  no 
doubt  technically  correct  in  his  decision.  Whatever 
might  be  the  terms  of  the  treaty  he  was  subject  to  the 
orders  of  his  government,  and  could  not  withdraw  or 


304    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

make  any  arrangements  in  that  direction  until  instructed 
to  do  so.  In  fact  the  posts  in  the  northwest  remained  a 
thorn  in  the  side  of  the  American  government  for  thir- 
teen years.  Under  the  claim  that  the  Americans  did  not 
live  up  to  the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  especially  in  regard 
to  those  who  had  remained  loyal  to  the  British  govern- 
ment, the  latter  continued  to  hold  Detroit,  Mackinac  and 
other  points  until  1796,  when  they  were  evacuated  in 
pursuance  of  the  Jay  treaty  which  was  negotiated  in  1794. 

As  no  arrangement  could  be  made  in  regard  to  the 
forts  Steuben  returned  to  the  States,  and  halted  at  Sara- 
toga on  August  21,  to  recruit  his  health,  which  had 
again  become  poor.  Having  shortly  recovered  he  re- 
sumed his  routine  duties,  the  army  being  still  in  process 
of  disbandment,  and  by  instructions  from  Washington 
proceeded  to  Philadelphia  where  he  dissolved  the  exist- 
ing posts,  looked  after  invalid  soldiers  and  finished  up 
the  business  of  the  military  hospitals. 

General  Lincoln  having  at  this  time  resigned  the  of- 
fice of  Secretary  of  War,  there  was  a  strong 
feeling  that  Steuben  was  not  only  his  logical 
successor,  but  by  far  the  most  capable  man  for 
the  place.  He  had  an  opponent,  however,  in  the 
person  of  General  Henry  Knox,  whose  name  stood  high 
in  Revolutionary  annals.  Instead  of  deciding  the  case, 
however,  on  its  merits  the  objection  was  made  that  Steu- 
ben was  a  foreigner.  This  was  certainly  puerile  in  view 
of  services  during  the  past  six  years,  and  in  one  sense  at 
least  was  baseless,  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  March 
1783,  had  by  special  act  of  the  Legislature  made  him  a 
citizen  of  that  commonwealth.  Perhaps  they  wanted  to 
give  the  office  to  Knox  anyway,  at  all  events  he  was  chos- 
en. Steuben  did  not  appreciate  this  action,  and  expressed 
himself  in  the  following  characteristic  manner : 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  305 

The  man  who  had  abandoned  all  his  appointments  and  the 
brightest  prospects  in  Europe,  to  devote  his  services  to  the 
United  States,  who  had  served  them  with  zeal  and  fidelity  dur- 
ing a  war  of  seven  years  as  critical  as  trying;  the  man  who  had 
got  possessions  in  Virginia.  Pennsylvania.  New  York  and  New 
Jersey — with  what  effrontery  could  he  be  called  a  foreigner! 
As  to  the  importance  of  this  ministerial  office,  the  man  who 
organized  the  whole  American  army  in  the  midst  of  the  war; 
the  man  who  solely  had  established  and  put  in  execution  the 
principles  of  strict  military  rules;  this  man  cannot  be  intrusted 
with  the  administration  of  a  corps  of  four  hundred  men  in  time 
of  peace!  What  fine  reasoning!  But,  in  fact,  Mr.  Knox  had 
engaged  the  delegates  of  Massachusetts  to  secure  to  him  this 
place  His  own  State  could  not  provide  him  with  a  post  worthy 
of  his  ambition,  and  therefore  the  Confederacy  had  to  give  him 
a  suitable  appointment.  Without  disputing  his  knowledge  in 
the  use  of  artillery,  I  dare  assert  that  on  my  arrival  at  the 
army,  it  had  no  idea  of  maneuvering  with  a  single  field  piece, 
and  that  I  was  the  first  who  taught  them  to  make  use  of  their 
cannon  in  the  attack  and  retreat. 

Although  there  had  been  a  general  exodus  from  New 
York  during  the  late  summer  and  early  autumn  of  1783, 
chiefly  of  British  loyalists,  the  formal  evacuation  of  that 
city  did  not  take  place  unti  November  25,  and  on  that  day 
General  Washington  took  possession  accompanied  by  his 
staff  including  Baron  Steuben  who  had  lately  returned 
from  Philadelphia.  Thus  the  Baron  was  a  central  figure 
both  at  Yorktown  which  was  the  end  of  the  effort  to 
coerce  the  colonies  by  military  force,  and  the  last  act  of 
the  drama  when  the  departure  of  the  soldiery  from  the 
metropolis  gave  visible  assurance  that  the  independence 
of  the  country  was  recognized  in  the  most  tangible  and 
striking  manner. 

Festivities  and  fetes  were  the  order  of  the  day,  in  all 
of  which  Steuben  took  an  active  part,  but  a  solemn  if  not 
sad  separation  was  soon  to  take  place.  On  December  4 
Washington  left  for  Annapolis,  Md.  where  Congress  was 
in  session,  to  resign  his  commission,  and  while  a  barge 
was  waiting  to  convey  him  across  the  Hudson  to  Paulus 


306     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Hook,  he  took  leave  of  his  staff  and  principal  army  of- 
ficers at  France's  tavern  near  the  ferry.  Filling  a  wine 
glass  he  turned  to  them  saying,  "With  a  heart  full  of  love 
and  gratitude  I  now  take  leave  of  you,  most  devoutly 
wishing  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and 
happy  as  your  former  ones  have  been  glorious  and  honor- 
able." The  toast  was  drunk,  and  each  one  at  his  request 
took  the  General  by  the  hand,  and  then  accompanied  him 
to  the  barge  which,  with  waving  of  hands,  they  watched 
until  it  disappeared  from  sight,  when  they  returned  in 
solemn  silence  to  the  tavern  and  quietly  dispersed. 

Washington  stopped  in  Philadelphia  to  adjust  his 
expense  account  with  the  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  he  never  asked  or  received 
any  salary  for  his  services  during  the  Revolution,  but  only 
his  actual  expense  and  not  all  of  that.  On  his  arrival 
at  Annapolis  arrangements  were  made  with  the  President 
of  Congress  to  tender  his  resignation  at  noon  on 
December  23.  There,  in  the  presence  of  the 
chief  dignitaries  of  the  country  and  of  all  the 
spectators  who  could  crowd  into  the  little  hall,  the 
greatest  man  of  this  or  any  other  age  with  a  few  well 
chosen  words  retired  from  the  post  he  had  so  ably  and 
patriotically  filled.  That  little  hall  has  become  a  shrine, 
and  when  a  few  years  ago  the  state  of  Maryland  decided 
to  erect  a  new  capitol  building  it  was  placed  immediately 
in  the  rear  of  the  old  structure,  which  was  left  intact  and 
served  as  a  vestibule  to  the  new  structure,  so  that  all  who 
entered  the  latter  should  pass  through  this  historic  apart- 
ment with  its  lessons  of  patriotism  and  self-sacrifice. 

One  thing  Washington  did,  however,  in  the  closing 
hours  of  his  official  life  which  is  worthy  of  special  rec- 
ord as  being  his  last  act  as  General  of  the  army.  Not- 
withstanding the  details  which  must  have  crowded  upon 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  307 

him  on  that  eventful  morning  he  found  time  to  sit  down 
and  write  the  following  to  his  faithful  Co-adjutor 
Baron  Steuben : 

Annapolis,  December  23,  1783. 
MY  DEAR  BARON: 

Although  I  have  taken  frequent  opportunities  both  in  pub- 
lic and  in  private  of  acknowledging  your  great  zeal,  attention 
and  abilities  in  performing  the  duties  of  your  office,  yet  I  wish 
to  make  use  of  this  my  last  moment  of  my  public  life  to  signify 
in  the  strongest  terms  my  entire  approbation  of  your  conduct 
and  to  express  my  sense  of  the  obligations  the  public  is  under 
to  you  for  your  faithful  and  meritorious  services.  I  beg  you 
will  be  convinced,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  should  rejoice  if  it  could 
ever  be  in  my  power  to  serve  you  more  essentially  than  by  ex- 
pressions of  regard  and  affection;  but  in  the  meantime  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  not  be  displeased  with  this  farewell  token 
of  my  sincere  friendship  and  esteem  for  you.  This  is  the  last 
letter  I  shall  write  while  I  continue  in  the  service  of  my  coun- 
try. The  hour  of  my  resignation  is  fixed  at  twelve  today,  after 
which  I  shall  become  a  private  citizen  on  the  banks  of  the  Po- 
tomac, where  I  shall  be  glad  to  embrace  you,  and  testify  to  the 
great  esteem  and  consideration  with  which  I  am,  my  dear 
Baron,  &c. 

To  this  letter  Steuben  gratefully  replied : 

The  letter  of  the  23d  of  December  which  I  have  had  the 
honor  of  receiving  from  your  Excellency,  is  the  most  honorable 
testimony  which  my  serving  could  have  received.  My  first  wish 
was  to  approve  myself  to  your  Excellency,  and  in  having  ob- 
tained your  esteem  my  happiness  was  complete.  The  confidence 
your  Excellency  was  pleased  to  place  in  my  integrity  and  abili- 
ties gained  me  that  of  the  army  of  the  United  States.  Your 
approbation  will  secure  it.  A  stranger  to  the  language  and  cus- 
toms of  the  country,  I  had  nothing  to  offer  in  my  favor  but  a 
little  experience  and  a  great  good  will  to  serve  the  United 
States.  If  my  endeavors  have  succeeded  I  owe  it  to  your  Ex- 
cellency's protection,  and  it  is  a  sufficient  reward  for  me  to 
know  that  I  have  been  useful  in  your  Excellency's  operations, 
which  always  tended  to  the  good  of  our  country.  After  having 
studied  the  principles  of  the  military  art  under  Frederick  the 
Great,  and  put  them  in  practice  under  Washington,  after  having 
deposited  my  sword  under  the  same  trophies  of  victory  with 
you,  and  finally  after  having  received  this  last  public  testimony 
of  your  esteem,  there  remains  nothing  for  me  to  desire. 

Accept  my  sincere  thanks,  my  dear  General,  for  the  unequi- 
vocal proofs  of  your  friendship  which  I  have  received  since  I 


308     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

first  had  the  honor  to  be  under  your  orders,  and  believe  that  I 
join  my  prayers  to  those  of  America  for  the  preservation  of 
your  life  and  for  the  increase  of  your  felicity. 

On  March  24,  1784,  Steuben,  now  a  resident  of  New 
York  City,  presented  his  resignation  to  Congress,  and 
once  more  asked  for  a  settlement  of  his  accounts.  The 
resignation  was  accepted  on  April  15  following,  at  which 
time  Congress  promised  to  take  up  the  matter  of  settle- 
ment, and  resolved,  "That  the  thanks  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled  be  given  to  Baron  Steuben 
for  the  great  zeal  and  abilities  he  has  displayed  in  the 
discharge  of  the  several  duties  of  his  office;  that  a  gold 
hilted  sword  be  presented  to  him  as  a  mark  of  the  high 
sense  Congress  entertain  of  his  character  and  services; 
and  that  the  superintendent  of  finance  take  order  for 
procuring  the  same.,, 

For  some  reason  the  completion  of  the  sword  was 
delayed  nearly  three  years,  and  it  was  not  until  January 
4,  1787,  that  General  Knox  forwarded  the  testimonial  to 
the  Baron  with  a  letter  stating  the  action  of  Congress  and 
his  own  satisfaction  he  had  "of  presenting  you  with  the 
invaluable  memorial  of  their  sentiments  and  your  emi- 
nent merits.  Were  it  possible  to  enhance  the  honor  con- 
ferred by  the  sovereign  authorities  it  would  be  derived 
from  the  consideration  that  their  applause  was  recipro- 
cated by  the  late  illustrious  commander  in  chief  and  the 
whole  army." 

To  a  soldier  a  sword  as  a  testimonial  for  services 
rendered  is  always  a  gratifying  gift,  even  though  the  re- 
cipient may  never  expect  to  use  it  in  active  service.  But 
when  the  aforesaid  recipient  is  straitened  for  the  necessi- 
ties of  life  through  the  neglect  to  provide  compensation 
justly  due,  it  is  a  little  like  offering  a  stone  in  place  of 
bread.     Steuben,  however,  replied,  politely  acknowledge 


'mm 


if  '     r     * 


WASHINGTON   MEMORIAL   CHAPEL,    VALLEY   FORGE. 
Cloister  of  the  Colonies.     Chapel.     Porch  of  the  Allies  with   Steuhen   Bay.      Hall  and  Library. 


FORT    STEUBEN— FROM    THE    RIVER. 


DISBANDING  THE  ARMY  309 

ing  the  receipt  of  the  sword  as  a  mark  of  their  regard, 
and  adding,  "To  a  soldier  such  sentiments  are  ever  dear, 
and  that  this  is  accompanied  with  the  approbation  of  our 
late  commander  in  chief,  of  yourself  and  the  army  in 
general  will  always  be  my  greatest  glory.  Accept,  sir, 
my  sincere  thanks  for  the  very  flattering  manner  in  wihch 
you  have  communicated  this  present  &c." 

The  following  description  of  the  sword,  from  the 
New  York  Advertiser  of  January  11,  1787,  will  be  of  in- 
terest : 

It  was  made  in  London  under  the  direction  of  Colonel 
Smith,  and  executed  by  the  first  workmen  in  that  kingdom.  The 
small  medallions  on  each  side  of  the  top  of  the  hilt  present  an 
eagle  perched  on  a  bunch  of  arrows,  with  a  wreath  of  laurel  in 
her  bill,  and  wings  extended  ready  to  rise.  The  modest  genius 
of  America  fills  the  front  medallion  on  the  hilt,  dressed  in  a 
flaring  robe,  ornamented  with  the  new  constellation,  holding 
an  olive  branch  in  her  right  arm  and  a  dagger  in  her  left  hand, 
and  the  fair  field  of  liberty  flourishing  in  the  background.  It 
is  answered  on  the  opposite  side  with  the  full  figure  of  Minerva 
in  martial  dress,  robed  and  ornamented  with  the  same  stars; 
the  bird  of  wisdom  is  seated  near;  her  left  hand  being  extended 
presents  the  olive  branch,  while  the  right  is  properly  supported 
by  the  spear.  This  figure  is  martial  and  gay — the  other  is  mild 
and  modestly  embraces  the  olive  branch,  but  holds  the  dagger 
with  firmness.  The  bow  of  the  hilt  presents  drums,  colors,  hal- 
berts,  &c.  The  sword  and  Blue  Book,  the  Baron's  excellent 
regulations  for  our  army,  fill  the  the  two  lower  ones.  Two 
eagles,  seated  on  knots  of  colors,  surrounded  with  stars  and 
holding  a  sprig  of  an  olive  branch  in  the  bill,  with  extended 
wings,  are  emblems  of  protection,  under  the  sword  and  Blue 
Book  (which  our  country  cannot  too  strictly  attend  to).  The 
two  opposite  medallions  are  filled  with  trophies  of  war,  and  the 
following  inscription  modestly  placed  out  of  view  under  the 
shield:  "The  United  States  to  Major  General  Baron  Steuben. 
15th  April,  1784,  for  military  merit.'' 

At  the  Baron's  death  this  sword  was  left  by  devise 
to  Benjamin  Walker. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI. 

Organized  by  Baron  Steuben — A  Storm  of  Opposition — Present- 
ing Claims  to  Congress — A  Wearisome  Task — Adoption  of 
the  New  Constitution — Tardy  Justice. 

In  order  to  give  a  connected  history  of  the  different 
events  connected  with  the  closing  year  of  the  Revolu- 
tion and  Steuben's  part  therein  one  important  episode  in 
his  life  has  been  omitted,  namely,  his  founding  of  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  We  use  the  term,  "founding" 
advisedly,  for  although  both  Irving  and  Fiske  give  credit 
to  Knox  for  the  first  suggestion  of  the  society  it  is  clear 
from  Knox's  own  statements  hereinafter  produced  that 
Steuben,  if  he  did  not  originate  the  idea,  was  the  main- 
spring of  the  organization,  both  in  its  incipiency  and  aft- 
erwards when  it  was  so  bitterly  assailed.  During  the 
early  part  of  1783  the  Amercan  officers  began  to  realize 
that  the  period  of  their  close  association  had  nearly  ter- 
minated and  that  the  day  of  separation  was  not  far  dis- 
tant. In  addition  to  the  feeling  naturally  engendered  by 
the  prospect  that  their  ties  of  friendship  must  soon  be 
broken,  with  gloomy  prospects  ahead,  at  least  for  many 
of  them,  a  sentiment  grew  up  in  favor  of  a  permanent 
organization  which  should  keep  alive  the  feeling  of 
brotherhood,  as  well  as  affording  mutual  help  and  con- 
sideration. Accordingly  on  the  10th  of  May  there  was  a 
gathering  of  the  officers  who  were  with  the  army  on  the 
Hudson  to  discuss  this  matter,  at  which  General  Steuben 
presided,  he  being  the  senior  officer  present.  At  this 
meeting  Generals  Knox  and  Hand  and  Captain  Shaw 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  plan  for  a  so- 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  311 

ciety  such  as  had  been  indicated.  Knox  seems  to  have 
had  a  rough  draft  of  such  a  plan  in  his  possession  as  early 
as  April  15,  and  it  was  doubtless  from  this  that  the  com- 
mittee worked.  A  report  was  made  at  a  subsequent  meet- 
ing held  on  May  13,  1783  at  General  Steuben's  headquar- 
ters at  Verplanck's  house  which  was  unanimously 
adopted.     The  preamble  to  the  constitution  recites  that 

"It  having  pleased  the  Supreme  Governor  of  the  uni- 
verse in  the  disposition  of  human  affairs  to  cause  the  sep- 
aration of  the  Colonies  of  North  America  from  the  do- 
minion of  Great  Britain  and  after  a  bloody  conflict  of 
eight  years  to  establish  them  free,  independent  and  sover- 
eign States,  cemented  by  alliances  founded  on  reciprocal 
advantages  with  some  of  the  greatest  princes  and  pow- 
ers of  the  earth ; 

"To  perpetuate,  therefore,  as  well  the  remembrance 
of  this  vast  event  as  well  as  the  mutual  friend- 
ships which  have  been  formed  under  the  pres- 
sure of  common  danger,  and  in  many  instances 
cemented  by  the  blood  of  the  parties,  the  officers 
of  the  American  army  do  hereby,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  associate,  constitute  and  combine  them- 
selves into  one  society  of  friends,  to  endure  so  long  as 
they  shall  endure,  or  any  of  their  eldest  male  posterity, 
and  in  failure  thereof,  the  collateral  branches,  who  may 
be  judged  worthy  of  becoming  its  supporters  and  mem- 
bers. 

"The  officers  of  the  American  army  having  general- 
ly been  taken  from  the  citizens  of  America,  possess  high 
veneration  for  the  character  of  that  illustrious  Roman, 
Lucius  Quintius  Cincinnatus,  and  being  resolved  to  follow 
his  example  by  returning  to  their  citizenship,  they  think 
they  may,  with  propriety,  denominate  themselves  'The 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati. ' 


312     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

"The  following  principles  shall  be  immutable,  and 
form  the  basis  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.' 

"An  incessant  attention  to  preserve  inviolate  those 
exalted  rights  and  liberties  of  human  nature  for  which 
they  have  fought  and  bled,  and  without  which  the  high 
rank  of  a  rational  being  is  a  curse  instead  of  a  blessing. 
An  unalterable  determination  to  promote  and  cherish  be- 
tween the  respective  States  that  union  and  national  honor 
so  essentially  necessary  to  their  happiness  and  the  future 
dignity  of  the  American  empire.  To  render  permanent 
the  cordial  affection  existing  among  the  officers;  this 
spirit  will  dictate  brotherly  kindness  in  all  things,  and 
particularly  extend  to  the  most  substantial  acts  of  bene- 
ficence, according  to  the  ability  of  the  society  towards 
those  officials  and  their  families  who,  unfortunately,  may 
be  under  the  necessity  of  receiving  it." 

Provision  was  made  for  the  usual  officers,  the  as- 
sociation to  be  divided  into  State  societies  with  a  tri- 
ennial delegate  meeting  representing  the  whole  body. 
Besides  the  American  officers  and  their  eldest  male  rep- 
resentatives French  officers  of  the  rank  of  Colonel  who 
had  served  in  the  Revolution  were  also  eligible.  A  fund 
was  formed  by  the  contribution  of  one  month's  pay  to 
aid  such  as  were  or  should  become  destitute. 

The  emblem  of  the  Order  was  a  bald  eagle  made  of 
gold,  attached  to  a  blue  and  white  ribbon  emblematic  of 
the  united  efforts  of  America  and  France  in  the  war. 
The  eagle  held  in  its  talons  golden  olive  branches  with 
leaves  in  green  enamel  which  are  continued  around  the 
bird,  forming  a  wreath  above  its  head  to  which  is  at- 
tached the  clasp.  An  oval  medallion  on  the  breast  of  the 
eagle  represents  Cincinnatus  accepting  a  sword  from 
three  Roman  Senators  with  appropriate  surroundings, 
while  around  the  oval  are  the  words,  "Omnia  Reliquit 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  313 

Servare  Rempublicam  (He  left  all  things  to  serve  the 
Commonwealth).  In  the  background  his  wife  stands  at 
the  door  of  their  cottage,  with  the  plow  and  other  agri- 
cultural implements  close  by.  On  the  reverse  side  of  the 
emblem  Fame  is  represented  as  crowning  Cincinnatus 
with  a  wreath  inscribed,  "Virtutis  Praenuwm"  (The 
Reward  of  Virtue).  In  the  background  is  a  maritime  city 
with  its  gates  opened,  and  vessels  entering  the  harbor. 
Below  this  are  clasped  hands  supporting  a  heart  inscribed, 
"Esto  Perpetaa"  (Be  thou  Forever). 

Generals  Heath,  Steuben  and  Knox  were  appointed 
a  committee  at  the  above  meeting  to  call  on  Washington 
with  a  copy  of  the  constitution  and  request  him  to  head 
the  membership  list.  The  General,  heartily  approving 
the  objects  of  the  Society,  acceded  to  the  request,  and  be- 
came the  association's  first  president  with  Knox  as  sec- 
retary and  General  McDougall,  treasurer. 

Four  days  later  Steuben  wrote  to  Luzerne,  the 
French  minister,  acquainting  him  with  the  organization 
of  the  association,  "Which  is  founded  on  principles  of 
patriotism  and  gratitude,  is  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of 
an  epoch  so  glorious  to  America  as  the  present,  and  the 
effectual  assistance  this  country  has  received  from  her 
generous  ally." 

The  society  met  with  instantaneous  favor  in  France, 
those  entitled  to  do  so  considered  themselves  honored  in 
wearing  its  badge,  and  the  King  issued  an  order  relaxing 
in  its  favor  the  rule  which  prevented  army  officers  from 
wearing  foreign  decorations.  Major  De  1' Enfant  wrote 
to  Washington  that  it  was  more  in  demand  than  the  or- 
der of  St.  Louis,  and  applications  for  it  were  made  daily. 
Count  Rochambeau,  D'  Estaing,  De  Grasse,  Lafayette, 
and  all  who  had  served  in  the  American  wrar  vied  with 
each  other  in  their  interest  in  the  institution  which  they 


314    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

considered  as  a  monument  erected  to  republican  virtues 
as  the  fundamental  basis  of  a  cordial  union  between  the 
different  States,  and  as  a  new  tie  which  assured  the  dura- 
tion of  that  reciprocal  friendship  which  France  had  de- 
voted to  America,  could  not  be  looked  upon  in  too  advan- 
tageous a  light. 

But  while  this  hearty  reception  was  given  to  the  so- 
ciety in  France  a  storm  was  brewing  in  America.  The 
reader  has  probably  not  discovered  any  hidden  menace 
to  the  liberties  of  America  in  either  the  constitution  of 
the  society  or  its  personnel,  any  more  than  was  found  in 
later  years  in  the  Loyal  Legion,  an  organization  of  offi- 
cers formed  after  the  Civil  War,  or  in  the  larger  society 
of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.  So  far  as  these  or- 
ganizations have  had  any  influenqe  on  public  affairs  it  has 
been  in  favor  of  patriotism  and  good  government.  But 
in  1783-4  people  were  sensitive.  It  had  begun  to  be  ap- 
parent that  Articles  of  Confederation  were  an  unwork- 
able proposition,  and  that  a  stronger  form  of  government 
must  be  provided  or  the  country  would  drift  into  anarchy. 
Practically  the  only  successful  governments  in  existence 
at  that  time  were  monarchies  in  which  there  was  a  here- 
ditary nobility.  Probably  not  a  single  member  of  the 
Cincinnati  had  the  slightest  idea  of  anything  of  the  kind, 
in  fact  their  constitution  was  drectly  contrary  to  such  a 
proposition.  But  as  a  little  spark  is  sometimes  sufficient 
to  kindle  a  great  fire  so  the  idea  of  hereditary  succession 
was  caught  up  by  many  as  fraught  with  danger  to  the 
new  republic.  A  bitter  pamphlet  was  written  by  Judge 
Aedamus  Burke,  of  South  Carolina,  charging  in  its  title 
that  the  society,  "creates  a  race  of  hereditary  Patricians  or 
Nobility."  This  pamphlet  was  translated  into  French 
by  Mirabeau  with  additions  of  his  own,  in  which  he  as 
well  as  Burke  charges  Steuben  with  trying  to  introduce 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  315 

foreign  titles  and  offices  of  nobility  into  America  which, 
while  they  "may  do  well  under  the  petty  princes  of  Ger- 
many, yet  in  America"  are  "incompatible  with  our  free- 
dom." The  most  dire  predictions  were  made  that  this  pa- 
triciate and  military  nobility  would  soon  "become  a  civil 
nobility,  and  an  aristocracy  the  more  dangerous  because, 
being  hereditary,  it  will  perpetually  increase  in  the  course 
of  time  and  will  gather  strength  from  the  very  prejudices 
which  it  will  engender,  *  *  *  it  will  at  length  have 
incorporated  itself  into  the  Constitution;  or  when,  after 
having  for  a  long  time  sapped  its  foundations,  it  will  in 
the  end  overturn  and  destroy  it." 

In  France  little  or  no  effect  was  produced  by  these 
attacks,  probably  because  the  people  at  large  were  not 
much  interested  in  them  one  way  or  the  other,  but  in 
America  it  was  different.  John  Adams  poured  out  the 
vials  of  his  wrath,  and  for  once  Masachusetts  was  in  ac- 
cord with  South  Carolina.  There  was  talk  of  suppressing 
the  society  by  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  and  a  member 
who  was  a  candidate  for  Senator,  concluded  to  resign  in 
order  to  save  himself  from  defeat.  In  Rhode  Island  it 
was  proposed  to  disfranchise  any  person  who  belonged 
to  the  organization,  but  that  did  not  frighten  Nathaniel 
Greene,  one  of  her  leading  citizens,  who  took  up  the 
cudgels  vigorously  in  its  behalf.  Knox  seemed  inclined 
to  bend  to  the  storm,  and  on  February  21,  1784  wrote  to 
Steuben : 


We  had  a  meeting  of  the  society  in  this  town  on  the  10th 
instant,  at  which  General  Lincoln  presided.  A  committee  was 
chosen  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  Society  in  May 
next,  at  Philadelphia,  which  appears  the  place  most 
proper  for  the  occasion.  R.  Putnam.  Colonel  Hall,  Major 
Sargent  and  myself,  are  of  the  committee;  probably  only  two 
will  attend.  Your  society,  Mr.  Baron,  has  occasioned  a  great 
deal  of  jealousy  among  the  good  people  of  New  England,  who 
say  it  is  altogether  an  outlandish  creation  formed  by  foreign  in- 


316     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

fluence.  It  is  still  heightened.,  by  one  of  our  ministers  abroad, 
who  intimates  that  it  was  formed  in  Europe  to  overthrow  our 
happy  institutions.  Burke's  pamphlet  has  also  had  its  full  oper- 
ation. You  see  how  much  you  have  to  answer  for  by  the  intro- 
duction of  your  European  institutions.  I  contend  to  the  utmost 
of  my  power  that  you  only  had  your  share  in  the  matter,  and 
no  more,  but  it  will  have  no  effect.  Burke's  allusion  has  fixed 
it,  and  you  must  support  the  credit  of  having  created  a  race  of 
hereditary  nobility.  Our  friend  Heath  says:  "I  forewarned  you 
of  all  that  will  happen."  He  did  not  attend  the  meeting.  The 
Legislature  of  this  State  are,  however,  decided  that  the  scheme 
shall  not  be  carried  into  execution  in  this  commonwealth,  and 
in  order  to  frustrate  the  measure,  the  Assembly  have  chosen 
a  joint  committee  of  both  houses  to  "inquire  into  any  associa- 
tion or  combination  to  introduce  undue  distinctions  into  the  com- 
munity which  may  have  a  tendency  to  create  a  race  of  heredi- 
tary nobility  contrary  to  the  Confederation  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution  of  this  commonwealth.' 
The  committee  have  not  yet  reported  the  results  of  their  in- 
quiries; when  they  do  this  I  will  inform  you.  You  must  observe, 
my  dear  friend,  how  possible  it  is  for  the  best  institutions  to  be 
misunderstood  and  misrepresented.  Let  me  know  how  it  is 
relished  in  Pennsylvania  and  to  the  southward." 

Shortly  after  William  North  wrote  to  Steuben  that 
"Knox  and  Jackson  avoid  the  badge  of  the  Cincinnati  as 
they  would  the  devil." 

The  meeting  of  the  general  society  occurred  on  the 
4th  day  of  May  at  the  City  Tavern  in  Philadelphia. 
Washington  presided,  and  in  order  to  allay  the  storm 
which  had  been  raised,  suggested  that  the  hereditary  fea- 
ture of  the  society  be  abolished.  Other  changes  were 
suggested  such  as  collecting  funds,  honorary  member- 
ships, attention  to  the  general  union  of  the  States  and 
holding  general  meetings,  until  it  looked  as  though  there 
would  be  nothing  left  of  the  society  but  the  charitable 
feature  and  the  badge.  After  considerable  debate  it  was 
proposed  to  alter  the  constitution,  abolishing  hereditary 
succession  and  honorary  memberships,  the  funds  to  be 
put  in  the  hands  of  the  Government,  and  there  was  to  be 
no  general  treasurer.  Although  these  amendments 
passed  the  general  meeting  they  could  not  be  operative 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  317 

until  approved  by  the  State  chapters  which  were,  as  a 
rule  in  no  hurry  to  respond,  so  that  at  the  meeting  on 
May  7,  1800,  the  subject  was  still  pending.  By  that  time 
the  country  was  under  the  new  Constitution,  and  the 
spectre  of  a  military  or  hereditary  despotism  had  vanish- 
ed. A  committee  appointed  to  look  into  the  matter  re- 
ported in  favor  of  leaving  the  constitution  as  originally 
framed,  which  report  was  unanimously  adopted. 

Washington  remained  President  of  the  general  so- 
ciety until  his  death,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Hamil- 
ton and  Pinckney.  Robert  Burnett,  who  died  November 
29,  1854,  at  Newburg,  N.  Y.,  near  where  the  society  was 
first  organized,  was  the  last  of  the  original  members. 
Steuben  was  Vice  President  of  the  New  York  Society 
in  1785,  and  President  from  1788  to  1790.  Mainly  un- 
der his  encouragement  the  New  York  branch  was  the 
most  vigorous  of  the  State  associations.  They  had  an 
elaborate  ceremony  of  initiation,  and  Steuben  himself 
with  his  facile  pen  vigorously  defended  the  men  who  had 
fought  the  battles  of  their  country  from  the  stay  at  home 
critics.  At  the  initiations  General  Steuben  brought  up  the 
rear  of  a  formal  procession ;  at  his  entrance  the  standard 
saluted,  and  the  kettle  drums  and  trumpets  gave  a  flour- 
ish, which  continued  until  passing  through  the  avenue 
now  formed  by  the  members  opening  to  the  right  and  left, 
he  mounted  the  steps  and  took  his  seat  upon  the  chair  of 
state. 

For  a  number  of  years  the  institution  flourished, 
and  then  interest  relaxed.  The  visit  of  Lafayette  in  1824 
created  a  revival,  but  after  that  states  dropped  out  until 
only  six  continued  their  organizations,  viz. :  Massa- 
chusetts, Maryland,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania and  South  Carolina.  In  1893,  doubtless  inspired 
by  the  success  of  the  society  of  the  Sons  of  the  American 


318    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Revolution,  an  effort  was  made  to  revive  the  association, 
with  such  success  that  the  original  thirteen  states  again 
had  working  chapters  which  have  been  kept  up  ever  since. 
The  presidents  after  Hamilton  have  included  Charles  C. 
Pinckney,  Aaron  Ogden,  Morgan  Lewis,  Wm.  Popham, 
H.  A.  S.  Dearborn,  Hamilton  Fish,  William  Wayne, 
Winslow  Warren.  The  present  city  of  Cincinnati  owes 
its  name  to  General  St.  Clair  and  Colonel  Sargent,  who 
gave  the  hamlet  of  Losanteville  in  1789  the  title  of  their 
society. 

From  the  time  that  Baron  Steuben  entered  the 
American  service  in  the  winter  of  1777-78,  he  may  al- 
most be  said  to  have  had  two  histories,  running  along 
parallel  lines.  One  was  the  performance  of  military 
and  civic  duties,  and  the  other  was  in  the  first  place  to 
have  the  status  arising  from  those  duties  clearly  defined 
by  Congress,  and  trying  to  induce  that  body  to  grant  him 
the  proper  support  and  compensation  due  him  for  his 
work  and  the  financial  obligations  he  had  incurred,  as 
well  as  sacrifices  he  had  made  in  order  to  come  to  this 
country.  While  at  the  outset  he  trusted  to  the  generos- 
ity of  Congress  to  make  good  his  losses  and  pay  him  for 
his  services,  yet  it  was  clearly  understood  that  both  were 
to  be  provided  for  with  a  suitable  honorarium  in  the 
event  of  the  success  of  the  efforts  for  independence.  Steu- 
ben had  faithfully  fulfilled  his  part  of  the  contract,  and 
independence  had  been  assured,  but  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  driblets  reluctantly  doled  out  Congress  seemed 
determined  to  ignore  his  righteous  claims  for  compensa- 
tion just  as  it  was  doing  in  the  case  of  Beaumarchais, 
but  with  a  much  clearer  knowledge  of  their  merits.  When 
the  Baron's  resignation  as  Major  General  was  accepted 
on  April  15,  1784,  it  was  promised  that  the  matter  of 
recompense  should  be  promptly  taken  up  and  pushed  for- 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  319 

ward  to  a  conclusion,  and  in  the  meantime  that  $10,000 
should  be  paid  him  on  account.  His  total  claims  at  this 
time  amounted  to  $50,000.  The  $10,000  was  gradually 
paid  in  installments,  with  which  performance  Congress 
seemed  to  think  it  had  done  its  whole  duty,  and  began  to 
manifest  the  usual  impatience  of  an  unwilling  debtor  to- 
wards an  importunate  creditor.  In  November,  1784, 
Congress  moved  from  Annapolis,  where  it  had  sat  from 
November  26,  1783,  to  Trenton,  N.  J.,  where  Steuben 
again  preferred  his  claims.  Here  a  new  obstacle  arose. 
The  present  body  was  composed  of  different  men  from 
those  who  had  assembled  at  York  in  the  dark  winter  of 
1777-78,  and  as  the  records  did  not  show  the  making  of 
any  contract  or  arrangement  with  the  Baron  it  began  to 
be  questioned  whether  any  such  existed.  To  this  was 
added  the  usual  charges  as  to  him  being  an  adventurer 
who  had  come  over  here  to  seek  his  fortune,  that  he  had 
received  pay  from  France,  and  that  his  sacrifice  of  prop- 
erty in  Europe  was  purely  mythical.  It  was  rather  late 
to  spring  all  these  things  after  an  interval  of  seven  years, 
and  there  appeared  to  be  enough  conscience  left  in  Con- 
gress to  admit  that  something  was  due  him.  Accordingly 
soon  after  the  removal  of  that  body  to  New  York  in  Jan- 
uary, 1785,  a  resolution  was  passed,  "That  in  full  con- 
sideration of  the  Baron  De  Steuben  having  relinquished 
different  posts  of  honor  and  emoluments  in  Europe,  and 
rendered  the  most  essential  services  to  the  United  States, 
he  be  allowed  and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States  the  sum  of  seven  thousand  dollars  in  addition  to 
former  grants." 

The  matter  of  contract  being  thus  ignored  it  became 
incumbent  upon  the  Baron  to  prove  its  existence.  In  re- 
sponse to  the  letters  written  to  Dr.  Witherspoon,  Messrs. 
Peters,  Gerry  and  Duer  who  had  been  given  authority 


320     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

to  make  arrangements  with  him  at  York,  he  received  from 
those  gentlemen  certificates  to  the  effect  that  the  facts 
were  just  as  he  stated,  and  flatly  contradicting  the  insin- 
uations that  had  been  thrown  out  against  him.  These 
papers  were  submitted  to  John  Jay,  Chancellor  Living- 
ston, Alexander  Hamilton,  James  Duane  and  Mr.  Duer, 
the  leading  jurists  of  their  time  as  well  as  patriotic  citi- 
zens. They  unanimously  declared  that  they  sustained  the 
position  that  there  existed  a  valid  and  binding  contract 
between  the  United  States  and  the  Baron.  These  letters 
with  a  full  statement  of  his  case  were  printed  in  a  small 
pamphlet  for  circulation  among  members  of  Congress  and 
others.  A  copy  of  this  pamphlet,  at  Steuben's  request, 
was  sent  by  Hamilton,  to  Washington.  He  had  previous- 
ly written  on  the  subject  of  the  Baron's  claims,  and  now 
adds  on  October  30,  1787 : 


There  are  public  considerations  that  induce  me  to  be  some- 
what anxious  for  his  success.  He  is  fortified  with  materials 
which,  in  Europe  could  not  fail  to  establish  the  belief  of  the 
contract  he  alleges.  The  documents  of  service  he  possesses  are 
of  a  nature  to  convey  an  exalted  idea  of  them.  The  compensa- 
tions he  has  received,  though  considerable,  if  compared  with 
those  which  have  been  received  by  American  officers,  will,  ac- 
cording to  European  ideas,  be  very  scanty  in  application  to  a 
stranger  who  is  acknowledged  to  have  rendered  essential  ser- 
vices. Our  reputation  abroad  is  not,  at  present  too  high.  To  dis- 
miss an  old  soldier,  empty  and  hungry,  to  seek  the  bounty  of 
those  on  whom  he  has  no  claims,  and  to  complain  of  unkind  re- 
turns and  violated  engagements,  will  certainly  not  tend  to  raise 
it.  I  confess,  too,  there  is  something  in  my  feelings  which 
would  incline  me,  in  this  case,  to  go  further  than  might  be 
strictly  necessary,  rather  than  drive  a  man  at  the  Baron's  time 
of  life,  who  has  been  a  faithful  servant,  to  extremities.  And 
this  is  unavoidable  if  he  does  not  succeed  in  his  present  attempt. 
What  he  asks,  would,  all  calculations  made,  terminate  in  this — 
an  allowance  of  his  five  hundred  and  fifty  guineas  a  year.  He 
only  wishes  a  recognition  of  the  contract.  He  knows  that  until 
affairs  mend,  no  money  can  be  produced.  I  do  not  know  how 
far  it  may  be  in  your  power  to  do  him  any  good;  but  I  shall  be 
mistaken  if  the  considerations  I  have  mentioned  do  not  appear 
to  your  Excellency  to  have  some  weight. 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  321 

To  this  Washington  replied  on  the  following  No- 
vember 10 : 

Application  has  been  made  to  me  by  Mr.  Secretary  Thomp- 
son (by  order  of  Congress)  for  a  copy  of  a  report  of  a  commit- 
tee which  was  appointed  to  confer  with  Baron  Steuben  on  his 
first  arrival  in  this  country,  forwarded  to  me  by  Mr.  President 
Laurens.  This  I  have  accordingly  sent.  It  throws  no  other 
light  on  the  subject  than  such  as  is  derived  from  the  disinter- 
ested conduct  of  the  Baron.  No  terms  are  made  by  him,  nor 
will  he  accept  of  anything  but  with  general  approbation.  I  have 
however,  in  my  letters  inclosing  the  report  to  the  Secretary, 
taken  occasion  to  express  an  unequivocal  wish  that  Congress 
would  reward  the  Baron  for  services,  sacrifices  and  merits,  to 
his  entire  satisfaction.  It  is  the  only  way  in  which  I  could  bring 
my  sentiments  before  that  honorable  body  as  it  has  been  an  es- 
tablished rule  with  me  to  ask  nothing  from  it. 

A  new  committee  was  appointed  which  had  before  it 
a  detailed  report  of  the  Baron's  claims,  divided  as  fol- 
lows : 

Reimbursement  of  expenses  in  coming  to 

America $  2,815.80 

Interest  for  ten  years  at  7  per  cent 1,971.08 

Payment  of  Loan  made  in  1778  of  Gerard 

and  Beaumarchais's  Agent   6,358.32 

Interest  at  7  per  cent 4,005.72 

Indemnification  for  loss  of  yearly  revenue.  .  .  52,683.32 

Interest  at  4:T/2  years 11,853.72 

Total  $79,687.86 

Received  on  account : 

Traveling  expenses $681.24 

Interest  thereon   381.48 

Commutation   9,090.00 

A  gratification 7?000.00—  17,152.72 


Balance  due $62,535.14 


322     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

The  old  story  was  rehearsed,  the  genuineness  of  the 
certificates  was  doubted,  and  when  again  questioned  as 
to  his  revenue  in  Europe,  the  Baron  declined  on  account 
of  the  dignity  of  the  United  States  to  produce  further 
proof.  One  committee  after  another  took  the  matter  up 
but  nothing  was  accomplished.  Steuben  offered  to  sub- 
mit the  whole  subject  to  three  judges,  but  this  was  not 
accepted,  and  so  the  matter  stood  for  a  couple  of  years 
longer.  During  this  period  a  political  revolution  of 
greater  magnitude  than  any  since  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence was  in  progress.  Pretty  much  everybody,  at 
least  of  those  in  official  positions,  was  convinced  that  the 
Government  could  not  longer  be  carried  on  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,,  and  a  new  Constitution  had 
been  launched,  which  was  to  convert  the  League  of 
Friendship  between  Sovereign  States  into  a  NATION  of 
which  each  individual  was  to  be  the  unit  instead  of  the 
State  (which  was  no  longer  to  be  spelled  with  a  capital 
initial  letter).  On  June  21,  1788  New  Hampshire  had 
put  the  new  Constitution  into  force,  being  the  ninth 
State  to  ratify  it,  and  by  Autumn  all  the  others  had  fol- 
lowed except  North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island.  The 
old  Congress  of  the  Confederation  dissolved  in  Novem- 
ber, 1788,  leaving  the  Steuben  claims  still  undecided. 
His  situation  at  this  time  is  fairly  described  in  a  letter 
from  General  J.  Armstrong,  on  May  30,  1788,  to  Gen- 
eral Gates.  "The  Baron  passed  the  winter  at  the  same 
lodging  house  with  me.  Louvre  (boarding  house)  is 
dismantled  and  deserted,  and  he  is  once  more  upon  the 
justice  and  generosity  of  the  public.  But  the  public  has 
neither,  and  he  has  only  to  chose  between  starving  here 
and  begging  in  Europe.  This  is  calamitous  to  him  and 
disgraceful  to  us.     He  is  now  with  North/' 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  323 

The  Government  under  the  new  Constitution  went 
into  effect  at  New  York  City  on  March  4,  1789,  and 
Steuben  lost  no  time  in  presenting  his  memorial  to  Con- 
gress. Owing  to  press  of  other  business  it  was  not  taken 
up  until  September  25,  when  it  was  referred  to  Alexan- 
der Hamilton,  the  newly  appointed  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  for  investigation  and  report.  On  April  6,  1790, 
he  made  a  report  to  Congress  showing  that  he  had  sifted 
the  whole  matter  most  thoroughly,  the  document  being 
being  one  of  the  ablest  that  ever  issued  from  the  pen  of 
that  accomplished  jurist.  He  completely  sustained  Steu- 
ben on  every  point.  It  would  be  tedious  to  quote  the  pa- 
per in  full,  but  its  drift  will  be  indicated  by  a  few  ex- 
cerpts. Taking  up  first  the  question  of  contract  he  con- 
cludes that  "The  statement  made  by  the  memorialist  of 
what  passed  in  the  conference  at  York  is  authenticated  by 
such  strong,  direct  and  collateral  evidence  as  ought,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Secretary,  to  secure  full  credit  to  the  ex- 
istence of  the  fact."  After  discussing  this  proposition  at 
some  length  with  the  conclusion  that  it  will  be  most  con- 
sistent with  the  dignity  and  equity  of  the  United  States 
to  admit  it  as  the  basis  of  a  final  adjustment  of  his 
claims,  he  proceeds  to  examine  into  the  merits  of  the 
claims  themselves.  According  to  the  principle  prevailing 
in  the  American  army  the  Secretary  caused  an  account 
to  be  made  up  in  which  Steuben  was  credited  with  his 
emoluments  as  major  general  and  inspector  general,  ex- 
clusive of  future  half  pay  or  commutation,  and  with  an 
annuity  of  580  guineas,  being  the  amount  of  the  income 
stated  to  have  been  relinquished  by  him  from  the  time  he 
left  Europe  to  the  last  of  September,  1789,  with  interest 
at  six  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  was  charged  with  all 
moneys  received  by  him  from  the  United  States  with  in- 
terest at  the  like  rate.     This  statement  showed  a  balance 


324    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

in  his  favor  of  $7,396.74.  In  addition  to  this  he  would 
be  entitled  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  to  the  yearly 
sum  of  580  guineas  as  a  continuation  of  the  indemnity 
for  the  income  relinquished,  and  to  such  reward  as  the 
Government  in  its  discretion  should  think  fit  to  allow, 
for  which  purpose  a  moderate  grant  of  land,  if  deemed 
expedient,  would  suffice.  Even  this,  Hamilton  declared, 
would  not  fully  reimburse  the  Baron  for  the  sacrifices 
he  had  made,  or  pay  him  the  full  value  of  the  services  he 
had  rendered  to  the  United  States,  which  were  peculiarly 
weighty  and  valuable,  especially  as  he  was  less  likely  to 
share  in  the  collateral  which  might  accrue  to  the  native 
Americans  who  had  been  in  the  army.  He  concludes, 
however,  that  a  settlement  on  the  principles  suggested  in 
his  report  would  terminate  all  the  claims  of  General 
Steuben  on  the  United  States  in  a  manner  equally  satis- 
factory to  him  and  honorable  to  them. 

The  House  of  Representatives  on  April  19  took  up 
Hamilton's  report  and  appointed  a  committee  consisting 
of  Messrs.  Gerry,  Wadsworth,  Vining,  Lawrence  and 
Smith  to  present  a  bill  covering  this  subject.  Eleven 
days  later  they  offered  a  resolution  providing  that  Steu- 
ben should  be  allowed  "the  pay  and  other  emoluments  of 
major  general  and  inspector  general  specified  in  several 
acts  of  Congress  relating  to  him,  from  the  10th  of  March, 
1778,  to  the  15th  of  April,  1784;  an  annuity  for  life  of 
$2,706,  to  commence  on  the  1st  day  of  October,  1787, 
and thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  western  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States,  to  be  located  in  such  manner 
as  shall  be  hereafter  prescribed  by  law,  provided  that  the 
foregoing  allowances  shall  not  be  construed  to  include 
either  half  pay  or  the  commutation  for  half  pay." 

A  motion  was  made  to  substitute  an  annuity  of 
$1,500  instead  of  the  $2,706,  provided  in  the  bill,  and  on 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  325 

this  Mr.  Page,  of  Virginia,  made  an  extended  speech  in 
opposition  as  being  derogatory  to  the  honor  and  veracity 
of  the  members  of  the  committee  of  Congress,  on  whose 
testimony  the  Baron's  claim  was  founded.'  He  declared 
that  the  value  of  the  Baron's  services  was  far  beyond 
what  was  now  proposed  to  give  him,  he  had  saved  many 
times  that  amount  in  money  to  the  army,  and  the  value 
of  his  discipline  was  shown  when  on  one  occasion  Lafay- 
ette and  a  detachment  were  in  great  danger  of  being  cut 
off  (at  Monmouth)  the  whole  army  was  under  arms  and 
ready  to  march  in  fifteen  minutes.  The  army  passed 
rivers  in  less  time  than  could  the  best  troops  in  Europe. 
The  excellent  French  troops  which  served  with  it  in  the 
campaign  of  1781  were  inferior  in  this  respect.  The 
superiority  of  our  troops  as  to  rapidity  of  movement  was> 
seen  in  the  attack  on  the  two  redoubts  of  Yorktown. 
The  army  officers  were  declared  to  favor  the  bill,  and  its 
adoption  would  give  them  satisfaction  as  they  fully  ac- 
knowledged their  obligations  to  the  Baron. 

Discussion  of  the  matter  continued  at  intervals  until 
May  10  when  the  House  struck  out  the  provision  for  land 
and  reduced  the  yearly  annuity  to  $2,000.  The  Senate 
on  the  27th  increased  this  to  $2,500  which  was  agreed  to 
and  the  act  became  a  law  in  the  following  form : 

"Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represen- 
tatives of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  As- 
sembled :  That  in  order  to  make  full  and  adequate  com- 
pensation to  Frederick  William  De  Steuben  for  the  sac- 
rifices and  eminent  services  made  and  rendered  to  the 
United  States  during  the  late  war,  there  be  paid  to  the 
said  Frederick  William  De  Steuben  an  annuity  of  $2,500 
during  life,  to  commence  on  the  1st  day  of  January  last, 
to  be  paid  in  quarterly  payments  at  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States,  which  said  annuity  shall  be  considered  in 


326     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

full  discharge  of  all  claims  and  demands  whatever  of  the 
said  Frederick  William  De  Steuben,  against  the  United 
States. 

"Frederick  Augustus  Muhlenberg, 

"Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"John  Adams, 

"Vice  President  of  the  United  States  and  Presi- 
dent of  the  Senate. 
"Approved,  June  4,  1790. 

"GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

"President  of  the  United  States." 

Thus  justice  was  in  a  measure  satisfied  after  long 
years  of  waiting,  and  Steuben  was  assured  of  a  compe- 
tence that  would  support  him  without  anxiety  in  his  de- 
clining days.  He  could  not  foresee  that  he  would  enjoy 
this  annuity  for  a  much  shorter  period  than  he  had  spent 
in  trying  to  procure  it. 

While  the  Baron  was  knocking  at  the  doors  of  Con- 
gress, asking  for  justice,  some  of  the  State  legislatures 
felt  like  making  him  some  compensation  for  services 
within  their  boundaries,  and  being  poorly  supplied  with 
cash  and  plentifully  supplied  with  land  or  claims  thereto 
discharged  their  obligations  so  far  as  they  were  con- 
cerned in  that  manner.  Virginia,  "as  a  high  sense  they 
had  of  the  merit  and  services  of  Steuben"  made  him  a 
grant  of  fifteen  thousand  acres  in  the  territory  northwest 
of  the  Ohio,  located  between  the  Muskingum  and  Great 
Miami  rivers,  and  Pennsylvania  in  March,  1783,  when  it 
conferred  on  him  the  privilege  of  citizenship,  added  to  it 
a  gift  of  2,000  acres  in  the  County  of  Westmoreland, 
some  forty  or  fifty  miles  east  of  the  present  city  of  Pitts- 
burgh. On  its  face  this  transaction  showed  up  pretty 
well,  and  if  the  Baron  or  anybody  holding  through  him 
possessed  those  17,000  acres  to-day  he  probably  would 


SOCIETY  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  327 

not  feel  the  need  of  other  support  unless  he  desired  to 
own  a  few  shares  of  Standard  Oil  stock,  but  that  was  not 
the  situation  in  1783.  Although  George  Rogers  Clark 
had  secured  the  Ohio  Country  for  Virginia  and  the 
League  of  States  the  Indian  titles  had  not  been  extin- 
guished, at  least  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and  while 
the  granted  lands  were  admirably  located  for  the  raising 
of  scalps  their  value  at  that  time  for  any  other  purpose, 
was  practically  nothing.  The  Westmoreland  land  was  a 
little  nearer  civilization,  but  heavily  timbered,  cut 
through  by  deep  ravines,  and  scarcely  more  valuable  than 
the  other.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  Baron  could  have  sold 
his  lands  for  the  price  of  a  week's  board,  and  we  have  no 
record  that  he  ever  attempted  to  enforce  his  claims  to 
them. 

New  Jersey  was  more  practical.  That  State  "deeply 
impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  many  and  signal  services 
by  him  rendered  to  the  United  States  of  America  during 
the  continuance  of  the  late  war,  and  desirous  to  testify 
to  the  world  the  grateful  sense  they  entertain  of  said  ser- 
vices" granted  Steuben  the  life  lease  of  an  es- 
tate belonging  to  John  Zabriskie  in  Bergen 
County,  not  far  from  New  York  City,  which 
had  been  confiscated  because  of  Zabriskie's  posi- 
tion during  the  war.  The  Baron  on  hearing  that  this 
would  impoverish  Zabriskie,  refused  the  gift  and  inter- 
ceded for  the  alleged  Tory.  The  Baron  by  this  time  may 
well  have  begged  to  be  spared  from  his  friends,  but  on 
May  5,  1786,  the  State  of  New  York  having  recently  ex- 
tinguished the  title  of  the  Oneida  Indians  granted  him  a 
quarter  of  a  township,  near  Lake  Ontario,  containing 
16,000  acres  which  was  afterwards  to  become  his  home. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK. 


Activity  in  Public  Affairs — Plans  for  a  Regular  Army — Popu- 
larity With  the  People — His  Memorial  on  the  Banks  of  the 
Ohio — A  Western  Land  Project — Suggestion  Concerning 
Prince  Henry — Washington's  Inauguration — Social  Distinc- 
tion— Wit  and  Generosity. 

When  General  Steuben  resigned  his  commission  in 
the  early  part  of  1784  he  did  not  cease  to  take  an  interest 
in  public  affairs,  in  fact  having  been  relieved  of  routine 
duties  which  in  an  army  in  time  of  peace  are  likely  to  be- 
come monotonous,  there  was  better  opportunity  for  a 
more  varied  exercise  of  his  talents,  notwithstanding  his 
financial  embarrassments.  The  city  of  Albany  had  already 
on  July  23  complimented  him  with  its  freedom, 
and  this  example  was  followed  by  New  York  City 
on  the  11th  of  October  following.  He  now  determined 
to  make  the  latter  place  his  home,  and  rented  what  was 
then  a  suburban  house  fronting  on  what  is  now  Fifty- 
Seventh  Street.  It  belonged  to  David  Provost,  and  was 
called  the  "Louvre"  probably  from  the  French,  and  the 
predilection  of  its  owner  for  names  connected  with  the 
country  of  his  ancestors.  The  proprietor  was  commonly 
known  as  "Ready  Money  Provost."  Here  Steuben  asso- 
ciated himself  with  his  old  companions,  North,  Walker, 
Smith,  Fairlie  and  others.  One  by  one,  however,  they 
departed  to  homes  of  their  own,  leaving  him  practically 
alone.  His  brain  was  busy,  however,  and  between  his 
correspondence,  writing  political  pamphlets  &c,  his  time 
was  pretty  well  occupied.  Among  other  things  he  had 
previously  worked  out  a  plan  for  a  regular  army  on  a 


LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK  329 

peace  footing,  to  consist  of  one  Continental  legion  of 
3,000  men,  artillerists  &c,  1,000,  and  seven  legions  of 
established  militia  of  3,000  men  each,  or  25,000  in  all. 
This  plan  was  communicated  to  Washington,  who 
heartily  approved  of  the  scheme,  but  of  course  nothing 
could  be  done  with  the  existing  government.  It  is  worthy 
of  note,  however,  that  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion the  size  of  the  regular  army  was  fixed  at  25,000  men 
as  suggested  by  Steuben,  at  which  figure  it  remained  un- 
til the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War. 

On  August  23,  1784,  a  society  was  organized  in 
New  York  City  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  poor  Ger- 
mans and  their  descendants,  of  which  Steuben  became 
an  active  member,  and  on  October  3,  1785,  he  was  unani- 
mously chosen  president,  a  position  which  he  held  during 
the  remainder  of  his  life.  The  society  still  exists,  and 
numbers  among  its  members  many  distinguished  persons 
both  of  German  descent  and  otherwise.  Among  other 
objects  the  society  took  under  its  care  were  German  im- 
migrants "bound  to  labor"  who  had  been  induced  to  en- 
ter into  contracts  which  practically  reduced  them  to  a 
state  of  peonage.  This  action  was  the  forerunner  of  the 
laws  afterwards  enacted,  first  to  regulate,  and  afterwards 
prohibit  the  importation  of  laborers  under  such  contracts. 

Steuben's  prominence  and  standing  were  forcibly 
voiced  by  Edward  Livingston,-  the  English  orator,  at  the 
annual  meeting  of  the  society  in  1789,  who  said :  "When 
German  worth  is  the  theme,  can  we  omit  the  name  of 
Steuben  ?  Or  when  we  speak  of  services  like  his,  will  ad- 
miration bind  itself  to  forms?  No!  regardless  of  the 
feelings  it  may  excite,  the  voice  of  truth  proclaims  him 
the  creator  of  our  force,  who,  from  a  chaos  of  disorder 
raised  our  military  fame.  Unhappily  the  voice  of  grati- 
tude has  not  been  heard ;  our  country  yet,  my  friends,  is 


330     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

not  unjust.  It  was  but  lost  amid  the  din  of  acclamation; 
and  that  voice,  though  small  and  still,  shall  soon  be  heard, 
and  teach  our  country  to  reward  its  merit." 

But  Steuben  was  not  able  to  entertain  his  friends  in 
his  own  house  very  long,  probably  not  over  three  years, 
and  perhaps  less,  for  by  that  time  the  pittance  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Government  was  exhausted.  In  fact 
economy  was  not  a  strong  point  with  him,  as  illustrated 
by  an  anecdote  concerning  him  soon  after  his  arrival  at 
the  Louvre.  In  one  corner  of  the  grounds  had  been 
erected  a  family  monument,  and  a  visitor  observing  that 
in  case  of  death  Steuben  would  have  a  snug  place  of  in- 
terment, Colonel  North  replied,  "Then,  sir,  his  disposition 
must  alter  with  his  state,  for  in  life  he  will  never  toler- 
ate the  idea  of  laying  by  ready  money." 

Mr.  Walker  having  married  and  occupied  a  house 
in  Maiden  Lane,  near  Liberty  street,  he  invited  Steuben 
to  make  his  home  with  him.  This  he  did  for  a  short 
time,  when  Walker  moved  to  Courtlandt  street,  and  Steu- 
ben went  to  the  house  of  Dr.  Vache  in  Fulton  street,  and 
took  his  meals  with  Misses  Dabeny  who  kept  a  popular 
boarding  house  in  Wall  street.  He  was  no  doubt  here 
when,  under  date  of  May  30,  1788,  General  J.  Armstrong 
wrote  to  General  Gates :  "The  Baron  passed  the  winter 
at  the  same  lodging  house  with  me.  To  this  he  has  come 
at  last.  The  Louvre  is  dismantled  and  deserted,  and  he 
is  once  more  upon  the  justice  and  generosity  of  the  pub- 
lic. But  the  public  has  neither,  and  he  has  only  to 
choose  between  starving  here  and  begging  in  Europe. 
This  is  calamitous  to  him  and  disgraceful  to  us.  He  is 
now  with  North." 

From  the  Dabeny  house  after  probably  a  short  stay 
with  North  he  went  to  Dr.  Tillory's  house  at  the  south- 
east corner  of  Broadway  and  Wall  street,  which  he  con- 


LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK  331 

tinued  to  hold  as  a  winter  residence  until  1791  when  he 
moved  to  what  was  afterwards  216  Broadway  opposite 
St.  Paul's  Chapel,  attending  services  at  Old  Trinity, 
which  he  continued  to  hold  until  his  last  trip  to  his  farm 
in  1794. 

It  must  not  be  imagined  that  Steuben  was  a  recluse 
all  these  years.  Notwithstanding  his  straitened  circum- 
stances, he  was  a  favorite  in  society  and  much  sought 
after,  especially  by  the  ladies,  to  whom  military  men  are 
usually  acceptable.  The  families  with  whom  he  was  so- 
cially intimate  included  the  Jays,  Duers,  Duanes,  Living- 
stons, Varicks,  Hamiltons,  Fishes  and  others  that  might 
be  named.  A  prominent  visitor  in  New  York  at  that 
time,  says  that  when  "the  Baron"  was  spoken  of  every- 
body understood  that  Steuben  was  meant. 

An  incident  occurred,  about  this  time  showing  the 
Baron's  popularity  with  the  masses  as  well  as  with  the 
"classes."  The  careless  exposure  of  a  body  from  the  dis- 
secting department  of  a  hospital  was  the  subject  of  such 
general  indignation  that  a  riot  ensued,  and  Steuben  being 
with  Governor  Clinton,  as  the  latter  was  trying  to  quiet 
the  outbreak,  was  struck  on  the  forehead  with  a  stone, 
knocking  him  down  and  inflicting  a  flesh  wound.  This 
so  touched  the  feelings  of  the  rioters  that  they  made  room 
for  the  Baron  to  pass  through  their  ranks,  and  then  re- 
newed their  destructive  work  in  spite  of  the  militia  which 
had  been  called  out.  Mr.  Jay  was  wounded  in  the  same 
way.  Governor  Clinton  in  relating  these  occurrences 
afterward  declared  that  at  the  time  he  was  struck  the 
Baron  was  protesting  to  the  Governor  against  any  order 
to  fire,  but  as  he  fell  he  cried  out,  "Fire,  Governor,  fire," 
thus  creating  a  laugh  at  the  Baron's  expense.  The  af- 
fair occurred  near  Mr.  Duer's  house,  and  his  daughter 
dressed  the  injury. 


332     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

We  will  have  something  to  say  later  concerning  the 
measures  taken  to  perpetuate  Steuben's  memory  or  other- 
wise, but  it  will  be  of  interest  to  note  here  the  first  step 
taken  by  the  Government  towards  honoring  his  name  in 
ment  of  what  is  now  the  State  of  Ohio.  A  small  white 
settlement  had  grown  up  on  the  site  of  the  old  Mingo 
town  in  the  present  Jefferson  County,  as  well  as  isolated 
cabins  a  few  miles  farther  down  the  river.  Although  the 
Confederacy  had  by  concessions  from  the  States  inter- 
ested secured  a  clear  title  to  the  territory  which  Clark 
and  his  Virginia  troops  had  wrested  from  Great  Britain 
yet  it  was  not  ready  to  encourage  permanent  settlement, 
and  early  in  April,  1785,  a  company  of  soldiers  was  sent 
out  to  remove  the  settlers.  During  that  same  year,  how- 
ever, Congress  determined  to  have  the  lands  adjacent  to 
the  Ohio  river  surveyed  and  thrown  open  to  purchasers, 
and  to  protect  the  surveyors  engaged  in  this  work  a  com- 
pany of  soldiers  was  sent  out  under  command  of  Cap- 
tain Hamtramck  which  arrived  at  Mingo  on  August  12, 
1786,  and  was  inspected  by  Major  North,  the  well-known 
friend  of  Steuben,  who  was  now  an  inspector  in  the  army. 
On  an  examination  of  the  country,  North  or  Captain 
Hamtramck,  probably  both,  evidently  concluded  that  a 
plateau  located  on  the  river  three  miles  above  was  a  bet- 
ter place  for  a  fort  than  the  Mingo  bottoms,  so  the  post 
was  moved  up  there  ,and  they  began  the  building  of  a 
block  house  28  feet  square.  This  was  completed  early  in 
September  following,  and  during  the  fall  and  winter  this 
block  house  was  added  to  by  three  other  similar  struc- 
tures which,  being  connected  at  their  corners  by  a  pali- 
sade of  logs  150  feet  in  length,  made  a  substantial  fortifi- 
cation equal  to  all  the  needs  of  that  section  and  an  effi- 
cient protection  to  both  settlers  and  surveyors.  This 
frontier  fort  was  equipped  in  the  usual  manner,  provided 


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n 


FORT  STEUBEN,  GROUND  PLAN. 
No.  1,  Blockhouses  28  feet  square  divided  into  two  rooms  for  fourteen  men  each.  No. 
2 — Officer's  barracks  ;  a, a  parlors  ;  b,  bedroom  ;  d,  Kitchen.  No.  3 — Commissary  store.  No.  4 — 
Quartermaster's  store.  No.  5 — Magazine.  No.  6 — Artificers'  shop.  No.  7 — Guard  house,  built 
on  two  piers,  a  b,  with  piazza  looking  inwards  and  a  sally  port  between  the  piers,  the  pier  a  the 
common  store,  and  b  the  black  hole,  a  place  of  confinement.  No.  8 — Flagstaff.  No.  9 — Main 
gate  looking  towards  the  river.  The  small  squares  in  the  sides  argl  corners  of  rooms  represent 
chimneys.  The  width  of  the  blockhouses  diagonally  was  39  feet  in  inch  nearly,  and  the  distance 
between  the  points  150   feet. 


LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK  333 

with  quarters  for  the  men,  magazines  &c,  and  was 
named  after  Baron  Steuben.  The  winter  of  1786-7  was 
a  busy  one  in  this  locality.  Soldiers,  surveyors,  settlers 
and  visitors,  made  a  lively  community  well  worthy  of  be- 
ing the  first  settlement  of  the  great  State  of  Ohio,  and 
the  beginning  of  the  land  system  of  the  United  States. 
During  the  latter  part  of  1787  the  garrison  was  moved 
farther  west  to  keep  close  to  the  surveyors,  but  the  fort 
remained  a  refuge  for  the  settlers  until  1790,  when  it 
caught  fire,  and  being  constructed  entirely  of  wood,  was 
destroyed.  As  there  was  no  further  danger  of  Indian 
raids  in  this  section  the  fort  was  not  rebuilt,  but  on  its 
site  arose  the  town  of  Seubenville,  since  developing  into 
one  of  the  most  flourishing  cities  of  the  country,  a  center 
of  commerce  and  manufacturing.  It  is  the  only  city  in 
the  United  States  named  after  the  Baron,  and  in  it  he  has 
a  monument  more  enduring  than  could  be  made  in  any 
other  form.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  settlement 
here  is  older  than  that  of  Marietta,  and  for  many  years 
this  was  the  gateway  to  what  was  described  in  the  famous 
ordinance  of  1787  as  the  Territory  Northwest  of  the 
Ohio. 

The  legislature  of  the  State  of  New  York  on  April 
13,  1787,  appointed  Steuben  one  of  the  twenty-two  re- 
gents of  the  State  University,  his  duties  being  to  inspect 
all  colleges  within  the  state,  their  condition,  system  of 
education  and  discipline. 

During  the  following  year  Steuben  was  busily  en- 
gaged in  evolving  a  scheme,  which,  had  it  been  carried 
out,  would  have  made  a  radical  change  in  his  own  condi- 
tion, and  might  have  had  some  effect  on  our  western 
borders.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Spain  still  possessed 
the  Louisiana  territory  which  lay  between  the  Mississippi 
and  the  Rocky  Mountains.     On  this    territory    Steuben 


334    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

proposed  to  plant  a  colony  of  farmers  and  artificers  not 
exceeding  4,200  in  number,  and  for  this  purpose  sugges- 
ted a  concession  of  200,000  acres  of  land,  and  a  bounty 
of  $100  to  each  settler,  who  was  also  to  receive  240  acres 
of  good  soil.  The  settlers  were  to  be  both  Americans  and 
foreigners,  and  there  was  to  be  freedom  of  religion,  and 
their  own  system  of  land  tenure  to  be  modeled  after  that 
of  the  United  States.  There  was  to  be  a  semi-indepen- 
dent military  corps,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  King. 
The  plan  was  submitted  to  the  Spanish  minister,  who  sent 
it  to  his  government,  and  that  was  the  last  heard  of  it. 
The  Spanish  government  of  that  day  was  evidently  not 
ready  to  experiment  with  colonists  who  were  inclined  to 
want  their  own  way,  and  it  has  not  advanced  very  much 
in  that  direction  since. 

It  is  perhaps  needless  to  state  that  General  Steuben 
took  an  active  interest  in  the  politics  of  his  day,  espe- 
cially in  the  proceedings  leading  up  to  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  He  was  now  an  American  citizen, 
and  by  natural  bent  as  well  as  associations  was  a  pro- 
nounced Federalist.  No  person  more  than  he  had  expe- 
rienced the  evils  of  the  loose  disjointed  scheme  which 
under  the  name  of  government  assumed  to  control  the  af- 
fairs of  the  Confederacy.  It  was  also  natural  that  he 
should  favor  the  party  of  Washington  and  Hamilton  on 
personal  grounds,  for  his  years  of  intimate  association 
with  those  great  men  had  created  in  his  mind  a  feeling 
of  respect  and  esteem  for  their  intellectual  abilities  with 
a  strong  affection  due  to  their  disinterested  patriotism 
and  high  moral  qualities.  In  his  pamphlets  he  discussed 
the  National  debt,  Presidential  prerogatives  and  other 
burning  questions  of  the  day.  During  this  period  one  of 
his  friends  jokingly  asked  him  whether  his  friend,  Prince 
Henry,  of  Prussia,  would  not  make  a  good  Preisdent,  to 


LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK  335 

which  he  replied,  "As  far  as  I  know  the  Prince  he  would 
never  think  of  crossing  the  ocean  to  be  your  master.  I 
wrote  him  a  good  while  ago  what  kind  of  fellows  you 
are;  he  would  not  have  the  patience  to  stay  three  days 
among  you." 

Fortunately,  whatever  differences  might  exist  among 
them,  nobody  among  the  Americans  had  any  idea  of  call- 
ing anyone  from  abroad  to  rule  over  them,  and  certainly 
no  person  in  the  land  was  more  rejoiced  than  Steuben 
when  Washington  was  chosen  to  be  the  first  President  of 
the  new  republic.  However,  could  the  Baron  have  pro- 
jected his  vision  forward  into  the  future  a  little  over  a 
century  he  would  have  found  a  Prince  Henry  in  America, 
not  as  a  ruler,  but  as  a  welcome  guest  for  a  much  longer 
period  than  three  days,  visiting  cities  that  were  not  even 
contemplated  during  the  Baron's  career,  feted  and  hon- 
ored not  only  as  the  representative  of  a  great  nation  be- 
yond the  seas,  but  the  warmth  of  whose  reception  was 
augmented  by  the  fact  that  the  country  from  which  he 
came  gave  Baron  Steuben  to  the  cause  of  the  American 
Revolution.  On  the  evening  of  February  26,  1902,  in 
in  the  large  ball  room  of  the  Waldorf-Astoria  hotel  in 
New  York  there  was  a  dinner  at  which,  on  the  invitation 
of  Herman  Ridder,  editor  of  the  Staats-Zeitung,  over  a 
thousand  representative  journalists  from  all  parts  of  the 
United  States  were  gathered.  Prince  Henry  was  the 
honor  guest,  and  the  address  of  welcome  was  made  by 
Whitelaw  Reid,  whose  remains  after  being  honored  by  a 
state  funeral  at  Westminster  Abbey,  have  been  lately  laid 
to  rest  from  New  York's  great  Cathedral.  The  response 
by  Mr.  Ridder  among  other  eloquent  passages  contained 
the  following: 

Tt  will  be  recalled  that  Frederick  the  Great  was  a  friend 
of  Washington,  and  that  from  his  staff  there  came  to  us  in  the 


336     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

hour  of  stress  one  whose  name  will  ever  be  held  in  grateful  re- 
membrance by  the  people  of  the  country.  He  it  was.  Baron 
von  Steuben,  who  drilled  the  raw  recruits  and  farmer  lads  of  the 
Continental  army,  made  soldiers  of  them,  and  made  possible 
Washington's  great  victory.  He  was  beside  Washington  in  the 
closing  days  of  that  great  struggle  at  Yorktown,  and  shared 
with  the  great  commander  the  glory  of  that  hour.  Returning 
from  the  army,  he  came  to  this  city  of  New  York,  and  enjoyed 
the  plaudits  of  those  who  owed  him  so  much.  Thus  early  he 
was  the  first  President  of  a  German-American  society  in  New 
York. 

And  from  that  day,  sir,  to  the  present  time  Germany  has 
ever  been  the  steadfast  friend  of  the  United  States.  The  blood 
bond  still  survives.  And  it  is  but  natural,  therefore  that  we 
should  welcome  your  royal  hignes.s  to-night  with  special  affec- 
tion. We  greet  you,  not  alone  as  a  German  prince,  but  also  as 
one  bound  to  us  by  the  ties  of  kinship.  The  Saxon  spirit  has 
played  its  part  in  American  national  life,  as  it  has  done  with 
you,  in  giving  renewed  vigor  to  the  great  empire  from  which 
you  come.  And  that  strain  in  the  American  people,  let  us  hope, 
will  bring  our  two  great  nations  closer  together  in  the  bonds  of 
friendship  in  the  future. 

When  Washington  arrived  at  New  York  to  assume 
the  duties  of  his  office,  Steuben  with  Governor  Clinton 
and  other  civic  and  military  dignitaries  met  him  at  Mur- 
ray's wharf  and  escorted  him  to  his  residence,  he  prefer- 
ring to  walk.  The  inauguration  occurred  on  April  30, 
which  was  perhaps  fortunate,  as  March  winds  are  no 
pleasanter  in  New  York  than  Washington,  and  it  is  to  be 
wished  that  future  inaugurations  might  occur  at  this 
time  rather  than  on  March  4.  When  the  new  President 
took  the  oath  there  were  gathered  with  him  on  the  bal- 
cony fronting  Wall  street,  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  the  new  republic,  including  John  Adams,  the  Vice 
President,  State  Chancellor  Robert  L.  Livingston,  Roger 
Sherman,  Alexander  Hamilton,  Generals  Steuben,  Knox, 
St.  Clair  and  Livingston.  After  the  inaugural  address 
the  party  repaired  to  St.  Paul's  Chapel  on  Broadway, 
where  services  were  conducted  by  Rt.  Rev.  Samuel 
Provost,  Bishop  of  New  York  and  chaplain  of  Congress. 


LIFE  IN  NEW  YORK  337 

The  day  closed  amid  general  rejoicings  with  fire  works 
and  illuminations  at  night.  A  large  ball  was  given  at  the 
City  Assembly  rooms  a  few  evenings  later,  which  origin- 
ated the  custom  of  an  affair  of  this  character  at  each  sub- 
sequent inauguration.  Steuben  was  a  prominent  guest 
at  this  ball,  and  on  the  succeeding  July  4,  as  the  chosen 
representative  of  the  Cincinnati  Society  he  presented  to 
the  President  a  complimentary  address  in  the  name  of 
that  association. 

The  President  and  Mrs.  Washington,  attentive  to  the 
social  side  of  affairs,  gave  a  public  levee  from  three  to 
four  o'clock  on  each  Tuesday  afternoon,  with  smaller 
social  receptions  on  Friday,  and  a  dinner  to  friends  and 
dignitaries  once  a  week.  The  Baron's  wit  and  general 
good  nature  made  him  a  favorite  at  these  affairs,  aside 
from  his  more  solid  qualities.  It  is  related  that  at  one 
of  these  dinner  parties  Mrs.  Washington  asking  him 
what  amusements  he  had,  he  replied,  "I  read  and  play 
chess,  my  lady,  and  yesterday  I  was  invited  to  go  a  fish- 
ing. It  was  understood  to  be  a  very  fine  amusement.  I 
sat  in  the  boat  two  hours,  though  it  was  very  warm,  and 
caught  two  fish."  "Of  what  kind,  Baron?"  asked  his 
questioner.  "Indeed  I  do  not  recollect  perfectly,  but  one 
of  them  was  a  whale!"  "A  whale,  Baron,  in  the  North 
river!"  "Yes,  on  my  word,  a  very  fine  whale,  as  that 
gentleman  informed  me.  Did  you  not  tell  me  it  was  a 
whale,  Major?"  "An  eel.  Baron,"  responded  the  gentle- 
man appealed  to.  "I  beg  your  pardon,  my  lady,"  said 
Steuben,  "but  the  gentleman  certainly  called  it  a  whale. 
But  it  is  of  little  consequence.  I  shall  abandon  the  trade, 
notwithstanding  the  fine  amusement  it  affords." 

Another  out  the  many  anecdotes  concerning  the 
Baron's  wit  may  be  worth  repeating.  One  day  while  at 
the  house  of  Chancellor  Livingston's  mother,  he  was  in- 


338     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

troduced  to  a  handsome  and  brilliant  young  lady  named 
Miss  Sheaf.  The  Baron's  English  was  equal  to  the  oc- 
casion, and  he  at  once  responded,  "I  am  very  happy  in 
the  honor  of  being  presented  to  you,  Mademoiselle, 
though  I  see  it  is  at  an  infinite  risk ;  I  have  from  my 
youth  been  cautioned  to  guard  myself  against  mis-chief 
but  I  had  no  idea  that  her  attractions  were  so  powerful." 
As  to  the  Baron's  generosity  Washington  summed 
up  the  whole  story  when,  after  Congress  had  settled  the 
Baron's  claims  he  remarked :  "I  rejoice  that  Congress  has 
given  to  so  excellent  a  patriot  an  independence  by  an 
annuity,  for  had  they  bestowed  a  specific  sum,  were  it  ten 
times  the  amount,  the  generous  heart  of  Steuben  would 
keep  him  poor,  and  he  would,  in  all  probability,  die  a  beg- 
gar." 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  NEW  CINCINNATUS. 

Character  of  the  Baron's  Grant — Liberality  to  Settlers — Visit 
From  Relatives — Politics  and  Literature — Preparing  For 
War — Important  Commission — Farm  Life  and  Future  Pro- 
jects. 

Steuben  had  paid  one  or  two  visits  to  his  land  in  the 
Oneida  country,  which,  gauged  by  the  transportation 
methods  of  that  day,  was  far  in  the  wilderness,  but  hav- 
ing no  money  to  improve  it  his  stay  each  time  was  brief. 
The  grant  of  his  pension  in  1790  put  a  different  face  on 
matters,  and  we  find  him  on  June  10  en  route  to  his  north- 
ern estate  with  the  view  of  a  more  permanent  settlement, 
or  at  least  spending  his  summers  there  while  he  proposed 
keeping  his  winter  home  in  New  York.  The  journey  re- 
quired about  twelve  days.  He  doubtless  went  by  water 
to  Albany  where  he  visited  Philip  Schuyler  and  other  old 
friends,  going  from  there  to  Colonel  North's 
home  at  Duanesburg  in  what  is  now  Schenectady  county, 
and  from  thence  to  old  Fort  Schuyler,  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Utica.  Here  he  rested  at  the  house  of 
John  Post,  an  old  German  and  a  former  army  comrade. 
From  there  he  proceeded  to  his  patrimony  which  is  thus 
described  by  Pomeroy  Jones,  a  local  historian,  in  1851 : 

"The  township  in  which  it  was  situated  is  in  an 
elevated  position,  and  its  soil  better  adapted  to  grazing 
than  the  raising  of  grain.  A  high  ridge  of  land  runs 
east  and  west  through  it.  Steuben  hill  and  Star  hill  are 
the  most  elevated  points  in  this  ridge,  the  highest  land  in 
the  county.  Their  altitude  is  so  great  that  Indian  corn 
entirely  fails  to  mature  there.     The  visitor  is  at  once  im- 


340     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

pressed  with  the  vastness  of  the  landscape.  No  land 
within  many  miles  is  so  high  as  where  he  stands.  West- 
erly and  northwesterly  the  view  is  almost  unbounded.  A 
large  section  of  the  Oneida  lake  is  to  be  seen,  and  a  per- 
son well  acquainted  in  central  New  York,  in  viewing  the 
location  of  the  different  highlands,  soon  becomes  satisfied 
that  portions  of  seven  different  counties  are  distinctly 
seen.  In  general  the  surface  of  the  township  may  be 
termed  stony.  Boulders  of  every  size  and  shape,  some 
of  which  are  of  immense  proportions,  thickly  dot  the 
fields." 

Steuben  made  it  his  practice  whenever  he  found  a 
Revolutionary  soldier  who  desired  to  settle  in  that  part 
of  the  country  to  make  him  a  present  of  a  tract  covering 
forty  to  one  hundred  acres.  He  also  succeeded  in  dis- 
posing of  some  of  his  surplus  land  on  long  leases  at  $10 
to  $20  per  hundred  acres,  certainly  a  trifling  figure,  but 
probably  as  much  as  it  was  worth  in  those  days,  and  be- 
sides he  no  doubt  rightfully  concluded  that  if  he  could 
bring  settlers  into  that  section  by  gift  or  nominal  charge 
for  land  he  would  thereby  enhance  the  value  of  the  re- 
mainder to  a  point  that  would  make  it  profitable. 

From  Steuben's  diary  it  appears  that  by  July  4, 
1790,  there  was  quite  a  little  colony  on  the  place  to  which 
he  gave  a  dinner.  Samuel  Sizer  was  his  superintendent, 
and  preparations,  which  were  made  for  clearing  and  culti- 
vating the  property,  were  characterized  by  the  same  ac- 
curate methods  that  had  been  so  marked  in  his  military 
career.  He  received  numerous  visits  from  his  former 
associates  and  neighboring  settlers,  and  altogether  was 
doubtless  more  happy  and  contented  than  he  had  been  for 
many  years. 

Prosperity  not  only  tends  to  bring  new  friends  but 
sometimes  restores  the  affections  of  old  ones,  especially 


THE  NEW  CINCINNATUS  341 

if  they  be  far  away  relatives  as  the  Baron  soon  discovered. 
Two  nephews  visited  him  in  1786,  sons  of  the  Baroness 
De  Canitz,  but  their  conduct  was  such  that  he  sent  them 
home  the  following  year.  Both  were  army  officers,  but 
one  soon  after  deserted  and  the  other  resigned  on  account 
of  an  objectionable  marriage.  Other  relatives,  with  ex- 
aggerated notions  of  the  Baron's  wealth,  continuously 
made  applications  for  pecuniary  assistance  until  Steuben 
declined  to  favor  them  in  this  way  any  longer.  On  July 
27,  1790,  he  writes  on  this  matter:  "I  am  a  self-made 
man ;  my  personal  position  is  the  work  of  my  own  hands ; 
but  I  never  forgot  to  help  and  afford  relief  to  my  poorer 
relatives  whenever  I  could.  They,  however,  took  me  for 
a  richer  man  than  I  am.  The  reputation  of  my  having 
acquired  immense  possessions  and  a  large  fortune  spread 
to  the  extreme  ends  of  Germany,  therefore  I  could  not 
satisfy  all  demands  on  the  part  of  my  family.  The  little 
I  could  do  was  partially  compared  with  what  I  could  not 
do  for  them,  and  rather  put  to  my  debit  than  to  my 
credit.  They  considered  themselves  entitled  to  get  all 
and  everything  from  me,  while  I  expected  nothing  from 
them." 

Steuben  returned  to  New  York  for  the  winter,  as 
he  did  the  three  subsequent  years,  spending  the  summer 
on  his  farm,  and  early  in  1791  he  met  John  W.  Mulli- 
gan, whose  father  had  been  one  of  the  local  leaders  in  the 
Revolution.  Young  Mulligan  had  just  finished  his  course 
at  Columbia  College,  when  he  was  offered  and  accepted 
the  position  of  private  secretary  to  the  Baron.  A  strong 
friendship  grew  up  between  the  two,  and  it  is  to  Mulli- 
gan that  we  owe  most  of  the  details  of  Steuben's  death. 

The  Baron  continued  an  active  member  of  the  Fed- 
eral party,  and  when  John  Jay,  at  that  time  holding  the 
office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  was  nomi- 


342    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

nated  by  the  Federals  for  Governor  of  New  York,  Steu- 
ben was  prominent  in  a  meeting  called  to  ratify  the  nom- 
ination, his  name  being  placed  first  on  the  list  of  those 
issuing  an  address  to  the  public  on  that  occasion.  Chan- 
cellor Livingston,  who,  as  an  anti-Federalist,  was  sup- 
porting the  candidacy  of  Governor  George  Clinton,  in  re- 
plying to  this  address,  referred  somewhat  sneeringly  to 
Steuben  as  a  government  "pensioner."  The  pamphlet 
was  published  anonymously,  but  at  the  request  of  Steu- 
ben his  friend  General  Armstrong,  answered  it  over  the 
title  of  "Timothy  Tickler,"  addressing  Livingston  by  his 
official  title.  Livingston  replied  over  the  name  of  "Aris- 
tides,"  addressing  Mr.  Jay  as  the  supposed  author  of  the 
Tickler  letter.  Mr.  Jay  promptly  denied  the  authorship 
which  ended  this  battle  of  the  pamphlets. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1793  the  feeling  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  was  so  intense  that  many 
feared  a  renewal  of  the  war.  The  latter  power  still  held 
the  military  posts  in  the  northwest  including  the  one  at 
Oswego,  on  lake  Ontario,  on  the  ground  that  the  Ameri- 
cans refused  to  fulfill  their  treaty  obligations  in  regard 
to  British  loyalists  who  had  remained  in  the  country,  re- 
sisted the  collection  of  just  debts,  etc.  Recriminations 
were  mutual,  and  the  situation  was  such  that  plans  were 
made  for  fortifying  New  York  harbor.  In  company 
with  Nicholas  Fish,  Steuben  made  a  survey  between  Hell 
Gate  at  the  upper  end  of  East  River,  and  of  the  Narrows 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  bay,  with  the  object  of  erecting 
forts  and  batteries  at  suitable  points.  The  outcome  of 
this  survey  was  that  the  New  York  legislature  (which 
then  met  on  Manhattan  Island,  Albany  not  having  been 
made  the  capital  until  1797)  on  March  26,  1794,  ordered 
the  existing  fortifications  repaired  and  new  ones  erected 
that  would  afford  adequate  defense  for  the  port  and  city. 


THE  NEW  CINCINNATUS  343 

At  the  same  time  the  legislature  appointed  a  commission 
for  the  purpose  of  building  fortifications,  floating  batter- 
ies and  such  other  vessels  as  might  be  necessary  for  the 
security  of  the  western  and  northern  frontiers  of  the 
state.  Steuben  was  placed  at  the  head  of  this  commis- 
sion, the  other  members  being  Peter  Gansevort,  Jr.,  Wil- 
liam North,  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  John  Taylor,  John 
Verner  and  Daniel  Hale. 

At  this  time  the  excitement  was  so  great  in  the  city 
that  volunteers  were  called  on  to  labor  at  the  fortifica- 
tions, and  among  other  incidents  the  German  society 
previously  mentioned,  of  which  Steuben  was  president,  on 
May  21,  adopted  a  resolution  calling  on  all  its  members 
and  other  German  residents  of  New  York  to  assist  in 
building  a  fortification  on  Governor's  island,  now  famil- 
iar to  all  visitors  as  the  headquarters  of  the  Eastern  mili- 
tary department.  Early  on  the  morning  of  June  5th 
there  was  a  gathering  at  the  Lutheran  school-house  on 
Nasau  street,  and  with  their  president  at  the  head  of  the 
procession,  the  members  marched  with  flags  and  music 
along  Broadway  to  the  Battery,  from  whence  they  em- 
barked for  Governor's  island.  Duties  were  assigned  by 
the  mayor  of  the  city,  and  a  good  day's  work  performed. 

Shortly  after  Steuben  left  for  the  north  for  his  usual 
summer  sojourn  on  his  farm  in  Oneida  county,  where, 
however,  he  was  destined  to  spend  but  very  little  time. 
Arriving  at  Albany  he  met  the  other  members  of  the  de- 
fense commission,  and  the  board  organized  by  electing 
him  president,  and  Mr.  Mulligan,  secretary.  After  a  dis- 
cussion of  plans  and  measures  Steuben  proceeded  to  his 
farm  to  make  preparations  for  an  inspection  tour.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  Steuben's  home  was  practically 
on  the  frontier,  and  that  a  short  journey  from  thence 
would  bring    him  into    what  was    practically    a    hostile 


344    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

country,  although  within  the  state  of  New  York.  Steu- 
ben, North  and  Van  Rensselaer  seem  to  have  met  at  the 
farm  and  started  on  their  journey,  having  with  them  one 
L.  Hough,  in  charge  of  the  baggage,  and  a  small  guard. 
According  to  the  chronicle  they  went  from  old  Fort 
Stanwix  down  Wood  Creek  to  Oneida  lake,  which  they 
crossed,  and  proceeded  along  Seneca  river  to  Salt  Point 
at  the  foot  of  Onondago  Lake  where  now  stands  the  city 
of  Syracuse.  Indians  to  the  number  of  several  hundred 
were  holding  a  council  there,  and  the  disposition  seems 
to  have  been  about  equally  divided  between  between 
friendship  and  hostility.  The  commissioners  were  sus- 
picious, and  during  their  stay  there  they  were  protected 
by  a  guard.  While  there  it  was  learned  that  there  was 
a  gathering  of  Canadian  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Oswego  river,  which  flows  from  Lake  Onondaga  to  On- 
tario, with  the  intention  of  capturing  Steuben  and  turn- 
ing him  over  to  the  British  commander  at  Fort  Oswego. 
Such  a  proceeding  could  hardly  fail  to  prove  a  casus 
belli,  and  to  avoid  the  very  serious  complication  which 
must  have  arisen  from  such  an  outrage  on  American  soil. 
Steuben  left  the  party  and  went  northeastwardly  through 
the  wilderness  to  Fort  Stanwix,  now  the  city  of  Rome. 
No  sooner  had  Hough  with  the  boat  containing  the  bag- 
gage, started  up  Onondago  Lake  than  it  was  surrounded 
by  Indians  in  their  batteaux,  who  demanded  the  where- 
abouts of  Steuben.  At  first  they  would  not  believe 
Hough's  story  that  he  was  not  with  the  party,  and  acted 
in  a  threatening  manner,  but  as  Steuben  seemed  to  be  the 
sole  object  of  their  desire,  Hough  was  suffered  to  pro- 
ceed without  further  molestation. 

On  its  return  the  party  stopped  over  night  at  the 
little  village  of  Manlius,  which  had  been  settled  by  one 
John  A.  Shaeffer  two  years  before,  and,  like  many  of  the 


THE  NEW  CINCINNATUS  345 

first  settlers  he  kept  the  one  tavern  of  which  the  hamlet 
boasted.  Steuben  and  his  friends  put  up  with  Shaeffer,  and 
being  much  fatigued  retired  early,  but  not  to  slumber  as 
they  had  intended.  During  the  night  there  seemed  to  be 
an  unusual  stir  about  the  house,  and  as  the  hour  of  mid- 
night approached  it  increased,  and  before  morning  there 
happened  one  of  those  unpostponable  events  incident  to 
all  growing  families.  The  Baron  was  so  greatly  an- 
noyed during  the  night  that  he  got  scarcely  any  sleep. 
The  frequent  opening  and  closing  of  doors,  continual 
tramping  of  busy  feet,  and  the  hushed  sound  of  female 
voices  which  were  greatly  magnified  by  the  Baron's 
nervousness,  and  the  importance  of  progressing  events 
kept  his  mind  in  a  continual  tumult.  .  The  house  was 
built  of  logs,  only  one  story  high,  with  two  rooms  below, 
the  bed  chamber  occupied  by  the  guests  in  the  roof  above 
being  the  size  of  the  house,  with  only  loose  boards  for  a 
floor,  and  accessible  by  no  other  means  than  a  ladder. 
The  companions  of  the  Baron  slept  soundly,  but  he  tossed 
constantly  on  his  bed  of  straw,  seeking  rest  and  finding 
none.  He  wondered  what  could  excite  such  wonderful 
commotion,  and  finally  worked  himself  into  an  uncontroll- 
able passion.  At  earliest  dawn  he  arose,  vowing  ven- 
geance on  all  below.  Approaching  the  landlord  he  burst 
out,  "Your  house  is  full  of  gossips  and  goblins,  it  isn't 
fit  to  stable  swine.  Give  us  breakfast  and  let  us  be  off, 
and  we'll  not  trouble  you  again.'.'  The  landlord,  dumb- 
founded, dared  not  raise  his  head  to  hint  the  cause  of  the 
trouble;  but  a  woman  approached,  bearing  in  her  arms 
an  infant,  saying,  "Here,  sir  Baron,  is  the  cause  of  all 
the  noise  and  trouble  last  night."  There  was  an  imme- 
diate reaction.  The  Baron  apologized  forthwith,  and 
tendered  his  most  hearty  congratulations.  He  bestowed 
his  name  on  the  new  arrival,  and  drew  a  deed  of  gift  for 


346     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

250  acres  of  land.  Breakfast  was  served,  and  the  party 
went  on  its  way  rejoicing. 

It  was  near  the  first  of  September  when  Steuben  got 
back  to  his  farm,  and  Autumnal  foliage  was  already  be- 
ginning to  bedeck  the  country.  The  Jay  treaty  which 
was  signed  on  November  19,  following,  settled  the  dis- 
puted questions,  and  averted  war,  at  least  for  nearly 
twenty  years,  but  the  Baron  did  not  live  to  see  the  forts 
evacuated. 

This  fall  seems  to  have  been  an  enjoyable  one.  The 
new  Cincinnatus  had  cleared  some  sixty  acres  of  land, 
on  which  he  proposed  building  a  comfortable  mansion. 
About  sixteen  families  were  living  on  his  place,  he  had 
numerous  visitors,  and  money  matters  were  comparative- 
ly easy.  He  occupied  a  temporary  log  building  consist- 
ing of  two  apartments,  a  kitchen  and  bedroom,  with  a 
garret  above  where  the  servants  slept.  During  this  sum- 
mer he  had  built  a  frame  addition  to  the  east  end  of  the 
log  house  consisting  of  a  sitting  room  and  bed  room, 
from  which  it  was  necessary  to  go  out  of  doors  to  reach 
the  other  apartments.  Steuben  slept  in  the  new  house, 
and  Mulligan  in  the  other.  He  took  great  pride  in  every 
department  of  his  estate,  and  was  fond  of  riding  over  the 
place  on  his  mare  Molly,  watching  the  improvements  and 
giving  orders.  Among  his  projects  was  an  artificial  lake 
to  be  fed  from  a  couple  of  streams  that  meandered 
through  the  farm.  On  one  occasion  when  some  New 
York  friends  were  inclined  to  make  light  of  his  patri- 
mony away  up  among  the  Mohawk  mountains  he  declared 
it  to  be  the  best  land  in  the  world,  and  offered  to  prove 
it.  When  challenged  to  do  so  he  declared,  "There  is 
Captain  Simeon  Woodruff  who  has  sailed  around  the 
world  with  Captain  Cook.  He  has  bought  a  farm  on  my 
patent  and  settled  on  it,  and  sure,  if  in  all  his  voyages  a 


STEUBEN'S  WOODLAND  HOME. 


OSWEGO   AND   THR    FORT   IN    1794. 


THE  NEW  CINCINNATUS  347 

better  location  had  been  found  he  would  not  have  done 
so."    The  skeptics  were  silenced  if  not  convinced. 

The  Baron  was  a  good  chess  player  and  fond  of  en- 
gaging in  this  game  with  an  evening  companion,  but 
political  subjects  furnished  lively  themes  for  discussion. 
The  latest  publications  from  both  sides  of  the  ocean  were 
found  on  the  table  of  the  living  room,  and  the  French 
Revolution  with  its  accompanying  military  movements 
received  considerable  attention,  especially  the  latter,  the 
Baron  watching  the  Prussian  maneuvers  especially  with  a 
critical  eye.  On  one  occasion  when  the  abolition  of 
French  titles  of  nobility  was  a  subject  of  conversation 
somebody  suggested  that  Steuben  renounce  his  title  and 
call  himself  Citizen  Steuben,  to  which  he  laughingly  re- 
plied, that  even  were  he  to  do  so  the  title  would  never  die, 
as  all  the  children  who  had  been  or  would  be  christened 
"Baron  Steuben,"  would  perpetuate  it.  He  had  the  good 
sense  to  recognize  the  fact  that  titles  in  America  were 
mere  complimentary  expressions  whether  of  old  world 
importation  or  the  newer  forms  of  "Colonels,"  "Judges," 
"  'Squire,"  or  "Doctor." 

On  another  occasion  the  comparative  merits  of  racial 
military  ability  were  under  discussion  when  the  Baron 
remarked :  "Of  all  the  Americans,  the  Yankees  are  in  my 
opinion,  the  best  soldiers;  they  are  the  most  intelligent, 
and  in  some  respects  the  best  troops  in  the  world.  But 
they  always  want  to  know  the  reasons  for  the  orders 
given  them  by  their  superiors,  and  are  too  fond  of  im- 
proving upon  the  plans  of  the  latter." 

During  this  period  a  neighbor  named  Mappa  was  a 
favorite  guest  of  the  Baron.  He  had  left  Holland  during 
some  revolutionary  movements,  and  coming  to  northern 
New  York  was  made  president  of  the  Holland-Gennessee 
Land  Company,  through  whose    means    a    considerable 


348     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

number  of  Dutch  and  German  immigrants  were  induced 
to  settle  in  that  locality. 

Steuben  was  fond  of  having  selections  from  Gibbon, 
Voltaire  and  other  standard  works  read  aloud  to  him  in 
the  evenings,  and  thus  the  early  fall  passed  away  while 
the  Baron  began  preparations  to  return  to  New  York  for 
the  winter.  A  heavy  snow  fell  in  November  as  was  liable 
to  happen  in  that  latitude,  and  towards  the  latter  part  of 
the  month  all  farm  work  was  suspended,  as  was  thought, 
for  the  winter,  but  it  was  a  permanent  suspension  so  far 
as  Steuben  was  concerned. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


THE  LAST  ACT. 


Unexpected  Death  of  Steuben— Stricken  by  Paralysis— A  Melan- 
choly Funeral — The  Baron's  Will — Desecration  of  His 
Grave  And  Final  Resting  Place. 

All  accounts  agree  that  Steuben's  health  was  excel- 
lent during  the  summer  and  fall  of  1794.  As  we  have 
seen  he  not  only  made  an  important  expedition  into  the 
Indian  country,  but  was  especially  busy  about  his  farm, 
putting  things  in  order  and  with  broad  projects  for  the 
future,  not  the  least  of  which  was  a  dwelling  commensu- 
rate with  his  dignity  and  position.  No  doubt  he  expected 
to  prepare  plans  for  his  mansion  during  his  sojourn  in 
New  York  the  coming  winter.  But  while  man  may  pro- 
pose, God  disposes. 

On  the  evening  of  November  25th,  the  Baron  passed 
the  time  in  his  customary  manner,  and  at  about  eleven 
o'clock  he  retired  with  no  indication  of  anything  being 
the  matter  with  him.  As  stated  Steuben's  bedroom  was 
in  the  new  house,  while  Mulligan's  was  in  the  old  log 
house  adjoining.  No  other  persons  were  in  the  building 
except  the  two  servants.  Colonel  North  had  been  there 
but  had  gone  back  a  few  weeks  before  to  his  home  at 
Duanesburg.  On  the  morning  of  the  26th  at  4  o'clock, 
Mulligan  was  awakened  by  Steuben's  German  servant 
named  William,  who  told  him  the  Baron  was  dying.  Mul- 
ligan sprang  from  his  bed  and  rushed  through  the  snow 
to  the  Baron's  apartments,  where  he  found  him  suffering 
intensely  and  apparently  almost  dead.  Steuben  exclaimed, 
"Don't  be  alarmed,  my  son,"  but  was  unable  to  keep  up 
any    connected    conversation.     Mulligan    sent    for  Mr. 


350    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

White,  Steuben's  overseer,  who  lived  half  a  mile  off,  and 
dispatched  him  for  a  physician  and  also  to  notify  Colonel 
(or  Major)  North.  Word  was  also  sent  to  Mr.  Mappa 
at  Boonesville,  but  he  was  away  from  home.  The  near- 
est physician  was  at  Whitestown,  eighteen  miles  distant, 
and  could  not  get  to  the  farm  in  time  to  be  of  any  assist- 
ance. Mulligan,  at  his  request,  lifted  Steuben  from  his 
bed  to  a  chair,  and  gave  him  an  emetic,  after  which  he 
placed  him  back  on  the  couch.  The  Baron  talked  a  little 
until  about  six  A.  M.,  when  he  became  speechless,  al- 
though apparently  sensible  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
day.  He  had  frequent  convulsions,  which  abated  some- 
what during  the  night.  The  physician  arrived  at  2  P.  M., 
on  Thursday,  the  27th,  and  administered  some  sedatives 
which  eased  the  suffering,  but  Steuben  was  now  beyond 
all  human  aid,  and  was  doubtless  so  from  the  beginning. 
He  remained  unconscious,  and  at  12  :30  noon  on  Friday, 
the  28th,  passed  quietly  away.  A  letter  from  Mulligan 
to  Benjamin  Walker,  written  on  the  29th,  gives  his  ac- 
count of  the  Baron's  last  hours : 

"I  am  sufficiently  composed  to  begin,  O  my  dear  sir, 
a  sad  tale.  On  Tuesday  morning  last  our  friend,  my 
father,  was  struck  with  a  palsy  which  deprived  his  left 
side  of  motion.  The  evening  before  we  parted  at  eleven ; 
he  was  well,  perfectly  well.  At  four  o'clock  I  was 
alarmed  with  the  cry  that  he  was  dying,  and  when  I  en- 
tered his  chamber  he  was  in  extreme  agony,  and  appeared 
to  have  suffered  long.  I  sent  for  immediate  assistance, 
and  dispatched  White  for  Major  North.  He  was  sensi- 
ble and  could  speak,  retched  violently,  asked  for  an 
emetic,  which  I  gave  him — it  operated  well.  I  then  put 
him  to  bed  from  which  I  had  taken  him  by  his 
desire.  He  continued  to  speak  at  intervals  till 
about     six     o'clock     and     from     thence     was     speech- 


THE  LAST  ACT  351 

less.  He  remained  apparently  sensible  during  the 
greater  part  of  Tuesday,  notwithstanding  he  was 
often  in  convulsions.  That  night  he  was  pretty 
quiet,  though  the  fits  sometimes  returned.  He  did  not 
show  any  signs  of  sense  afterwards.  Every  measure 
which  the  situation  afforded  was  pursued  to  relieve  him 
until  the  arrival  of  the  doctor  on  Thursday.  He  admin- 
istered medicines  which  gave  some  relief,  but  it  was  not 
long.  The  stroke  was  too  violent,  and  yesterday  at  half 
past  twelve  o'clock,  oh  my  good  God,  my  parent  died! 
O,  Colonel  Walker,  our  friend,  my  all;  I  can  write  no 
more.  Come,  if  you  can,  I  am  lonely.  Oh,  good  God, 
what  solitude  is  in  my  bosom.  Oh,  if  you  were  here  to 
mingle  your  tears  with  mine,  there  would  be  some  conso- 
lation for  the  distressed." 

Colonel  North  did  not  arrive  at  the  Steuben  home- 
stead until  Saturday,  November  29th,  the  day  after  the 
Baron's  death,  the  distance  of  his  home  and  the  condition 
of  the  roads  having  detained  him.  Mulligan  had  already 
made  arrangements  for  the  funeral,  which  he  approved 
and  carried  out.  In  fact  very  little  preparation  was  re- 
quired. During  his  life  Steuben  had  expressed  the  de- 
sire that  there  be  no  parade  over  his  remains,  but  that  he 
be  wrapped  in  his  military  cloak  and  buried  in  a  retired 
spot  on  his  estate.  He  seems  to  have  intimated  that  un- 
der a  certain  hemlock  would  be  a  good  location  for  this 
purpose,  and  accordingly  it  was  selected.  It  was  in  a 
wood  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  north  of  the 
house.  Melting  snow  and  bad  weather  made  the  digging 
of  the  grave  a  matter  of  some  difficulty,  but  it  was  ac- 
complished, and  at  noon  on  Sunday  the  funeral  cortege 
left  the  house  on  its  sad  errand.  About  thirty  neighbors 
and  the  Baron's  household,  including  North,  made  up 
the  procession.    No  military  fan  fare,  no  priest  or  chant- 


352     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

ing  choir,  no  funeral  orator  was  there,  but  in  silence  the 
last  sad  offices  were  performed.  A  few  handfuls  of  earth, 
tears  from  the  little  band  gathered  there,  were  the  only 
human  tributes,  While  the  wintry  wind  moaned  its  solemn 
requiem  through  the  forest,  now  all  bare  and  leafless  save 
where  the  dark  green  of  the  pines  made  a  deep  contrast 
to  earth's  white  winding  sheet. 

Perhaps  after  all  it  was  a  burial  worthy  of  a  hero. 
No  funeral  pomp  or  pageantry  could  have  added  to  Steu- 
ben's reputation,  nor  could  its  absence  take  anything 
away.  Like  Hamilton  in  the  Revolution  and  Stanton  in 
the  Civil  War,  his  character  seems  to  expand  as  men 
begin  more  and  more  to  appreciate  the  quality  of  the 
man,  the  work  he  was  called  upon  to  perform,  and  the 
difficulties  he  encountered  in  performing  it.  Posterity 
is  beginning  to  realize  what  his  contemporaries 
could  not  fully  comprehend,  and  while  many  a 
prominent  character  of  that  day  has  been  forgot- 
ten or  only  mentioned  as  a  sort  of  connecting  link  in  the 
endless  chain  of  events,  Steuben  looms  up  more  and 
more  as  the  perspective  lengthens.  As  the  disinterested 
patriot,  as  the"  skillful  disciplinarian,  as  the  able  general, 
as  the  confidant,  the  adviser  and  the  friend  of  Washing- 
ton, as  the  honest  and  thorough  gentleman,  he  proved 
himself  a  worthy  compeer  of  those  great  characters  who 
laid  the  foundations  of  this  republic  so  deep  and  strong 
that  it  has  successfully  withstood  the  whirlwinds  of  a  cen- 
tury and  a  quarter,  the  strain  of  war  and  the  laxity  of 
peace,  the  struggle  with  adversity  and  the  more  insidious 
enervation  as  the  result  of  prosperity.  * 

*  Mrs.  Cora  B.  Foster,  of  Washington,  D.  C,  relates  a  fam- 
ily tradition  that  prayer  was  offered  at   Steuben's   grave  by     a 
Welsh  Baptist     minister  named  Jones,  to     whose     society  the 
Baron  in  his  lifetime  deeded  a  tract  of  land,  and  that  after  the 
burial  all  traces  of  the  grave  were  carefully  obliterated,  though 


THE  LAST  ACT  353 

As  has  probably  been  inferred  by  the  reader,  Steu- 
ben remained  single  all  his  life.  There  is  a  story  that 
when  packing  his  goods  preparatory  to  removal  to  his 
farm  he  let  fall  a  portrait  of  a  young  lady,  which  was 
picked  up  by  a  friend  with  an  inquiry  as  to  the  identity 
of  the  original.  He  displayed  considerable  emotion,  and 
remarked,  "O  she  was  a  matchless  woman,"  which  closed 
the  incident.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  Baron's  life 
had  at  least  one  romantic  episode,  few  there  are  that 
have  not. 

In  his  will  Steuben  expressly  excluded  his  relatives 
from  participation  in  his  estate,  which  was  mainly  divided 
between  North  and  Walker,  whom  he  considered  his 
adopted  sons.  To  the  former  he  specifically  bequeathed 
the  silver  hiked  sword  and  gold  box  given  him  by  the 
City  of  New  York,  and  to  Walker  $3,000  and  the  gold- 
hilted  sword  given  him  by  Congress.  To  Mulligan  he 
gave  his  library,  maps,  and  charts  with  $2,500,  and  to 


for  what  reason  is  not  stated.  None  of  the  Baron's  biographers, 
however,  relates  any  of  these  facts,  and  Pomeroy  Jones,  the  early 
historian  of  Oneida  County,  who  was  able  to  converse  with  liv- 
ing residents  of  pioneer  days,  refers  to  the  arrival  of  the  Welsh 
in  1808  as  the  begining  of  a  new  era.  At  the  request  of  the 
present  writer  Wm.  M.  Storrs,  of  Utica,  N.  Y.,  corresponding 
secretary  of  the  Oneida  Historical  Society,  kindly  furnishes  the 
following  statement  as  the  result  of  a  thorough  investigation, 
which  seems  conclusive  on  this  point:  "On  the  12th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1801,  there  gathered  at  the  residence  of  John  Williams, 
Utica.  N.  Y.,  twenty-two  persons  and  organized  a  Baptist 
Church.  These  Welsh  Baptists  organized  the  first  church  in 
Utica.  In  1806,  Rev.  Richard  Jones  came  from  Philadelphia  to 
Steuben  and  organized  the  First  Baptist  Society  there.  He  re- 
mained pastor  many  years.  Rev.  Erasmus  W.  Jones  delivered 
an  address  before  this  Society,  Dec.  3,  1888,  his  topic  being,  'The 
Early  Welsh  Settlers  of  Oneida  ounty.'  In  this  address  he  men- 
tions a  Deacon  Wm.  C.  Jones,  coming  to  Oneida  County,  in 
1798.  I  find  no  mention  of  any  religious  services  at  the  funeral 
of  Baron  Steuben,  and  am  unable  to  locate  the  Deacon  Jones 
you  speak  of.  The  first  Deacon  Jones  I  find  in  the  county  is 
the  above  Wm.  C.  Jones,  who  came  here  in  1798." 


354    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

each  of  his  servants  a  year's  wages,  in  addition  to  his 
wearing  apparel  to  his  valet  de  chambre.  Everything  else 
was  to  go  to  North  and  Walker  as  above  stated,  and  to 
the  servants'  legacies  was  attached  this  condition: 

That  on  my  decrease  they  do  not  permit  any  person  to 
touch  my  body,  nor  even  to  change  the  shirt  in  which  I  shall 
die,  but  that  they  wrap  me  up  in  my  old  military  cloak,  and  in 
twenty-four  hours  after  my  decease  bury  me  in  such  a  spot  as 
I  shall  before  my  decease  point  out  to  them,  and  that  they 
never  acquaint  any  person  with  the  place  wherein  I  shall  be 
buried. 

It  is  perhaps  needless  to  say  that  the  last  clause  of 
the  will  was  not  carried  out,  in  fact  the  Baron  had  not 
definitely  selected  his  place  of  burial,  although  he  seems 
to  have  intimated  that  beneath  the  hemlock  mentioned 
above  would  be  an  appropriate  spot  for  his  grave. 

We  now  come  to  the  most  unpleasant  incident  of  all 
in  connection  with  Steuben's  grave,  which  was  not,  after 
all,  destined  to  be  his  last  resting  place.  Near  the  begin- 
ning of  the  last  century  it  was  desired  to  locate  a  wagon 
road  through  this  estate,  and  the  line  as  laid  out  by  the 
surveyors  ran  directly  over  the  grave.  A  little  variation 
to  the  right  or  left  would  have  answered  every  purpose, 
but  nobody  paid  any  attention  to  the  matter,  and  the 
highway  was  graded  as  surveyed,  cutting  aff  about  one- 
third  of  the  grave,  and  exposing  the  coffin  to  view.  It  is 
even  said  that  the  rough,  wooden  box  which  enclosed  his 
remains  was  opened  by  some  of  the  neighbors  who  wanted 
to  secure  a  piece  of  the  Baron's  military  cloak  as  a  sou- 
venir. Benjamin  Walker  finally  heard  of  the  desecra- 
tion, and  had  the  body  taken  up  and  removed  farther 
into  the  woods.  In  order  to  insure  the  care  of  the 
grounds  and  prevent  further  desecration  he  set  aside  a 
tract  of  fifty  acres  which  he  transferred  to  a  Baptist  So- 
ciety in  perpetuity  on  condition  that  five  acres  of  wood- 


THE  LAST  ACT  355 

land  surrounding  the  grave  be  kept  substantially  fenced 
and  forever  uncleared,  and  no  cattle  or  other  animals 
were  to  be  allowed  within  the  enclosure.  Any  failure  to 
comply  with  these  stipulations  was  to  work  a  forfeiture 
of  the  trust,  which  has  been  carefully  observed,  and 
beech,  maple,  evergreens  and  other  denizens  of  the  forest 
now  thickly  stand  as  sentinels  over  the  spot. 

Mr.  Kapp  who  visited  the  grave  in  June,  1857,  in 
company  with  the  Baron's  sole  surviving  servant,  Lem- 
uel Hough,  thus  describes  the  spot :  "The  tall  beech  trees, 
under  whose  shade  he  loved  to  sit  in  the  evening  of  his 
life,  extend  their  widespread  arms  over  the  grave,  and 
keep  watch  over  the  old  hero.  Fragrant  flowers,  with 
double  vigor  rising  from  the  mouldering  vegetation,  form 
a  lonely  wreath  around  the  tomb.  All  dispute  and  trou- 
ble, all  hatred  and  envy  of  daily  life,  are  shut  out  from 
this  hallowed  spot,  which,  in  its  simplicity  and  seclusion, 
presents  a  strong  contrast  with  the  stirring  and  promin- 
ent career  of  him  whose  ashes  it  contains."  So  we  leave 
him. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY. 

North,  the  Founder  and  Namer  of  Fort  Steuben — Walker — Du- 
ponceau —  Fish —  Ternant — Davies — Fleury  — Fairlie — Smith 
and  Others. 

It  would  be  ungracious  to  close  this  work  without  at 
least  a  brief  reference  to  the  men  who  were  closely  aso- 
ciated  with  General  Von  Steuben  during  his  American 
career,  whose  biographies,  even  independent  of  their  con- 
nection with  the  Baron,  are  of  more  than  ordinary  inter- 
est 

First  in  prominence  if  not  in  time  was  William 
North,  who  was  born  of  a  military  family  at  Fort  Frede- 
rick, Maine,  in  1755.  Twenty  years  later  he  entered  the 
Revolutionary  army  and  served  under  Arnold  in  the  ill 
fated  Canadian  expedition.  In  May,  1777,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  captain  of  infantry  in  Colonel  Henry  Jack- 
son's Massachusetts  regiment,  and  acquitted  himself  with 
credit  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth  Court  House.  Two 
years  later  he  was  appointed  aide-de-camp  to  General 
Steuben,  and  served  upon  the  latter's  staff,  as  well  as  that 
of  General  Washington's,  until  the  end  of  the  war.  The 
closest  possible  friendship  ensued  between  him  and  Steu- 
ben, as  each  learned  to  appreciate  the  valuable  qualities 
of  the  other,  and  when  Steuben  was  ordered  to  Virginia 
North  accompanied  him,  taking  an  active  part  in  the 
campaigns  there,  which  ended  in  the  capture  of  York- 
town.  The  war  being  over  North  returned  to  private  life, 
and  lived  for  awhile  with  Steuben  in  his  bachelor  quar- 
ters at  the  "Louvre"  in  New  York  City.  He  was  too 
valuable,  however,  to  be  left  in  retirement,  and  was  con- 


STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY      ,  357 

stantly  called  on  to  take  part  in  public  affairs,  having  been 
elected  several  times  to  the  legislature,  which  then  sat  in 
New  York  City,  and  was  chosen  Speaker  of  the  Assem- 
bly 

When  troops  were  ordered  to  the  Ohio  country  in 
the  summer  and  fall  of  1786  an  encampment  was  first 
made  at  Mingo  on  the  Ohio  river,  two  miles  below  the 
present  city  of  Steubenville.  From  there  they  were 
brought  to  a  point  within  the  present  limits  of  the  city, 
where  was  begun  the  erection  of  Fort  Steuben.  While 
here  the  troops  were  inspected  by  Major  North,  and  as 
previously  stated  it  was  no  doubt  by  his  command  that 
the  fort  was  located  here,  and  the  first  permanent  settle- 
ment in  Ohio  named  after  his  friend  and  chief.  In  recog- 
nition of  this  and  other  services,  Congress  in  October  of 
that  year  passed  a  special  act  creating  North  a  Major  in 
the  Second  regiment  United  States  Infantry,  a  part  of 
the  regular  army. 

Major  North  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate and  served  in  that  body  from  May  21,  1789,  to 
March  3,  1799.  When  the  difficulties  with  France  be- 
gan in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  President 
Adams  appointed  him  Adjutant  General  of  the  army 
with  the  rank  of  brigadier,  which  position  he  held  until 
June  10,  1800.  In  March,  1812,  when  the  second  war 
with  great  Britain  was  impending  he  was  again  ap- 
pointed Adjutant  General,  but  declined.  He  was  one  of 
the  state  canal  commissioners  in  the  incipiency  of  the 
New  York  and  Erie  canal  project  where  he  rendered  val- 
uable service. 

It  is  perhaps,  needless  to  state  that,  whatever  his 
residence  or  occupation,  his  interest  in  his  old  friend,  the 
Baron,  did  not  flag.  In  the  fall  of  1782  he  writes  from 
Fishkill  Landing  on  the  Hudson  in  reference  to  Steuben's 


358    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

claims  then  pending  before  Congress,  strongly  censuring 
that  body  for  its  neglect,  and  expressing  the  hope  that 
"The  department  of  which  you  are  the  head  is  so  essen- 
tial to  the  well  being  of  the  army,  that  I  hope  you  will 
not  be  permitted  to  resign  it.  It  is  so  conspicuous  a  post 
that  I  never  wish  to  see  it  filled  by  another,  while  there  is 
an  American  army,  to  profit  by  your  instructions." 

North's  antipathy  to  Lafayette  was  at  least  as 
strong  as  the  Baron's.  Writing  to  the  latter  (who  was 
probably  then  in  Philadelphia)  he  gives  the  following  ac- 
count of  the  arrival  of  the  marquis  in  New  York,  in  Oc- 
tober, 1784: 

What,  with  a  villainous  wind.,  and  the  foolish  parade  which 
has  been  made  with  the  Don  Quixote  Lafayette,  I  have  not  had 
a  moment's  peace.  He  arrived  here  on  Friday,  amidst  the  ac- 
clamations of  foolish  disbanded  officers  and  the  town  rabble; 
seated  on  a  little  horse  (for  the  sake  of  Christ  I  am  sorry  it  was 
not  an  ass)  he  made  his  public  entry.     Yesterday  they  gave  him 

a  dinner,  and  at  night  Madame  Hayley,  and  an  old gave 

him  some  of  the  most  infamous  fireworks  I  ever  saw;  but  he. 
like  a  true  Frenchman,  told  her  they  were  superb.  He  has  done 
me  the  honor  to  notice  me.  While  we  were  looking  at  the  ex- 
hibition, he  observed,  putting  his  arm  around  my  neck  and 
whispering  how  pleased  he  was  that  this  attention  was  paid  him 
by  an  English  woman.  But  d — n  the  subject.  I  have  kept  too 
long  on  it  already.  Monsieur  le  Marquis  goes  to  Rhode  Island 
to  receive  the  honor  due  him  from  that  state. 

Soon  after  the  Revolution  Major  North  married 
Mary,  daughter  of  James  Duane,  one  of  the  most  emin- 
ent citizens  of  New  York.  The  latter  was  born  in  that 
city  in  February,  1733,  and  in  1759  married  a  daughter 
of  Robert  Livingston.  He  became  prominent  as  a  law- 
yer and  jurist,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  with 
the  mother  country  was  inclined  to  sympathize  with  the 
latter,  and  exerted  every  effort  towards  a  peaceful  recon- 
ciliation. When  that  was  found  impossible  he  cast  his 
lot  with  the  patriots,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Continen- 


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GEN.    WM.    NORTH'S   HOUSE,   DUANESBURG,    N.    Y. 
Built  ITS 4. 


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Built  1812. 


STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY  359 

tal  Congress.  Having  inherited  a  tract  of  land  in  what 
is  now  Schenectady  County,  New  York,  he  founded  the 
village  of  Duanesburg  about  seventy-five  miles  southeast 
from  the  subsequent  grant  to  Steuben  and  a  dozen  miles 
southwest  of  the  city  of  Schenectady.  Here  North  built 
a  spacious  home.  An  idea  of  his  life  here  may  be  gath- 
ered from  the  following  characteristic  letter  to  Steuben, 
dated  Duanesburg,  January  8,  1789 : 


I  received  your  letter,  my  dear  Baron,  of  the  12th  of  De- 
cember, this  morning,  and  have  attempted  three  times  to  an- 
swer, and  therefore  tore  the  sheet  in  pieces.  To  what  it  was 
owing  I  know  not;  but  I  have  had  the  blue  devils  all  this  morn- 
ing. We  have  just  dined  on  soup  and  beef-steaks,  and  I  have 
drawn  two  glasses  of  your  sherry.  Would  to  God  you  were 
here  to  drink  with  me!  Whether  this  wish  will  banish  my  ill 
humor,  my  letter  will  show,  provided  I  do  not  tear  it  in  pieces 
also.  I  am  up  by  daylight,  and  set  my  man  and  boy  to  work 
this  morning;  they  were  sent  at  a  distance  from  hence,  and  I 
was  obliged  to  drudge  a  mile  and  a  half,  with  a  load  on  my 
shoulders,  through  their  carelessness.  It  is  not  very  pleasant  to 
walk  through  the  snow  with  a  load;  I  did  sweat  most  confound- 
ly;  this  made  me  a  little  angry.  But  this  was  not  all.  Your 
letter  told  me  everybody  was  going  to  be  a  great  man.  I  hate 
everybody  greater  than  myself  except  you.  I  see  no  chance  I 
have  of  getting  anything  in  this  scramble.  This,  perhaps,  made 
me  mad.  Knox  will  remain  Secretary  of  War  or  have  an  equiv- 
alent. His  smiles  and  bows  have  secured  him  a  place  of  conse- 
quence in  the  new  government.  If  you  come  in,  you  must  re- 
solve to  see  him  your  equal.  Except  a  very  few  I  despise  and 
detest  the  whole  human  species;  would  to  God  I  had  been  an 
Indian!  I  should  either  have  been  a  warrior  or  a  Sachem.  My 
wife  is  the  best  woman  possible;  my  boy  is  good,  but  I  am  not 
happy.  My  father-in-law  tells  me  I  am  independent.  So  I  am, 
and  so  is  every  fellow  with  a  woolen  shirt,  who  owns  a  hundred 
acres  of  land.  I  go  to  Albany  with  Polly  and  the  boy  to-mor- 
row, for  the  first  time  since  we  have  lived  here.  It  is  business 
more  than  pleasure  that  takes  me  there.  I  shall  get  no  office 
under  the  new  government  because  I  shall  ask  for  none.  I  am 
proud  and  honest.  I  know  what  I  am  worth,  and  if  other  peo- 
ple do  not  know  it  without  my  telling  them,  they  may  remain 
ignorant.  Hamilton,  Jay  and  several  others  who  will  have  the 
chief  management  in  this  business,  know  me,  but  they  have 
their  friends  and  dependents.  I  shall  go  to  Boston,  comfort  my 
old  mother,  and  return  here  to  drudge  on  in  getting  my  living. 


360    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

No  doubt  North's  election  to  the  Senate  a  few 
months  later  convinced  him  that  he  had  not  been  forgot- 
ten in  the  "scramble,"  and  served  as  an  antidote  for  the 
somewhat  pessimistic  feeling  manifested  at  this  time.  He 
died  in  New  York  City  on  January,  1836,  at  the  age  of 
81  years. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  when  Steuben  first. un- 
dertook to  drill  the  troops  at  Valley  Forge,  the  ranks 
were  thrown  into  confusion  from  the  inability  of  the  sol- 
diers to  understand  the  Baron's  orders.  There  was  pros- 
pect of  a  sudden  termination  of  the  whole  business  in  a 
ludicrous  fiasco,  when  a  young  man  stepped  from  the 
ranks  and  offered  to  translate  the  orders  into  English. 
That  young  man  was  Benjamin  Walker,  who  was  born 
in  England  in  1753.  He  came  to  America,  and  on  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  enlisted  in  the  second  New  York 
regiment  which,  at  the  time  of  the  incident  just  men- 
tioned, was  at  Valley  Forge.  He  had  received  a  liberal 
education,  and  spoke  and  wrote  French  fluently.  He  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  specially  versed  in  German,  but 
as  the  Baron  was  an  excellent  French  scholar  it  was  an 
easy  matter  for  him  to  dictate  his  orders  and  documents 
to  Walker  in  French  to  be  rendered  by  the  latter  into 
English.  The  two  men  became  very  closely  attached  to 
each  other,  and  from  1778  to  1782,  as  an  aide  to  the 
Baron  and  member  of  his  official  family,  he  necessarily 
had  charge  of  his  correspondence  and  other  documents. 
He  also  served  about  a  year  on  Washington's  staff,  and 
was  highly  respected  by  all  his  military  associates.  Dur- 
ing the  latter  period  he  taught  Mrs.  Washing- 
ton the  game  of  chess,  of  which  the  lady  seems  to 
have  tired,  and  backgammon  was  adopted  as  a  substitute, 
not  to  Walker's  pleasure.  At  the  close  of  the  war  Wal- 
ker was  made  private  secretary  to  the  Governor  of  New 


STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY  361 

York,  and  also  became  chief  naval  officer  under  Wash- 
ington. He  was  with  Steuben  awhile  at  the  "Louvre," 
but  having  married  he  took  a  house  in  Maiden  Lane  op- 
posite Liberty  street,  where,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
Steuben  on  his  invitation  went  to  live  with  him  on  the 
breaking  up  of  the  "Louvre."  He  removed  to  Courtlandt 
street  shortly  after,  but  Steuben  does  not  seem  to  have 
resided  with  him  there.  In  response  to  a  request  from 
the  Baron  for  his  picture  he  replied :  "If  it  was  a  minia- 
ture you  meant,  we  have  a  miniature  painter  here  in  New 
York,  as  superior  to  Peale  as  light  to  darkness."  We  do 
not  learn  who  the  painter  was,  possibly  it  was  Earle,  or 
whether  he  ever  received  the  commission.  On  leaving 
the  office  of  secretary,  Walker  became  a  broker,  and  Steu- 
ben was  a  frequent  and  always  a  welcome  guest  at  his 
house.  In  1798  he  was  appointed  by  the  Earl  of  Bute 
in  charge  of  the  latter's  extensive  estate  in  northern  New 
York,  which  caused  his  removal  to  Utica,  where  he  re- 
sided until  his  death  on  January  13,  1818,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-five  years.  He  took  an  active  part  in  public  affairs, 
and  represented  his  district  in  Congress  in  1801-3.  His 
rescue  of  Steuben's  remains  from  desecration  and  pro- 
vision for  their  last  resting  place  have  already  been  re- 
lated. 

Pierre  Etienne  Duponceau  was  born  at  St.  Martin, 
Re,  an  island,  off  the  western  coast  of  France,  on  June  3, 
1760.  He  seems  to  have  had  a  natural  taste  for  linguistic 
study,  and  learned  to  speak  English  from  some  persons 
of  that  nationality  who  resided  on  the  island.  While  at 
college  he  pursued  his  English  studies  with  such  interest 
that  he  was  called  L' Anglais.  He  afterwards  became 
abbe  of  the  monastery,  but  remained  only  a  short  time, 
and  in  December,  1775,  he  walked  to  Paris,  his  worldly 
possessions  at  that  time,  in  addition  to  the  clothes  on  his 


362     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

back,  consisting  of  an  extra  shirt  and  a  copy  of  "Paradise 
Lost."  English  was  then  the  popular  language  in  the 
French  salons  notwithstanding  the  feeling  against  that 
country,  and  Duponceau  prepared  an  English-French  vo- 
cabulary of  chase  and  racing  terms  for  the  Duke  of  Or- 
leans, but  when  he  asked  for  compensation  received  the 
reply,  "Le  princes  ne  donent  rien,"  (princes  give  noth- 
ing). Disgusted  with  court  circles  he  cultivated  associa- 
tion with  literary  characters,  among  them  Beaumarchais, 
at  whose  house  he  met  Baron  Steuben  in  1777.  As  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  that  the  latter  should  have  some  as- 
sociate in  his  projected  journey  to  America  who  under- 
stood English  he  engaged  Duponceau  as  private  secretary, 
and  the  pair  sailed  for  their  new  field  the  following  Sep- 
tember. 

As  illustrating  the  character  of  the  lively  young 
Frenchman  it  is  said  that  shortly  before  the  party  reached 
Portsmouth,  Duponceau  wagered  that  he  would  kiss  the 
first  girl  they  met  after  landing.  The  proposal  was  re- 
ceived with  incredulous  laughter,  but  nothing  daunted 
Duponceau  approached  the  first  young  lady  he  met  on 
shore,  and  told  her  of  his  vow,  adding  that  having  come 
over  to  fight  for  American  liberty  he  asked  a  kiss  as  a 
blessing  on  his  undertaking.  Moved  by  his  pleading  or 
appearance,  or  perhaps  both,  the  kiss  was  granted,  and 
Duponceau  had  the  laugh  on  his  companions.  His  viva- 
city and  gallantry  made  him  a  favorite  in  Boston  society, 
where  his  knowledge  of  English  gave  him  an  enormous 
advantage  over  his  foreign  associates,  who,  as  he  said, 
"Stood  and  sat  like  Indians,  and  could  talk  only  by  signs. " 
He  condescended,  however,  to  do  some  interpreting  be- 
tween the  Baron  and  some  of  the  older  ladies,  while  carry- 
ing on  a  tender  flirtation  with  Miss  Sally  Doan,  daugh- 
ter of  their  hostess. 


STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY  363 

As  already  related  Duponceau  accompanied  Steuben 
to  York  and  Valley  Forge,  sharing  the  vicissitudes  and 
honors  of  his  chief.  He  was  quite  near-sighted,  which 
defect  sometimes  led  him  into  ludicrous  situations  as  once 
when  he  mistook  some  red  petticoats  hanging  on  a  fence 
for  a  body  of  British  soldiery.  He  was  kept  busy  in  the 
transcribing  and  translation  of  Steuben's  army  regula- 
tions, correspondence  &c,  until  the  winter  of  1779-80 
when  he  fell  ill,  and  retired  to  the  country  for  a  short 
time.  He  was  able,  however,  to  go  with  Steuben  to  Vir- 
ginia in  the  Autumn  of  1780,  but  the  following  June  was 
again  prostrated  and  returned  to  Philadelphia.  Fortified 
with  a  strong  letter  of  introduction  from  Steuben,  ex- 
plaining that  his  health  did  not  permit  him  to  remain  in 
the  military  service,  he  was  made  an  American  citizen 
and  appointed  an  assistant  secretary  in  the  office  of  for- 
eign affairs  under  Robert  Livingston.  Correspondence 
kept  up  his  friendship  with  Steuben,  and  after  the  Revo- 
lution he  entered  upon  the  practice  of  law.  He  became 
a  leading  citizen  of  Philadelphia,  and  was  recognized  as 
authority  on  scientific  and  literary  matters.  His  publi- 
cations of  legal  esays,  translations,  ethnological  and  other 
works,  procured  for  him  what  was  known  as  the  Volney 
prize  of  $2,000  for  original  research,  and  for  a  number 
of  years  he  was  President  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Society.    He  died  on  April  1,  1844. 

Nicholas  Fish  was  born  in  New  York  City  on  Au- 
gust 28,  1758.  He  was  educated  at  the  College  of  New 
Jersey  and  studied  law,  which  he  left  to  join  the  Revolu- 
tionary forces.  In  the  spring  of  1776  he  became  aide  to 
General  Scott,  and  on  June  21  of  that  year  was  made 
brigade  major.  On  November  21  he  became  major  of 
the  Second  New  York  regiment,  and  soon  after  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel.    He  attracted  attention  by  his  work  at  both 


364     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

battles  of  Saratoga,  and  the  following  year  was  ap- 
pointed division  inspector  under  Steuben.  The  latter  is 
quoted  as  saying  that  he  would  have  made  an  excellent 
officer  in  the  best  European  army,  and  the  two  soon  be- 
came firm  friends.  He  was  soon  assigned  to  more  active 
work,  and  had  an  infantry  command  at  the  battle  of 
Monmouth.  In  1779  he  was  in  Sullivan's  expedition 
against  the  Indians,  and  afterwards  took  an  active  part 
in  the  Virginia  campaigns  and  the  siege  of  Yorktown, 
where,  with  Hamilton,  he  aided  in  storming  and  captur- 
ing one  of  the  redoubts.  In  1786  he  was  made  Adjutant 
General  of  New  York  State,  and  with  Steuben  prepared 
plans  for  harbor  defenses  for  the  city  in  1793.  He  mar- 
ried a  member  of  the  Stuyvesant  family,  and  died  on 
June  20,  1833.  His  descendants  have  been  unusually 
eminent  in  public  affairs. 

Among  those  who  accompanied  Steuben  to  America 
was  Jean  Baptiste  Ternant,  a  French  lieutenant,  who  was 
born  in  Normandy  in  1730.  He  resigned  his  position  in 
the  army,  and  offered  his  services  to  Congress  by  which 
body  he  was  commissioned  major  and  appointed  sub-in- 
spector under  the  Baron.  On  September  25,  1778,  he 
was  commisioned  lieutenant  colonel  and  directed  to  in- 
spect the  troops  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina.  His 
letters  to  Steuben  describing  the  condition  of  affairs  there 
are  very  interesting,  but  they  were  terminated  by  his  cap- 
ture with  Lincoln's  army  at  Charleston  in  1786.  He  was 
soon  afterwards  exchanged  and  continued  in  the  service 
until  the  close  of  the  war,  having  been  assigned  to  the 
charge  of  Armand  de  Roarie's  regiment,  during  the  ab- 
sence of  its  colonel  in  France  soliciting  supplies.  On  the 
latter's  return  Ternant  was  again  sent  south  where  he 
remained  until  the  close  of  the  war  when  he  spent  two 
years  in  travel  and  then  went  back  to  France,  re-entering 


STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY  365 

his  old  army  in  1786,  receiving  a  colonel's  commission. 
He  was  in  the  battle  of  Volney,  and  seems  to  have  been 
a  short  time  with  the  German  army.  On  the  outbreak  of 
the  French  revolution  he  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  the 
United  States,  holding  that  position  until  superseded  by 
Genet  in  1793.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  negotia- 
tions of  1798  in  regard  to  the  differences  between  Ameri- 
ca and  France,  and  at  first  followed  Napoleon,  but  was 
disgusted  at  the  latter's  coup  de'tat  on  18  Brumaire  (No- 
vember 9),  1799,  and  declined  the  newly  made  dictator's 
offer  of  a  commission.  His  death  occurred  at  Couches, 
in  1816. 

William  Davies,  who  graduated  at  Princeton  Col- 
lege in  1765,  later  joined  the  Revolutionary  forces  and 
was  made  inspector  under  Steuben  in  1778.  He  was  a 
favorite,  not  only  of  Steuben  but  of  Washington,  on  ac- 
count of  his  zeal  and  efficiency.  After  the  war  he  held 
a  position  in  the  Virginia  State  Auditor's  office  at  Rich- 
mond, 

Louis  de  Fleury  was  one  of  the  advance  guard  of 
those  adventurous  young  Frenchmen  whose  ardor  led 
them  to  America.  He  received  a  captain's  commission 
from  Congress  early  in  1777,  and  attracted  attention  by 
his  services  at  the  head  of  a  volunteer  corps  of  riflemen. 
He  attained  further  reputation  as  brigade  major  during 
the  campaign  of  that  year,  and  was  sent  to  Fort  Mifflin, 
near  Philadelphia,  where  the  services  of  an  engineer  were 
needed.  He  was  now  promoted  to  the  office  of  lieutenant 
colonel,  and  had  a  horse  shot  under  him  at  the  battle  of 
Brandywine,  and,  as  he  had  filled  the  position  of  aide 
major  in  France,  at  Steuben's  suggestion  and  with  Wash- 
ington's approval  he  was  appointed  a  sub-inspector.  The 
office  of  inspector  having  been  greatly  crippled  by  the 
jealousy  of  other  officers,  Fleury  in  July,  1778,  was  given 


366     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

second  command  in  a  corps  of  light  infantry  operating 
against  Rhode  Island,  and  subsequently  command  of  a 
new  battalion  of  light  infantry  organized  by  Steuben.  He 
was  the  first  to  enter  the  main  works  at  the  storming  of 
Stony  Point,  and  with  his  own  hands  pulled  down  the 
British  flag.  He  joined  Rochambeau's  forces  when  that 
general  arrived,  serving  until  the  close  of  the  war,  and 
keeping  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  Steuben. 

James  Fairlie,  son  of  a  sea  captain  in  the  West  In- 
dia trade,  was  born  in  New  York  City  about  1757,  and 
entered  the  Revolutionary  army  early  in  the  war  as  en- 
sign Colonel  Macdougal's  New  York  regiment.  Subse- 
quently he  was .  transferred  to  Philip  Van  Courtlandt's 
regiment,  and  assisted  in  the  capture  of  Burgoyne's  army. 
The  next  year  he  was  appointed  aide  de  camp  to  Steuben, 
serving  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth  and  accompanying  the 
general  to  Virginia.  There  he  was  captured  by  the 
enemy  but  having  been  exchanged  he  came  north  to  New- 
burg,  where  he  served  until  the  was  war  over.  We  have 
already  seen  that  he  was  a  part  of  Steuben's  family  in 
New  York  City,  when  he  became  claim  agent  for  the 
state.  Subsequently  he  was  clerk  of  the  New  York  Su- 
preme Court,  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly  and  of 
the  convention  that  framed  the  Constitution  of  1823.  He 
was  appointed  commissioner  of  bankruptcy  by  Jefferson, 
and  in  1812  Madison  offered  him  the  position  of  Adju- 
tant General  of  the  United  States,  which  he  did  not  ac- 
cept. His  liberality  and  brilliancy  added  to  a  generous 
disposition  made  him  a  great  favorite  in  society,  and  he 
married  a  daughter  of  Chief  Justice  Yates,  of  Albany. 
When  Steuben  took  charge  of  his  land  in  the  Oneida 
Country  he  presented  certain  tracts  to  some  of  his  former 
aides,  Fairlie  being  one  of  the  beneficiaries.  Later,  while 
visiting  North  he  noticed  a  set  of  Sevres  china,  which  at- 


STEUBEN'S  MILITARY  FAMILY  367 

tracted  his  attention.  The  result  was  that  the  Fairlie  land 
and  North's  china  exchanged  owners.  When  Steuben 
heard  of  the  transaction  he  manifested  his  disapproval  by 
doubling  the  shares  given  to  the  other  aides  and  turning 
what  would  have  been  Fairlie's  over  to  North.  Mr.  Kapp 
also  gives  this  affair  as  the  cause  of  Steuben  omit- 
ting to  mention  Fairlie  in  his  will,  although  there  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  anything  very  reprehensible  in  the 
transaction.  Fairlie  died  in  New  York  City  on  October 
11,  1830,  and  was  buried  with  military  honors. 

Colonel  William  S.  Smith  was  another  of  Steuben's 
aides  who  lived  with  him  for  awhile  after  the  war.  He 
also  served  as  an  aide  to  Washington,  and  early  in  1785 
went  with  John  Adams  to  England  as  secretary,  from 
which  country  he  wrote  a  series  of  interesting  letters  to 
Steuben.  He  afterward  married  the  daughter  of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  was  president  of  the  Cincinnati  until  his 
death  on  June  10,  1816. 

Among  others  whom  Steuben  mentions  with  spe- 
cial friendliness  as  his  assistants  were:  Major  de  Roma- 
nai,  who  accompanied  him  to  America;  Major  De  l'En- 
fant;  Major  De  Epinier,  nephew  of  Beaumarchais,  who 
had  changed  his  name  from  Lepine  as  sounding  more 
courtly;  Captain  De  Pontiere,  who  became  captain  of 
horse  under  Pulaski;  Captain  Duval;  Colonel  Meade; 
Messrs.  Peyton  Randolph  and  Moore  who  served  him 
well  in  Virginia;  Majors  Galvan  and  Villefranche,  and 
Lieutenant  Colonel  De  La  Lanyante,  who  were  Steuben's 
engineers  at  Yorktown,  and  Major  Popham.  There  are 
twenty-one  in  all,  and  probably  not  even  the  commander 
in  chief  had  a  more  intimate  band  of  devoted  followers 


368      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

who  loved  and  respected  their  superior  officer,  and,  as 
we  have  seen,  maintained  the  closest  friendship  and,  in 
some  instances,  family  life  with  him  after  the  conflict  was 
over. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  ARTISTS'  FAVORITE. 

Original  Portraits  of  Steuben  by  Peale.  Earle,  Simitiere,  Trum- 
and  Pine — Copies  and  Reproductions. 

Not  even  the  father  of  his  country  seems  to  have 
been  a  greater  favorite  with  the  artists  of  his  day  than 
was  Baron  Steuben.  For  a  new  country  America  was 
peculiarly  favored  in  this  respect.  During  the  Revolu- 
tionary period  there  were  here  at  least  five  painters  of 
international  reputation,  of  whom  four  were  natives  of 
this  country,  and  one  an  adopted  citizen.  The  oldest  of 
them,  Benjamin  West,  was  born  at  Springfield,  Pa.,  Oc- 
tober 17,  1738,  and  at  the  age  of  eighteen  began  portrait 
painting  in  Philadelphia,  going  to  New  York  two  years 
later.  In  1760  he  visited  Italy,  where  he  remained  three 
years,  and  was  elected  member  of  the  principal  academ- 
ies. Settling  in  London  his  work  attracted  the  attention 
both  of  court  circles  and  the  public  to  such  an  extent  that 
he  was  elected  to  succeed  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  Royal  Academy,  which  position  he  held  for 
twenty-eight  years.  His  leading  work,  "Christ  Healing 
the  Sick,"  was  purchased  by  the  British  government  for 
3,000  guineas,  and  hangs  in  the  National  Gallery  in  Lon- 
don.^ He  died  on  March  11,  1820,  and  was  buried  in  St. 
Paul's  cathedral,  the  only  American  who  lies  beneath 
that  historic  fane.  He  is  mentioned  here,  not  because  he 
is  known  to  have  painted  any  portrait  of  Steuben,  but  be- 
cause he  was  a  contemporary  and  instructor  of  those 
who  did,  and  was  the  leading  American  representative  of 
the  pictorial  art  of  his  time. 


370     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Charles  Willson  Peak  was  born  at  Chesterfield,  Md., 
on  April  6,  1741.  He  followed  the  saddler  trade  at  An- 
napolis, but  having  his  attention  attracted  by  a  portrait 
while  on  a  visit  to  Norfolk,  on  his  return  he  attempted 
to  paint  one  of  himself,  with  such  success,  that  he  decided 
to  improve  his  talents  in  that  direction.  Living  at  Bos- 
ton in  1768-9  he  received  instruction  from  John  S. 
Copley,  and  in  1710  went  to  London  where  he  studied 
under  West,  also  praticing  modeling  in  wax,  casting  and 
moulding  in  plaster,  engraving  in  mezzotint  and  minia- 
ture painting.  He  returned  to  Annapolis  in  1774  and 
followed  his  profession  for  two  years,  then  removing  to 
Philadelphia,  and  became  captain  of  volunteers.  He  took 
part  in  the  battles  of  Trenton  and  Germantown,  was  with 
Washington  and  Steuben  at  Valley  Forge  and  was  elected 
member  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  in  1779.  After 
the  war  he  collected  quite  a  museum  of  natural  curiosi- 
ties, portraits  and  other  art  objects,  and  was  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Philadelphia  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  con- 
tributing to  seventeen  annual  exhibitions.  An  idea  of 
his  versatility  may  be  formed  from  the  fact  that  he  prac- 
ticed dentistry,  made  coaches,  harness,  clocks,  watches 
and  silverware,  besides  being  a  soldier,  politician,  natur- 
alist, taxidermist  etc.  But  his  favorite  occupation  was 
portrait  painting,  for  which  Washington  alone  is  said  to 
have  given  him  fourteen  sittings,  his  first  portrait  of  that 
gentleman  being  in  the  uniform  of  a  Virginia  colonel. 
He  painted  portraits  of  most  of  the  eminent  men  of  his 
day,  including  the  presidents  down  to  1819.  Peale  was 
not  regarded  as  a  first  class  artist,  and  the  value  of  his 
portraits  is  chiefly  historical.  It  was  Peak's  custom  while 
in  the  army  to  carry  with  him  stretchers  6x8  inches  in 
size  on  which  he  made  sketches  of  those  whose  portraits 
he  intended  painting,  and  it  was  probably  at  Valley  Forge 


STEUBEN,   BY  PEALE,    1778. 


STEUBEN,   BY   SIMITIERE,    1783. 


<£-    frjasi^yrt,     o^^&Cso^C&i, 


rw 


STEUBEN,    BY    PINE,   ABOUT    1785.  SOLDIERS"   MONUMENT,   STEUBENVILLE 


THE  ARTISTS'  FAVORITE  371 

in  the  spring  of  1778  that  he  made  the  outlines  of  his  pic- 
ture of  Baron  Steuben  reproduced  in  this  book.  This 
portrait  was  on  exhibition  in  his  Philadelphia  museum, 
and  at  his  death,  February  22,  1827,  it  with  other  relics 
and  pictures  of  the  Revolutionary  and  Colonial  periods 
remained  in  possession  of  his  family.  They  were  offered 
for  sale  in  1854  and  being  purchased  by  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia were  placed  in  Independence  Hall,  where  they 
now  remain. 

Massachusetts  furnished  the  third  of  our  artistic 
quintette  in  the  person  of  Ralph  Earle,  who  was  born  at 
Leiceister  on  May  11,  1751.  He  moved  to  Connecticut 
while  quite  young,  and  painted  portraits  there  in  1775. 
On  the  restoration  of  peace  he  went  to  England  and 
studied  under  West,  and  was  regarded  as  sufficiently 
meritorious  to  insure  his  election  as  a  member  of  the 
Royal  Academy.  He  returned  in  1786  and  painted  four 
historical  pictures,  the  first  of  the  kind  executed  byf  an 
American,  viz. :  "The  Battle  of  Lexington,"  "A  View  of 
Concord,"  "The  Battle  of  North  Bridge,  Concord," 
"View  of  the  South  Part  of  Lexington."  These  were 
followed  by  portraits  and  landscapes,  "Niagara  Falls" 
among  the  latter,  which  created  quite  a  furore  when 
placed  on  exhibition  in  London.  About  this  time  he 
painted  at  least  two  portraits  of  Baron  Steuben,  one  of 
which  was  given  to  Major  William  North.  From  Major 
North  the  portrait  has  descended  to  his  great  grand- 
daughter, Mrs.  F.  B.  Austin,  of  New  York  City,  who  is 
also  the  possessor  of  the  Baron's  gold-headed  cane,  the 
gold  box  presented  to  him  by  the  city  of  New  York,  and 
his  gold  watch.  The  other  painting,  which  by  the 
courtesy  of  its  present  owner  is  reproduced  in  this  book, 
was  made  for  James  Duane,  and,  at  his  death  passed 
to  his  daughter,  Sarah  Featherstonaugh,  from  whom  it 


372     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

descended  to  her  grandson,  G.  W.  Featherstonaugh,  of 
Schenectady,  N.  Y.,  the  present  owner.  The  portrait, 
considerably  dimmed  by  age,  is  three-quarter  size,  and 
shows  the  face  nearly  full.  It  exhibits  the  Baron  in  full 
regimentals,  his  right  hand  extended  and  resting  on  the 
hilt  of  his  sword.  The  Order  of  Fidelity  is  suspended 
around  his  neck,  and  the  "Cincinnati"  on  his  left  breast. 
The  Hudson  river  and  West  Point  hills  are  seen  in  the 
background.  In  the  left  hand  corner  of  the  painting  un- 
der the  guard  of  the  sword,  in  red  letters  appear  the 
words :  "Ralph  Earle,  Pinx.,  1786." 

Pierre  Eugene  du  Simitiere  was  a  native  of  Geneva, 
Switzerland,  and  emigrated  to  the  West  Indies  about 
1751.  In  1770  he  went  to  Philadelphia,  and  became 
noted  as  a  collector  of  curios.  Two  years  later  he  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
and  in  1782  he  opened  his  collection  to  the  public  under 
the  title  of  American  museum.  He  was  a  very  popular 
portrait  painter,  and  among  his  sitters  were  Washing- 
ton, Steuben,  Jay  and  nearly  all  the  noted  men  of  that 
period.  These  were  engraved  by  Benjamin  Reading  and 
published  in  London  in  1783.  He  also  painted  miniatures 
in  water  colors,  and  was  commissioned  by  Congress  to 
design  a  seal  for  the  new  American  republic,  but  of  the 
two  designs  submitted  neither  found  acceptance.  Re- 
cently Dr.  R.  M.  Griswold,  of  Kensington,  Conn.,  be- 
came the  possessor  of  a  rare  copper  print  of  du  Simitiere's 
portrait  of  the  Baron  reproduced  elsewhere.  Simitiere 
died  in  Philadelphia,  in  1784. 

Prominent  in  this  company  of  Revolutionary  artists 
was  John  Trumbull,  son  of  the  Governor  of  Connecticut, 
born  at  Lebanon  on  June  6,  1756.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
Harvard  College,  in  1773,  and  was  specially  useful  to 
Washington  as  an  aide  in  sketching  the  British  works 


THE  ARTISTS'  FAVORITE  373 

about  Boston.  Afterwards  he  was  appointed  adjutant 
under  Gates,  but  resigned  the  next  year,  and  in  1780  went 
to  London  and  began  studying  under  West.  During  the 
Arnold-Andre  imbroglio  he  was  arrested  as  a  sort  of 
hostage  for  the  latter,  but  released  after  eight  months 
confinement  on  condition  that  he  return  home.  He  did 
so,  but  went  back  to  London  and  re-entered  West's 
studio,  where  he  painted  a  number  of  historical  pictures. 
In  1789  he  came  back  to  America  to  secure  portraits  of 
prominent  Revolutionary  generals  for  a  series  of  histor- 
ical paintings.  Among  them  was  that  of  Steuben,  which 
appears  in  his  great  painting,  "The  Surrender  of  Corn- 
wallis."  For  this  with  three  other  paintings,  "Declara- 
tion of  Independence,"  "Surrender  of  Burgoyne,"  and 
"Resignation  of  Washington  at  Annapolis,"  each  18x12 
feet,  ordered  by  Congress  to  be  placed  in  the  rotunda  of 
the  capitol  at  Washington,  he  received  $32,000.  The 
figure  of  Steuben  on  horseback  in  the  Cornwallis  picture 
has  been  made  a  favorite  subject  for  engravings.  Trum- 
bull died  in  New  York  on  November  10,  1843. 

Robert  E.  Pine  also  appears  to  have  painted  a  por- 
trait of  Steuben  which  became  the  property  of  the  United 
States  Government,  and  was  destroyed  when  the  British 
burned  the  capitol  on  August  24,  1814.  Pine  was  born 
in  England  about  1730,  and  came  to  America  after  the 
war  for  independence  with  the  special  object  of  securing 
the  portraits  of  leaders  in  that  conflict.  He  died  in  Phila- 
delphia in  1788.  A  copy  of  his  Steuben  portrait  which 
appears  elsewhere,  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  Peale's 
work. 

In  the  Governor's  room  of  old  City  Hall,  New  York, 
hangs  a  portrait  of  Steuben  the  frame  of  which  contains 
the  inscription,  "After  Stuart  by  Marsiglia."  Gilbert 
Stuart,  who  is  doubtless  the  artist  referred  to,  was  born 


374      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

at  North  Kingston,  R.  L,  on  December  3,  1755,  and  died 
in  Boston  on  July  27,  1828.  Following  the  example  of 
his  predecessors  he  went  to  London  in  1775  and  studied 
under  West.  Returning  to  America  in  1793  he  attained 
distinction  as  a  painter  of  eminent  men,  his  Washington 
portraits  having  been  generally  accepted  as  the  standard 
presentation  of  the  Father  of  His  Country.  It  is  not  im- 
possible that  he  might  have  painted  Steuben  during  the 
winter  of  1793-4,  but  we  have  no  direct  evidence  of  that 
fact,  and  if  there  was  any  such  portrait  it  has  disappeared. 
An  exhibition  of  754  of  Stuart's  pictures  was  given  in 
Boston  in  1880,  in  which  there  was  none  of  Steuben.  In 
fact  the  official  report  of  the  exhibits  in  connection  with 
the  centennial  celebration  of  Washington's  inauguration 
in  1789,  refers  to  this  portrait  as  a  reproduction  of 
Earle's,  the  copyist  having  omitted  certain  details  in  the 
dress  including  the  watch  chain  and  also  the  scenery  in 
the  background,  which  is  a  characteristic  of  Earle's  por- 
traits. It  may  be  added  that  the  New  York  branch  of 
the  Cincinnati  has  a  copy  painted  by  John  Schuyler,  and 
the  Oneida  Historical  Society  one  by  M.  B.  Ray. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


POSTHUMUS  HONORS. 


Eulogies  and  Memorials — Monuments  at  Grave  and  Washing- 
ton— Andrews's  Portrait  of  Steuben — Portraits  of  George 
Rogers  Clark  and  James  Wilson  by  Filson. 

Mr.  Kapp  in  drawing"  a  comparison  between  the  sim- 
plicity, and  we  might  almost  say  the  poverty  of  the  pro- 
ceedings at  Steuben's  grave,  and  those  of  his  European 
companions  who  were  buried  with  all  the  splendor  and 
brilliancy  that  royalty  and  military  pomp  could  afford, 
concludes  that  after  all  Steuben  was  more  fortunate  than 
they.  With  the  last  salute  that  roared  over  their  graves, 
they  are  forgotten ;  the  glory  and  enjoyment  of  their 
deeds  belonged  to  the  crown  under  which  they  served; 
their  names  are  merely  mentioned  in  the  works  of  some 
local  historian.  But  Steuben,  in  spite  of  hardships  and 
neglect,  by  drawing  his  sword  in  behalf  of  American 
liberty  connected  himself  with  the  greatest  event  of  mod- 
ern history.  His  name  is  as  lasting  as  that  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,  and  only  glows  the  brighter  as  his  old 
world  contemporaries  sink  into  everlasting  obscurity. 

There  were  those,  however,  who  did  not  delay  to 
render  their  tribute  of  honor  to  the  distinguished  dead. 
The  German  society  of  New  York,  already  referred  to, 
adopted  a  eulogy  to  his  memory,  and  as  a  mark  of  re- 
spect resolved  to  wear  mourning  insignia  for  six  weeks, 
and  attend  an  address  to  be  delivered  by  Rev.  De  Gross 
in  the  Reformed  German  Church  in  Nassau  street  on  the 
following  Sunday  afternoon.  There  were  numerous 
private  testimonials  from  distinguished  men,  as  the  fact 
of  Steuben's  death  became  generally   known,    for   news 


376    GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

traveled  slowly  in  those  days.  Colonel  William  North  at 
his  own  expense,  placed  a  mural  tablet  in  the  church  above 
mentioned,  and  when  this  property  was  sold  to  the  Bap- 
tists it  was  taken  to  the  new  building  in  Forsythe  street. 
It  lay  there  for  awhile  unmounted  until  the  termination 
of  a  lawsuit  which  the  congregation  was  having  in  re- 
gard to  its  property.  When  the  matter  was  settled  Abra- 
ham Berky  had  the  monument  restored  and  placed  in 
proper  position.  It  consists  of  an  obelisk  slab  and  square 
frame  of  blueish  clouded  marble.  The  urn  at  the  base 
bears  a  representation  of  the  Order  De  Fidelite,  with 
an  inscription  by  Col.  North. 

At  last  the  people  of  Oneida  County,  or  at  least  a 
portion  of  them,  seemed  to  realize  that  some  little  respect 
was  due  the  remains  of  the  hero  who  had  died  and  was 
buried  in  their  midst.  Largely  through  the  influence  of 
two  women,  Miss  Sophia  Mappa  and  Bertha  Der  Kemp, 
assisted  by  descendants  of  other  old  friends  funds  were 
raised  sufficient  to  procure  a  modest  cenotaph,  and  when 
Lafayette  visited  the  United  States  in  1824  he  was  in- 
vited to  deliver  an  oration  at  its  dedication.  For  some 
unexplained  reason  he  declined,  and  the  humble  monu- 
ment was  dedicated  without  his  assistance.  It  was  a  sim- 
ple tablet  eight  feet  long  by  four  feed  wide,  and  a  foot 
in  thickness,  resting  on  four  stone  walls  with  pilasters. 
It  bore  the  words,  "Major  General  Frederick  William 
Augustus  Baron  de  Steuben."  An  address  was  made  by 
Rev.  Mr.  Pierce,  a  Unitarian  pastor  in  Olden  Barneveldt. 

As  a  modest  tribute  from  friends  and  neighbors  no 
fault  could  be  found  with  this  memorial,  but  as  the  years 
rolled  on  the  foundation  began  to  crumble,  and  it  became 
apparent  that  unless  some  measures  were  taken  for  its 
preservation  the  structure  would  soon  be  a  ruin.  When 
public  attention  was  called  to  the  matter  it  was  felt  that 


STEUBEN'S  FIRST  MONUMENT. 
Over  Grave,  Oneida  County,  N.  Y.,   1824. 


STEUBEN'S   SECOND   MONUMENT 
Over  Grave,    1S72. 


MONUMENT  AT  WASHINGTON,   1910 


POSTHUMUS  HONORS  377 

while  Steuben  was  not  a  seeker  after  post  mortem  hon- 
ors a  testimonial  should  be  placed  over  his  grave  which 
might  in  some  measure  at  least  be  expressive  of  the  feel- 
ings of  subsequent  generations  towards  the  man  who  had 
contributed  so  largely  towards  securing  their  indepen- 
dence. The  first  formal  suggestion  in  that  direction  came 
in  the  shape  of  an  appeal  to  the  Germans  of  the  United 
States  for  funds  to  erect  a  monument  to  Steuben.  This 
appeal  was  published  in  December,  1856,  in  the  St. 
Charles  Democrat,  a  Missouri  country  paper.  The  sug- 
gestion was  favorably  received,  especially  by  German  so- 
cieties throughout  the  country,  and  by  means  of  enter- 
tainments and  other  sources  between  five  and  six  thous- 
and dollars  was  collected.  There  the  matter  rested,  and 
the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  soon  after  occupied  men's 
minds  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  objects.  In  the  later 
sixties  the  project  was  again  revived.  Additional  funds 
were  secured,  and  aided  by  an  appropriation  from  the 
state  of  New  York,  the  monument  was  begun  in  earnest. 
On  June  1,  1870,  the  cornerstone  was  laid  by  Governor 
Seymor  in  the  presence  of  a  large  assembly. 

The  organizations  present  included  the  Citizens' 
Corps  of  Utica,  with  band,  and  the  New  York  Lieder- 
kranz,  thirty-five  in  number.  After  prayer  in  Welsh  by 
Rev.  Robert  Everett,  S.  Karl  Kapff,  representing  the 
Schutzen  Society  of  New  York,  gave  a  breif  sketch  of 
the  movement.  An  address  of  welcome  on  behalf  of  the 
people  of  the  hamlets  of  Remsen  and  Steuben  was  de- 
livered by  D.  M.  Crowell,  followed  by  the  ode  "Der 
Tagdes  Henen,"  by  the  Liederkranz.  The  Prussian  na- 
tional hymn  preceded  the  placing  of  the  cornerstone,  after 
which,  on  the  suggestion  of  Governor  Seymour  a  vote  of 
thanks  was  tendered  the  Welsh  society  for  the  manner  in 
which  it  had  carried  out  the  directions  of  Mr.  Walker  for 


378     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

the  care  of  the  grave  and  its  surroundings.  General 
Franz  Sigel  closed  the  exercises  with  an  address  in  Ger- 
man. 

The  monument,  which  was  unveiled  by  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  Steuben  Monument  Association  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1872,  was  designed  and  built  by  Henry  Reck,  of 
New  York.  It  is  a  square  massive  structure  with  a  base 
of  Trenton  limestone,  upon  which  rests  a  block  of  dressed 
granite.  On  the  front  of  the  granite  block  a  laurel  wreath 
is  cut  in  relief  having  in  its  centre  the  single  word 
"Steuben."  The  base  is  fourteen  feet  square,  and  the 
total  height  is  fifteen  feet.  Four  parrot  guns  are  placed 
en  reverse  at  the  angles  of  the  base,  with  a  pile  of  cannon 
balls  between.  Fragments  of  the  original  monument 
were  left  at  the  base  of  its  successor,  and  the  primeval 
forest  stands  closely  around.  Two  handsome  pillars, 
however,  indicate  the  entrance  to  the  burial  place,  and  a 
well  defined  trail  through  the  woods  leads  to  the  monu- 
ment. 

Congress  having  appropriated  $50,000  for  that  pur- 
pose a  large  monument  crowned  by  a  bronze  statue  of 
Steuben  was  erected  in  Lafayette  park  in  Washington, 
which  was  dedicated  with  imposing  ceremonies  on  De- 
cember 7,  1910.  A  replica  of  this  statue  was  erected  at 
Potsdam,  Prussia,  which  was  unveiled  on  September  2 
of  the  following  year. 

In  the  cloister,  or  "Porch  of  the  Allies,"  connecting 
the  Washington  Memorial  Church  at  Valley  Forge  with 
the  Museum  of  American  history,  one  of  the  bays  has 
been  erected  by  the  National  German  Alliance  to  the 
memory  of  Steuben. 

On  October  2,  1911,  Eliphalet  F.  Andrews,  the  cele- 
brated artist  who  had  previously  donated  large  portraits 
of  President  James  A.  Garfield,  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton 


POSTHUMUS  HONORS  379 

and  Hon.  Benjamin  Tappan  to  his  native  city  and  coun- 
ty, wrote  from  London,  where  he  was  temporarily  so- 
journing, to  Hon.  F.  H.  Kerr  and  J.  B.  Doyle,  offering 
to  add  to  the  already  valuable  collection  in  Steubenville 
a  life-size  portrait  of  General  Von  Steuben.  The 
Stanton  Monument  Association,  of  Steubenville,  had  just 
completed  a  series  of  the  most  interesting  and  successful 
demonstrations  in  the  history  of  the  upper  Ohio  valley 
in  connection  with  the  dedication  of  the  bronze  statue 
erected  to  the  memory  of  the  great  War  Secretary  in  his 
native  city,  and  it  was  deemed  the  most  appropriate  or- 
ganization to  take  charge  of  the  picture  and  unveil  the 
same  with  suitable  ceremonies.  The  portrait  was 
finished  early  in  1913,  the  Earle-Featherstonaugh  paint- 
ing being  taken  as  the  basis.  It  is  not,  however,  a  copy, 
but  the  product  of  the  artist's  own  ideas,  aided  by  other 
portraits  and  such  historical  information  as  was  avail- 
able. The  figure  is  a  standing  one,  three-quarter  length, 
with  the  right  hand  resting  on  the  sword  hilt,  and  the 
left  gloved  and  holding  a  glove.  The  rich  Continental 
uniform  in  blue  and  buff  makes  a  pleasing  combination, 
showing  to  advantage  the  society  decorations  already  de- 
scribed. Lace  cuffs  indicate  a  contrast  to  the  fashions  of 
to-day.  The  Baron  is  apparently  standing  in  front  of  a 
balustrade  partly  covered  with  heavy  foliage,  with  the 
Hudson  and  West  Point  back.  It  is  the  most  brilliant 
of  Mr.  Andrews's  portraits. 

About  this  time  Charles  P.  Filson,  of  Steubenville, 
offered  to  paint  a  companion  picture,  being  a  portrait  of 
Gen.  George  Rogers  Clark,  the  conqueror  of  the  North- 
west territory,  and  for  several  years  a  resident  of  the 
upper  Ohio  valley.  Arrangements  were  made  with  the 
same  artist  for  a  portrait  of  James  Wilson,  grandfather 
of  the  President  of  the   United    States,    who   resided  in 


380     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

Steubenville  for  thirty-five  years,  was  editor  of  the 
Herald  newspaper,  member  of  the  Legislature  and  Com- 
mon Pleas  Court.  Here  was  born  Joseph  Wilson,  father 
of  the  President,  on  February  28,  1822,  and  here  James 
Wilson  died  on  October  17,  1850.  With  his  wife,  who 
died  on  September  25,  1863,  he  is  buried  in  Union  Ceme- 
tery. 

The  basis  for  the  Clark  portrait  is  a  miniature  by 
John  W.  Jarvis,  who  was  born  in  England  in  1780,  and 
was  brought  to  America  five  years  later.  Although 
somewhat  eccentric  he  enjoyed  considerable  popularity, 
but  finally  died  in  poverty  at  New  York  in  1840.  The 
Clark  portrait  was  painted  early  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury when  he  (Clark)  was  pretty  well  up  in  years.  Rely- 
ing on  Jarvis  for  features  Mr.  Filson's  portrait  is  an 
original  which  is  sure  to  attract  favorable  comment.  Al- 
though not  possessing  the  brilliant  society  decorations  of 
Steuben,  yet  Clark's  Continental  uniform  and  other  ac- 
cessories have  given  Mr.  Filson  an  opportunity  of  dis- 
playing his  skill  in  the  way  of  coloring,  of  which  he  has 
taken  full  advantage.  The  picture  represents  Clark 
seated  in  the  woods,  figuring  out  his  great  campaign.  On 
his  right  is  a  stand  (possibly  the  stump  of  a  tree)  covered 
with  the  Continental  flag  of  thirteen  stars  and  stripes,  and 
spread  out  above  it  is  a  map  of  the  territory  northwest 
of  the  Ohio  from  an  old  plate  made  in  1764  on  which 
Mingo  town  is  conspicuous.  The  forest  foliage  over- 
shadows the  warrior  and  statesman,  while  in  the  back- 
ground flows  the  Ohio  river,  with  two  peaks  beyond,  as 
they  appear  on  the  seal  of  the  state  of  Ohio. 

The  Wilson  picture  is  the  only  oil  portrait  of  that 
gentleman  in  existence,  being  based  on  an  old  daguerreo- 
type. It  depicts  the  strong  rugged  but  not  disagreeable 
features  of  its  subject,  indicating  force  and  decision  of 


POSTHUMUS  HONORS  381 

character.  The  judge  is  seated  at  a  table  holding  an  open 
law  book  in  his  lap,  with  two  others  on  the  stand,  the 
books  used  for  this  purpose  being  contemporary  reprints 
of  Bacon's  Abridgment  of  the  Laws  of  England  and  Vat- 
tell's  Law  of  Nations.  A  copy  of  the  Western  Herald 
indicates  the  blending  of  the  judicial  and  editorial  mind. 
Mr.  Filson  has  reason  to  congratulate  himself  on  this  his 
latest  work.  * 

*  Sketches  of  Messrs.  Andrews  and  Filson  will  be  found  in 
the  Author's  Memorial  Life  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  pp.  390-391. 

NOTE — The  word  "liberal"  on  page  1  should  read  "literal." 
"Lowell"  on  page  139  should  read  "Lovell,"  "northern"  on 
page  160  should  read  "southern." 


APPENDIX 

THREE  WARS  CELEBRATION 

Semi-Centennial  of  Most  Northern  Invasion  During  the  Civil 
War — Unveiling  of  Portraits — Dedication  of  Monuments 
and  Cannon — Unveiling  Maine  Tablet. 

It  happened  that  the  completion  of  the  portraits  de- 
scribed on  the  preceding  pages  was  contemporaneous 
with  the  semi-centennial  of  probably  the  most  stirring  and 
interesting  historical  event  in  the  history  of  Eastern  Ohio. 
Popularly  known  as  "Morgan's  Raid,"  it  was  the  farthest 
point  north  reached  by  any  invading  force  during  the 
Civil  War.  On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July  25,  1863, 
the  Confederate  general  John  H.  Morgan  entered  Jeffer- 
son County  from  the  town  of  Harrisville  into  Mount 
Pleasant  township  with  a  force  of  600  men  pursued  by 
the  Union  general  James  M.  Shackelford  with  an  equal 
force  of  Federal  troops  including  cavalry,  mounted  in- 
fantry and  a  battery  of  artillery. 

Thte  invaders  followed  the  wagon  road  down  Long 
run  to  Short  Creek,  and  thence  down  the  creek  to  the 
present  town  of  Dillonvale,  evidently  making  for  the  Ohio 
river,  but  learning  that  there  was  a  trainload  of  troops 
at  Portland  (now  Rayland)  turned  northward  up  "Dry 
Fork"  to  Smithfield.  From  there  they  went  eastwardly 
to  New  Alexandria,  reaching  it  about  noon,  and  then 
went  northwardly  down  Mclntire  to  Cross  Creek,  and  up 
the  creek  a  couple  of  miles  where  they  burned  a  Steuben- 
ville  &  Indiana  railroad  bridge,  cutting  the  city's  west- 
ward communications.  They  then  moved  northeasterly 
to  Wintersville  where  they  encountered  a  force  of  Steu- 
benville  militia,  and  in  the  firing  that  ensued  one  of  the 
latter,  Henry  Parks  was  fatally  wounded.  A  short  dis- 
tance beyond  Margaret  Daugherty  (now  Mrs.  Davis  of 
Steubenville)  was  wounded  by  a  stray  bullet.     Shackel- 


APPENDIX  383 

ford's  force  had  come  up  by  this  time,  and  a  skirmish  en- 
sued at  Two  Ridge  meeting  house  three  miles  beyond  in 
which  a  Michigan  soldier,  Martin  Keane,  was  fatally 
wounded,  and  several  others  seriously.  Morgan's  men 
passed  through  Richmond  and  East  Springfield  during 
the  evening,  closely  followed  by  Shackelford  and  the 
Steubenville  militia.  A  division,  however,  was  made  at 
Richmond.  Leaving  Major  Way  with  a  portion  of  the 
Ninth  Michigan  cavalry  and  Eleventh  Michigan  battery, 
in  all  250  men,  to  follow  Morgan,  Shackelford  with  his 
main  body  including  the  Steubenville  militia  turned 
northward  toward  Hammondsville  intending  to  flank 
Morgan.  The  latter  went  northwest  from  East  Spring- 
field, and  camped  that  night  on  the  Herdman  Taylor 
farm  on  Elkhorn  branch  of  Yellow  Creek  with  Way  on 
the  hills  above.  Before  daylight  on  Sunday  morning  he 
slipped  away,  burning  the  county  bridge,  and  the  chase 
was  renewed.  Way  overtook  him  at  Monroeville  on  the 
extreme  northern  limit  of  the  county,  where  a  battle  en- 
sued, the  raiders  being  routed  with  a  loss  of  several  killed, 
forty-five  wounded,  239  prisoners,  horses  &c.  The  race 
was  nearly  ended,  and  Morgan  being  now  over  the  Co- 
lumbiana county  line,  surrendered  to  Shackelford  at  2 
o'clock  on  Sunday  afternoon,  the  force  of  2,246  with 
which  he  had  crossed  the  Ohio  river  at  Brandenburg  be- 
ing now  reduced  to  336.  The  prisoners  were  taken  to 
Steubenville  by  rail  the  next  morning,  and  thence 
to  different  points.  Morgan  with  his  officers  were 
confined  in  the  Ohio  penitentiary,  in  retaliation  for 
similar  treatment  of  Union  raiders  in  the  South, 
from  which  institution  he  escaped,  apparently  through 
a  tunnel,  but  the  manner  has  been  the  subject  of 
considerable  controversy.  To  commemorate  these 
events  and  to  indicate  Morgan's  and  Shackelford's  zig- 


384      GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

zag  course  of  fifty  miles  through  Jefferson  county  it  was 
resolved  to  place  fourteen  granite  monuments  at  as  many 
different  salient  points  which  should  mark  the  course  for 
all  time.  Each  monument  weighs  about  1,800  pounds, 
being  twenty  inches  square,  resting  on  a  concrete  founda- 
tion, and  four  feet  high,  with  a  front  bevel  to  receive  a 
suitable  bronze  tablet  16x24  inches.  Monument  No.  1, 
located  at  Harrisville,  bears    the    following   inscription: 

"General  John  H.  Morgan  in  command  of  Confed- 
erate troops  entered  Jefferson  County  here  July  25,  1863 ; 
proceeded  northward  via  Short  Creek  Valley,  Smithfield, 
and  other  villages,  pursued  under  orders  of  Gen.  Am- 
brose E.  Burnside,  by  Gen.  James  M.  Shackelford  com- 
manding 14th  111.  Cav.,  First  Ky.,  Cav.,  9th  Mich.  Cav., 
11th  Mich.  Bat'y,  86th  Ohio  Mounted  Inf.,  2d  Tenn. 
Mounted  Inf.,  Tablet  No.  1.  Erected  July,  1913." 

The  others  have  the  same  general  statement  changed 
to  suit  each  particular  location,  No.  2  being  located  on 
Short  Creek  bridge  above  Dillonvale;  No.  3  in  Dillon- 
vale  ;  No.  4  at  Smithfield ;  No.  5  at  New  Alexandria ;  No. 
6,  mouth  of  Mclntyre;  No.  7,  Cross  Creek  at  burned 
bridge;  No.  8,  Wintersville ;  No.  9,  Two  Ridges;  No.  10, 
Richmond;  No.  11,  East  Springfield,  No.  12,  Morgan 
bridge;  No.  13,  old  Nebo,  near  Bergholz;  No.  14,  Mon- 
roeville.  The  Steubenville  militia  appear  on  the  tablets 
beginning  at  Wintersville. 

Four  similar  monuments  were  placed  at  the  corners 
of  Fort  Steuben  in  the  city  of  Steubenville,  bearing  the 
following  inscription :  "Corner  of  Fort  Steuben,  erected 
1786,  named  in  honor  of  Major  General  Frederick  Wil- 
liam Augustus  Baron  von  Steuben,  who  rendered  dis- 
tinguished service  to  the  United  States  army  in  the  War 
of  the  Revolution  with  General  George  Washington, 
February  7,  1778  to  April  15,  1784." 


APPENDIX  385 

At  this  time  two  bronze  cannon  which  had  been 
used  during  the  Civil  War  were  donated  by  the  National 
Government  as  addenda  to  the  bronze  statue  of  Hon. 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  which  had  been  erected  in  front  of 
ihe  Jefferson  County  Court  House  two  years  before. 
These  cannon  were  made  at  the  celebrated  Revere  foun- 
dry at  Canton,  Mass.,  where  Paul  Revere,  of  Revolution- 
ary fame,  worked  from  1801  to  1818.  They  were  se- 
lected by  Captain  J.  C.  Ault  from  the  Chattanooga  battle- 
field, and,  mounted  on  cast  iron  carriages  make  a  marked 
addition  to  the  Court  House  lawn. 

In  addition  to  all  this  a  handsome  tablet  13x18 
inches  made  of  bronze  and  brass  cannon  recovered  from 
the  battleship  Maine  sunk  in  Havana  harbor,  was  se- 
cured, together  with  an  electric  helm  indicator,  bronze 
port  covers  and  ornamental  tripod  which  had  lain  in  the 
water  about  fifteen  years.  The  tablet  is  a  work  of  art 
designed  by  Charles  Keck  and  cast  by  the  Williams 
Bronze  foundry,  N.  Y.  It  represents  the  Goddess  of 
Liberty  holding  a  shield  on  her  left  arm  while  the  right 
hand  is  stretched  towards  a  palm  branch.  In  the  dis- 
tance is  the  wrecked  vessel  slowly  sinking  in  the  waters 
of  the  Atlantic  ocean.  The  tablet  was  placed  on  the  front 
of  the  Court  House,  and  the  relics  in  the  City  Museum. 

To  have  these  as  well  as  some  minor  objects  placed 
without  due  recognition  seemed  so  inappropriate  that  it 
was  decided  to  hold  proper  dedicatory  ceremonies  under 
the  name  of  Three  Wars  Celebration,  to  include  the  Revo- 
lutionary, Spanish  and  Civil  Wars.  It  being  practically 
impossible  to  crowd  all  the  ceremonies  into  a  single  day 
it  was  decided  to  extend  them  over  three  days  beginning 
with  July  23,  1913. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  celebrations  began  before 
that,  the  fireworks  combination  exhibiting  the  Fall     of 


386     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBE 


Pompeii  and  other  spectacular  effects  playing  nightly 
during  the  week  beginning  Monday,  July  21,  1913,  to- 
gether with  the  camp  of  the  17th  United  States  Infantry 
and  other  gatherings. 

The  first  official  act  in  connection  with  the  celebra- 
tion may  be  said  to  be  the  visit  of  Col.  R.  C.  Morgan, 
brother  of  the  general,  and  Col.  Cicero  Coleman,  both  of 
Lexington,  Ky.,  to  some  of  the  markers  indicating  the 
course  taken  by  the  raiders  and  their  pursuers.  Both  of 
these  gentlemen  had  been  captured  at  Buffington,  and 
consequently  knew  nothing  personally  of  the  termination 
of  the  raid.  The  monuments  visited  were  those  com- 
memorating the  shooting  of  Henry  Parks  at  Winters- 
ville,  Martin  Keane  and  others  at  Two  Ridges,  and  the 
movements  through  Richmond  and  East  Springfield. 

Thursday,  July  24,  was  appropriately  denominated 
Revolution  Day,  as  then  the  four  monuments  marking 
the  site  of  Fort  Steuben  were  dedicated,  and  the  por- 
traits of  Generals  Steuben  and  Clark  unveiled,  together 
with  that  of  Hon.  James  Wilson.  The  exercises  were 
held  in  Court  Room  No.  1,  Hon.  Carl  H.  Smith  presid- 
ing and  delivering  the  opening  address.  The  monuments 
and  two  first  named  portraits  were  presented  to  the  city 
of  Steubenville  on  behalf  of  the  donors  and  the  Stanton 
Monument  Association  by  its  President,  Hon.  F.  H.  Kerr, 
and  the  Wilson  portrait  to  the  County  of  Jefferson.  They 
were  accepted  on  behalf  of  the  municipality  by  Roy  N. 
Merryman,  City  Solicitor,  with  an  appropriate  address. 

The  Steuben  portrait  was  unveiled  by  Miss  Clara 
Francis,  of  Martins  Ferry,  followed  by  an  address  by  Dr. 
Roger  M.  Griswold,  representing  the  Putnam  Phalanx, 
of  Hartford,  Conn.  The  speaker  wore  the  old  Continen- 
tal uniform,  and  his  address  was  an  able  review  of  Steu- 
ben's life  and  achievements,  concluding  as  follows : 


APPENDIX  387 

The  matchless  courage  and  patience  of  Washington,  supple- 
mented by  the  great  skill  and  energy  of  Steuben,  worked  out 
the  reward  of  our  country's  freedom,  and  we  to-day  enjoy  the 
results  of  their  labors. 

When  we  think  of  what  Steuben  was  in  his  native  land,  of 
his  rank  and  distinction,  of  the  sacrifices  he  made,  of  what  he 
did  so  thoroughly  and  patiently  for  us,  of  the  results  he  accom- 
plished in  spite  of  the  inadequate  material  at  his  command,  the 
jealousy  of  his  brother  officers  and  the  refusal  of  an  incompe- 
tent and  unpatriotic  Congress  to  recognize  his  worth  and  assist 
his  efforts,  content  to  act  in  an  humble  and  inconspicuous  ca- 
pacity, if  thereby  he  could  contribute  to  a  just  and  righteous 
cause,  when  we  consider  all  these  things,  then  his  name  grows 
luminous  and  resplendent,  and  stands  as  the  beautiful  sym- 
bol of  humble  and  dutiful  service  heroicly  performed. 

And  so  to-day  in  your  beautiful  city,  enjoying  the  fruits  of 
the  land  which  he  did  so  much  to  help  our  ancestors  acquire, 
we  unveil  a  portrait  of  that  great  man,  who,  having  affluence 
and  honor  in  his  own  country,  standing  high  in  the  esteem  of 
his  great  sovereign,  with  the  kings  of  Europe  bidding  for  ser- 
vices, left  behind  him  friends  and  fatherland,  and  came  to  the 
land  of  the  stranger,  that  he  might  have  a  part  in  the  birth  of  a 
new  nation,  and  lay  his  bones  in  a  soil  he  helped  to  dedicate 
to  liberty  and  the  rights  of  man. 

Miss  May  Crumley,  of  Steubenville,  gracefully 
unveiled  the  Clark  portrait,  and  an  eloquent  address  was 
delivered  by  Hon.  W.  B.  Francis,  Representative  in  Con- 
gress. He  referred  to  the  magnificent  collection  of  por- 
traits which  the  city  and  county  were  acquiring,  and 
among  other  things,  said : 

The  teacher  and  scholar  who  may  gaze  upon  these  excellent 
portraits  will  inquire  in  his  own  mind  who  they  are,  whence 
they  came,  when  they  lived  and  what  patriotic  service  each  of 
them  has  rendered.  Lessons  of  patriotism  are  the  lessons  we 
wish  our  children  to  learn,  for  we  are  now  in  an  age  where  fads 
and  isms  have  been  fostered  to  such  an  extent  that  representa- 
tive government  is  being  challenged  and  the  cornerstone  which 
our  fathers  were  instrumental  in  laying  is  being  torn  up  and 
those  fads  substituted.  We  should  not  forget  what  these  pa- 
triots went  through.  They  offered  their  lives  in  support  of  the 
principles  which  they  cherished  so  dearly,  and  many  of  their 
compatriots  perished  for  the  cause  of  constitutional  liberty. 
Their  institutions  which  have  lasted  for  136  years  were  wrought 
in  the  crucible  of  misery,  deprivation  and  blood,  while  the  fads 
of  to-day  are  cherished  in  the  lap  of  luxury. 


388     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 


In  order  to  give  you  an  idea  of  the  blessings  which  this 
great  man,  George  Rogers  Clark,  the  subject  of  our  discourse 
to-day,  has  brought  to  the  states  and  people..  I  would  ask  you 
to  take  the  map  of  the  United  States,  beginning  at  Lake  Erie 
on  the  Pennsylvania  line  and  follow  the  west  line  of  Pennsyl- 
vania south  to  the  Ohio  river  and  then  follow  the  Ohio  river  to 
the  Mississippi,  thence  northwesterly  with  its  course  to  British 
Columbia,  then  with  British  Columbia  follow  the  Great  Lakes 
eastward  to  the  place  of  beginning,  and  I  said  you  had  the  gar- 
den of  America;  but  I  now  say  you  have  the  garden  of  the 
world.  For  alluvial  land,  mineral  resources,  timber,  rivers, 
lakes,  harbors,  fisheries,  fruits,  stock  raising,  climate — every- 
thing. These  are  the  lands  which  George  Rogers  Clark  bought 
and  laid  down  for  settlement  for  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  especially  to  be  enjoyed  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  respective 
states  comprising  this  territory.  Few  stop  to  think  that  the 
lands  acquired  by  his  conquest  aie  as  great  in  area  and  greater 
in  fertility,  than  the  thirteen  original  states.  Four  times  since 
the  acquisition  of  these  lands,  we  have  taken  up  the  sword  in 
defense  of  the  flag,  and  four  times  the  Northwestern  Territory 
has  furnished  her  quota  of  brave  men  for  the  common  cause. 

When  we  think  of  Lincoln,  of  Grant,  Sherman,  Sheridan, 
Stanton,  Custer,  of  New  Rumley,  who  never  lost  a  gun  nor  sur- 
rendered a  color,  and  that  great  array  of  soldiery  who  marched 
to  the  front  and  held  the  government  inseparable,  we  can  see 
that  near  one-half  of  this  soldiery  was  furnished  from  these; 
and  here  again  the  acquisition  of  Clark  is  emphasized.  In  these 
great  states  the  hum  of  industry  is  heard  on  every  hand,  at  every 
mile  a  school  house,  church  spires  from  every  village,  hill  and 
vale;  a  network  of  steam  and  electric  railways  and  its  com- 
merce has  already  surpassed  any  other  like  area  in  the  whole 
world. 

But  let  us  turn  to  the  picture  we  have  before  us  today  of 
the  man  who  was  the  forerunner  of  the  establishing  of  the 
rights  of  the  Union  in  this  great  country.  When  we  consider 
him  justly  he  should  have  a  place  by  the  side  of  George  Wash- 
ington. 

Little  Gloria  Wilson  Redmon  drew  aside  the  flag 
which  unveiled  the  portrait  of  her  great  great  grandfa- 
ther. The  address  was  made  by  Hon.  Rees  G.  Richards, 
depicting  Judge  Wilson  as  an  editor,  a  legislator  and  a 
jurist,  concluding: 

When  we  consider  that,  for  thirty  years  in  this  community 
James  Wilson  so  devoted  his  life  and  energy  to  the  up-building 
of    society,  to  defusing  the  principles  of    virtue  and  knowledge, 


TERSON     CO.  ,0 

Seoli    ll-w.g  8  mi. 


CARROLL 
1 


CO. 


Route  ol  Confederate  Invasion,  Jefferson  County,  July  25-26,  1863. 
North  of  any  invading  force  during  the  Civil  War. 


Farthest 


MAINE    MEMORIAL   TABLET 

On  Front  of  Jefferson  County  Court  Houst 

Courtesy  Jno.  Williams,   Inc. 


APPENDIX  389 

thus  molding  public  sentiment  and  directing  the  thoughts  of 
men  toward 'a  better  and  higher  civilization,  is  it  not  well.,  that 
we  here  honor  his  memory  and  commend  it  to  this  and  coming 
generations  as  a  precious  heritage?  No  stain  of  want  of  fidel- 
ity to  truth  and  justice  mars  the  noble  career  of  his  long  and 
useful  life.  His  descendants  who  honor  us  by  their  presence, 
and  the  absent  ones,  even  he  who  occupies  the  exalted  position 
of  chief  magistrate  of  this  great  Republic  may  well  be  proud 
of  their  lineage  and  cherish  the  name  and  memory  of  JalFies 
Wilson. 

The  proceedings  were  enlivened  with  some  beautiful 
vocal  numbers  by  Miss  Marian  Forsythe  with  Miss 
Dargne  as  accompanist,  the  audience  joining  in 
"America/'  at  the  close. 

Friday  was  set  apart  the  commemorating  events 
of  the  Civil  and  Spanish  wars.  Being  the  semi-centennial 
of  the  farthest  point  north  reached  by  an  invading  force 
during  the  Rebellion,  the  fourteen  monuments  indicating 
the  pursuit  of  General  John  EL  Morgan  through  Jeffer- 
son county,  were  appropriately  dedicated  as  were  the 
bronze  cannon  already  described  as  addenda  to  the  Stan- 
ton monument. 

The  proceedings  began  with  a  re-union  of  the  Jeffer- 
son County  Soldiers  and  Sailors  Association  at  Turner 
Hall  with  an  exceptionally  large  attendance.  Addresses 
were  made  by  Rev.  S.  F.  Ross  and  Dr.  J.  W.  Collins  of 
Toronto ;  Hon.  John  McElroy  of  Washington ;  Congress- 
man W.  B.  Francis  of  Martins  Ferry ;  Hon.  D.  S.  Fergu- 
son of  Troy,  O. ;  Hon.  Daniel  Ashworth,  of  Crafton, 
Pa.,  and  Gen.  A.  M.  Rowe,  of  Boise,  Idaho,  with  musical 
selections  by  Miss  Mame  Connor,  of  Toronto.  A  warm 
fraternal  welcome  was  extended  to  Col.  R.  C.  Morgan 
and  Col.  Cicero  Coleman. 

The  military  parade  started  at  11  o'clock  A.  M.  with 
Capt.  A.  A.  Franzheim  as  chief  marshal,  including  two 
companies  of  17th  U.  S.  Infantry  with  local  band,  Du- 


390     GENERAL  WILLIAM  VON  STEUBEN 

quesne  Greys  of  Pittsburgh,  with  band  and  drum  corps, 
Steubenville  Cadets  and  Spanish  War  Veterans,  carriages 
with  guests,  all  of  whom  were  greeted  with  great  enthu- 
siasm. 

The  large  afternoon  meeting  at  the  Stanton  monu- 
ment in  front  of  the  Court  House  was  presided  over  by 
Hon.  F.  H.  Kerr,  who  formally  presented  to  the  county 
the  bronze  cannon  received  from  the  Government,  the 
Morgan-Shackelford  markers  and  the  Maine  tablet.  All 
these  including  the  Wilson  portrait  were  formally  ac- 
cepted by  W.  C.  Brown  on  behalf  of  the  County  Commis- 
sioners. Mr.  Brown  took  the  position  that  the  Civil  War 
was  one  great  step  in  the  progress  of  evolution  of  civiliza- 
tion which  is  still  in  progress.  It  has  its  present  form 
in  the  laws  for  the  regulation  of  railroads,  manufactories 
and  relations  generally  between  employer  and  employe. 

Hon.  John  McElroy,  of  Washington,  D.  C,  deliv- 
ered a  most  eloquent  address  on  the  passing  of  the  caval- 
ier, indicating  that  Morgan  and  his  men  were  among  the 
last  exponents  of  knight  errantry,  which,  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Scott's  novels,  was  so  popular  in  the  South. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Col.  McElroy 's  address,  the 
Maine  memorial  tablet  on  the  front  of  the  Court  House 
was  unveiled  by  Miss  Helen  Franzheim. 

Colonel  Daniel  Ashworth,  of  Pittsburgh,  concluded 
the  exercises  with  one  of  the  strongest  speeches  of  the 
entire  celebration.  He  traced  the  composition  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  great  Northwest,  the  part  they  had  taken  in  the 
development  and  preservation  of  the  country,  and  paid 
glowing  tributes  to  Stanton,  the  great  War  Secretary, 
and  the  heroes  of  the  Maine 


JEFFERSON  COUXTY  COURT  HOUSE. 

Steubenville.  O. 

Decorated   for   Three    Wars    Celebration. 


APPENDIX  391 

The  industrial  and  auto  parade  on  Friday  evening 
under  Marshals  William  Hartshorn  and  Ross  Anderson, 
made  a  most  creditable  showing,  and  the  designs  were 
most  artistic  and  effective. 

Among  the  features  of  the  week  were  the  re-union 
of  the  Wilson  family  at  St.  Peter's  deanery,  luncheon 
tendered  by  the  ladies'  committee  at  the  Country  Club, 
and  the  reception  of  Prof.  A.  M.  Rowe,  Adjutant  General 
of  Idaho,  by  his  former  pupils. 

An  informal  promenade  and  dance  at  Stanton  Park 
Casino  on  Friday  night  furnished  a  delightful  social  ter- 
mination to  a  round  of  busy  functions. 


INDEX 


Academy,  Military.  299. 
Adams,  John..  47,  67,  336. 
Adams,  Samuel,  45,  67. 
Albany,  arms  at,  158;  Freedom  of 

to  Steuben,  328;  343. 
Albemarle    Court   House,   238. 
Allen.   E.,   178. 
Allentown,  113. 
Allegheny   Mountains,   289. 
Amelia   Court   House,   246. 
Anderson.  R.,  391. 
Andre,  102,  182. 
Andrews  Eliphalet  F..  377. 
Annapolis,  224,  305,  319. 
Appomatox  River,  231,  237. 
Aranda.  Count  de,  39,  41. 
Arbuthnot,  166.  225. 
Armands,  86. 
Army   Regulations,   133. 
Armstrong.  Gen.,  322,  330,  342. 
Articles  of  Confederation,  267. 
Arnold.    Benedict,    173,    178,     201, 

210,  225,  233,  237. 
Arnold,  Jonathan,  changes  name 

to  Steuben,  184. 
Ashworth,  Col.  D.,  390. 
Augusta  County,  215. 
Augusta   (City),  246. 
Ault,  J.  C.  385. 
Austria,  11. 

Baden,  Margrave  of.  19. 

Baltimore,  222,  236,  255. 

Bancroft,  116,  202. 

Baptist   Society,  354. 

Beaumarchais.  M.  De.,  birth  of, 
24;  a  court  favorite,  25;  impris- 
onment, 26;  international  scan- 
dals, 27;  advocates  cause  of  the 
Colonies,  letters  to  Louis  XVI.; 
becomes  agent  of  the  French 
government,  35;  sends  supplies 
to  America,  36;  helps  Steuben 
to  sail,  45;  author  of  operas, 
52;     extravagant    expenditures, 


53;    troubles      at      home,      54; 

claims   against  America,   57. 
Blandford.  236. 
Blue  Book,  136. 
Boston.  65,  66,  144. 
Boudinot.  E.,  127,  149,  287. 
Boydton,  194. 
Brandenburg,   7. 
Brown,  W.  C,  390. 
Burgoyne,  Surrender  of,  47,  66. 

Cabin  Point.  209,  230. 
Cadwallader,  Gen.,  104. 
Camden,   164. 
Canada,  168. 

Carleton.  Sir  Guv.  277,  288. 
Carlisle,  158. 

Carolinas.  North  and  South.  148. 
^  153,  163.  219,  246,  289. 
Caron,  P.  A.,  see  Beaumarchais. 
Carrington,  Col.,  207. 
Carter's  Ferry,  248. 
Chamblee,  302. 
Champlain.   Lake.   179,  301. 
Charleston.  109.  148.  163,  219,  277. 
Charlotte  C.  H..  246. 
Charlottesville,  239,  256. 
Chesapeake     Bav,     222,     224.  234, 

252,  265. 
Chester,  191,  255. 
Chesterfield,  198.  210.  214,  232. 
Christ  Church,  123. 
Chickahominy,  207,  236. 
Cincinnati.  Society  of.  310,  336. 
City  Point,  231. 
Clairborne,  Major,  204. 
Clark,  Gen.   George   Rogers,   151, 

192,  208,  289,  378. 
Clinton.  Gov..  331,  336,  342. 
Clinton.  Sir  Henry.  102,   108.  115. 

119,  139.  142,  148,  152,  163,  166, 

201,  225,  250,  265,  277. 
Cobham.  236. 
Coggin's  Point.  208. 
f  oleman,  C,  386. 


394 


INDEX 


Cole's  Ferry,  246. 

Congress..  Continental  and  Con- 
federate.. 71,  74,  98,  122,  133, 
267,  285,  293.  308,  319. 

Congress,  National,  323. 

Connecticut   Farms.   166. 

Constitution,  New,  322. 

Conway,  Thomas,  40,  81,  87. 

Cornwallis,  Lord.  114,  148,  164. 
219.  237,  249.  261. 

Coryell's   Ferry,   102. 

Cowpens,  218. 

Crosswicks.  113. 

Crumley,   Elizabeth     May,     387. 

Cumberland.  C.  H.,  246. 

Custis,  Miss,   192. 

Daugherty,   Margaret,   381. 
Davies.   Col.   Wm,    197,  204,  241, 

244. 
Deane,  Silas.  23  36.  40,  364. 
De   Kalb.   Baron,  95.   128,   164 
De  la   Fidelite,   19. 
Delaware  River,  101,  119. 
Denmark,  189. 
Depontiere,  M.,  45,  366. 
Debarras,  Admiral,  255. 
D'Estaing,    Count,    119. 
Destouches.  Admiral.  222.  225. 
De  Tilly,  220. 
Detroit.  301. 

Digby,  Admiral,  256,  288. 
Dismal  Swamp,  220,  225. 
Doehla,  John,  263. 
Doyle,  J.  B.,  378. 
Duane,  James,  320,  357,  370. 
Duanesburg,  339. 
Duer,  320. 
Duponceau.  Peter     S.,  45.  63,  67. 

102,  133,  191,  220,  360. 
Duportail,  86. 
Duval,  Capt,  366. 

Earle.  Ralph,  370. 

Elizabeth,  Empress  of  Russia,  11, 

15. 
Elizabeth  River.  221. 
Elizabethtown.   Pt.,   166. 
Elk.  Head  of  222,  224.  234,  255. 
Elk  Kill,  240. 
Enfant,  de  1'  45,  133,  366. 


England,  peace  of  1763,  (7;  22,  47, 

152,  189,  289. 
Englishtown,  113. 
Epenieres   Des,  45,  366. 
Eutaw  Springs,  219. 

Fairlie,  James,  203.  242,  328.  365. 

Featherstonaugh.  G.  W.,  371. 

Filson,  Charles  P.,  378. 

Fiske.  Prof.  J..  202. 

Fish,  Nicholas,  342,  362. 

Fishkill,  68,  144,  182. 

Flamand,  62. 

Fleury,  Col..  86,  133.  364. 

Florida.   152,  277.  289. 

Fork,   Point  of.  238. 

Four   Mile   Creek,  204. 

Francis,   Clara,  386. 

Francis,  W.   B..  387. 

France,  Coalition  against  Frede- 
rick, 11;  bad  condition  22, 
treaty,  48.   171,  289. 

Francy,  M.,  45.  67. 

Frank,  46. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  23,  40,  147, 
158. 

Franzheim.  A.  A..  388. 

Franzheim,   Helen.  390. 

Fredericksburg,   209,   220,   239. 

Frederick  the   Great.  9,   119. 

Freehold   (Monmouth).  103,  112. 

Gates,  Gen.  H.,  70,  107,  163,  179. 

286. 
Gemat,  Col.,  118. 
Georgia,  148,  153,  163.  219.  289. 
Gerard,  M.,  48,  143. 
Germain,  Lord,  251. 
German  Reformed  Church,  374. 
German  Society,  329.  343,  374. 
Gerry.  E.,  324. 
Gibson,  Col.,  207. 
Gloucester   Point,    103,;   Va.,   252. 

261. 
Goochland,  C.  H.,  241. 
Graves.  Admiral.  255. 
Grasse.  Count  De.  254,  262,  266. 
Greene.  Gen.,  86,     104,     166,  183, 

189.  192,  195,  199,  215,  217,  228. 

270. 
Greene.  Prof.  G.  W.,  193. 


INDEX 


395 


Gregory,  Gen.,  220. 
Griswold.  R.  M.,  185,  371.  386. 
Gross,  Rev.  D..  374. 
Guilford,  C.  H.,  218. 

Haddonfield,  103. 

Haldimand,  Gen.,  301. 

Halifax  C.  H.,  245. 

Hamilton,  Alex..  43,  86,   116.   119, 

121.  127,  132,  144.  190,  265,  287. 

320.  323,  336. 
Hampton  Roads,  210,  252. 
Hancock,  John,  67.  70.  73. 
Hanover  C.  H.,  240,  250. 
Hardy's  Ferry,  210. 
Harrison.  Gen.,  272. 
Hartford,  68.  144,  182. 
Hartshorn,  W.  G.,  391. 
Havelsburg,  18,  43. 
Hechingen,  17. 
Henry,  Patrick,  72. 
Henry,  Prince  of  Prussia,  335. 
Hightstown,  113. 
Hillsboro.  164. 
Holland,  189,  288,  347. 
Holy  Roman  Empire.  6.  190. 
Hood's,  204,  208. 
Hopewell.  104. 
Hough,   L..  344. 
Hortalez,   Roderique   &   Co.,     see 

Beaumarchais. 
Howe,  Lord,  101. 
Howe,  Gen.  Robt,  172,  286. 
Hubertsburg.  peace  of,   17. 
Hudson  River.  124,  148. 
Iluger,  Gen,  199. 
Hulson,  Gen  Von.,  13. 
Huntington,  Samuel,  153,  161. 

Independence,  Declaration  of,  74. 
Tnnes,   Col..  230. 
Inspector  General,  see   Steuben. 
Irving,  Washington.  203,  233,  244, 
251. 

James  River,  220.  233.  252. 

Tamestown,  204,  251. 

Jarvis.  J.  W..  379. 

Jay,  John,  320,  331.  341. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  72.   193,     196, 

206.  211,  213.  240. 
Jefferson  County,  331. 


lones.  John  Paul,  152. 
Jones,  P.,  183,  339. 

Kapp,  F..  5,  8,     16.  96,  128.     135, 

202,  355.  374. 
Keane.  Martin.  386. 
Kerr,   F.    H.,   378. 
King  William  County,  257. 
King's   Ferry,   124,  254. 
King's  Mountain,  192. 
Knox,  Gen.,   173,  304,  336. 
Knyphausen,    Gen,    113,    115,    148, 

166. 
Kosciuski.  86.   128. 

Lancaster.  79. 

Lafayette.  86,  95.  96,  104.  114.  172, 

222.  235,  238.  244,  249,  261,  270, 

273,  375. 
Langborn.  Col.  Wm,  244.  259. 
Laurens,  Henry,  45,  94.  130. 
Laurens,  Col.,  86,  116,  122. 
Lawson,  Gen,   195,  210,  241,  246. 
Lee,  Arthur,  23,  31. 
Lee,  Gen.  Charles.  96;  sketch  of 

104;   his   treason,   110. 
Lee,   Harry.  217. 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  72,  244. 
Leslie,    Gen.r  201. 
Lexington.  i66,  178. 
Lincoln.  Gen,   155,   163.  299,  304. 
Livingstons,  73,  159,  320,  329.  336, 

342 
London,  24,  28,  252. 
Louisa  C.  H..  241. 
Louis  XV,  22. 
Louis  XVI,  22,  29. 
Louisiana,    289. 
Louvre,  322,  328. 
Lovell,   James,    139. 
Luzerne,  De  la,  144,  162. 

Mackinac,  304. 

Mahan,    180. 

Madgeburg.  8. 

Maine  Tablet   &c.  385. 

Manchester.  205,  233. 

Mappa  Family,  347,  350,  375. 

Maria  Theresa,  11. 

Marseilles,  45. 

Maryland,  49,  191,  269. 

Marion,   163,  217. 


396 


INDEX 


Massachusetts.  49,  179. 

Matthews.  Gen.,  201. 

Mayr,  Gen.  John.  12. 

Maxwell,  Gen..  104,  117. 

McElroy,  Col.  John,  390. 

Merryman.  R.  N..  386. 

Meade,  Col.,  211,  366. 

Michianza,   101. 

Middletown,  113,  119. 

Mifflin,  Gen.,  96. 

Mingo  Town,  331. 

Mississippi,   290. 

Monmouth   fSee  Freehold)  battle 

of,  114. 
Montbarey,  Prince.  39,  41,  291. 
Montgomery,  Gen.,   179. 
Montreal,  302. 
Morgan.  Gen.  J.  H..  383. 
Morgan,   Col..   104,  217. 
Morgan  Raid,  381. 
Morgan.  R.  C,  386. 
Morris.  Governeur,   128. 
Morris.  Robert,  45.  294. 
Morristown,  109,  148,  181,  222. 
Moultrie,  Col.,  109. 
Mount  Holly  103.  113. 
Mount  Vernon,    191.  234,  255. 
Muhlenburg,    Gen.,    118,    197.  219, 

225.  230. 
Mulligan,  J.  W..  341.  343,  349. 

Nansimond  River,  210. 

Naples,  190. 

KTarragansett.  172. 

Mash,  Gov.,  246. 

Nelson,    Gen..    197.   203,   207.   220, 

237. 
Nelson,  Gov..  272. 
Neuville.  Col..  De  la,  87.  125.  128. 
Newburg,  285,  293. 
New  Hampshire,  322. 
New  Haven.  144,  178. 
New  Jersey.  66.  102,  141,  148,  166 

327. 
Newport.   124,   129.  152,  221.  225. 
Newport  News,  220. 
New  York.  66,  119,  148,  254,  265. 

279,  305,  328,  336,  342. 
New  Windsor.  286. 
Nicola.  Col.  Lewis,  281. 


North.  Wm,  15.  80,  328.  343,  351, 

356,  370,  375. 
Ohio,  state.  49,  151. 
Ohio,  river,  289. 
Oneida  County  and  lake.  183,  339. 

343,   375. 
Onondaga  Lake,  344. 
Oswego,  342. 

Pagaa's  Creek,  230. 
Page,  John,  325. 
Pamunkey   river.   236. 
Paris,  Steuben   in,  20,  38.  43 
Parker,  Col.,  210,  225. 
Parks,   Henry,  386. 
Passy.  40,  48. 
Patterson,  Gen..  117 
Paulus  Hook,  147,  305. 
Peale,   Chas.  W.,  369. 
Pendleton.  Edmund,  72. 
Pennsylvania,  71,  326 
Peter  III.,  of  Russia,  17. 
Petersburg.  195,  203.  206,  233.  327 
Peters.   Richard,   130,   137 
Philadelphia,  29.  66.  101,  131,  153, 

180,  255,  284,  293,  304,  306. 
Phillips,  Gen.,  225,  230,  233. 
Pickering   Timothy.    136. 
Pine,  R.  E..  372. 
Poland,   105. 
Port  Monmouth.  113. 
Portsmouth,  63.  210.  225,  251 
Portugal,  105.  190. 
Potomac  river,  234,  252. 
Potsdam,  378. 
Prague,    siege   of.   9. 
Prescott.  Gen.,  111. 
Prince  Edward  C.  H.,  246,  248. 
Prince  George  Countv  and  C.  H., 

208.  230. 
Princeton,  104. 
Providence,   130,   144. 
Piovost,   David,  328. 
Provost,  Samuel,  336. 
Prussia.  13,  16,  190. 
Pulaski  Count,  86,   128.   153. 

Quebec,  179.  289. 

RLndolph,  Peyton.  72,  366. 
Rapidan  river,  239. 


INDEX 


397 


Rappahannock  river.  252. 

Redmon,  Gloria  W.    388. 

Reed,  President,  128.  131,  141,  181. 

Re,  IslandjDf,  360. 

Remsen.  376. 

Rennselaer.  Stephen  Van,  343. 

Rhode  Island,  65,  119,  166.  220. 

Richards.  R.  G.,  388. 

Richmond,  192.  195,  205,  236,  249. 

Ridder.   H.,  335. 

Ridgefield,  179. 

Roanoke  River.  197. 

Rochambeau,  Count,  172.  182,  254. 

258,  266. 
Rodney,  Admiral.  26o. 
Romanai,  M.  D.,  45,  366, 
Rome,  344. 
Root.  Mr.,  138. 
Russia,  11.  15.  189. 
Ptttledge,  Edward,  73. 

Sandy  Hook.  103. 

Sanscullottes,  87. 

Saratoga,   179,  304. 

Sardinia,    King   of   Calls    Steuben, 

19. 
Savannah,   152.  219,  277. 
Saxony,  8,  11. 
Schenectady  County,  339. 
Schuyler.  Fort.  339. 
Schuyler,  Philip.  66,  163,  339. 
Schweidnitz.    16. 
Schwerin.   Count,   12. 
Scott,  Gen.,  111.  117. 
S'mf.  Col.,  203. 

Seven  Years  War,  ending,  19. 
Seven  Islands.  248. 
vShackelford.  J.  M..  381. 
Sheaf.  Miss,  338. 
Sigel.  Gen.  F.,  377. 
Sherman,  Roger,  73.  336. 
Shippen,  Miss,  101,  181. 
Silesia,  11. 

S>mcoe.  Gen.,  206,  240.  243. 
Simitiere.  P.   E..  371. 
Smallwood,  Gen..  118,  207. 
Smith.  C.  H.,  386. 
Smithfield,  210,  212. 
Smith,  Wm.,  328,  366. 
Smithville  (Charlotte  C.  H.),  246 


Soldiers'  reunion.  389. 

Springfield,  68,  N.  J..  166. 

Spain,   15.  35.  42,  152.  289,  333. 

Sorel  river,  302. 

Stanwix,  Fort,  344. 

Stanton  Memorial  Cannon,  385. 

Staunton,  244. 

Star  Hill,  339. 

Staten  Island,   166. 

Steuben,  Augustus  Von,  7. 

Steuben,  Ernest  Nicholas,  6. 

Steuben.  Wilhelm,  7. 

Steuben,  F.  W.,  Jr.,  184. 

Steuben,  Frederick  William  Au- 
gustus &c,  birth,  8;  education, 
9;  promoted,  10;  under  Mayr, 
12;  under  Frederick  the  Great, 
13;  captured  by  Russians,  15; 
at  various  courts,  18;  visits 
Paris,  20;  Germain  suggests 
America,  38;  meets  Beaumar- 
chais,  Deane  and  Franklin,  40; 
sails  for  America.  45;  arrival  at 
Portsmouth.  62;  at  Boston,  66; 
journeyed  to  York,  67;  meets 
committee  of  Congress,  78; 
reaches  Valley  Forge,  80;  be- 
gins operations,  89;  appointed 
inspector  by  Washington,  88; 
appointed  by  Congress,  93;  a 
cabal,  96;  conflict  of  authority, 
97;  arrangement  by  Washing- 
ton, 99;  enters  Philadelphia, 
102;  rejoins  Washington,  103; 
discovers  Clinton's  movements, 
111;  lost  his  hat,  113;  effect  of 
training,  116;  part  in  battle  of 
Monmouth,  117;  challenges 
Lee,  121;  desires  a  permanent 
command.  125;  new  proposals 
to  Congress.  128;  requested  to 
go  to  Rhode  Island,  129;  re- 
mains at  White  Plains,  130;  be- 
gins book,  133;  printing  trou- 
bles, 136:  complimentary  reso- 
lution, 137;  reviews  situation, 
139;  renews  his  work,  141;  suc- 
cess of  bayonet  demonstrated, 
143;  visit  of  French  minister, 
144;  financial  troubles,  149;  re- 


398 


INDEX 


visits  Congress,  153;  anxiety 
concerning  Southern  army,  160; 
baffles  Knyphausen,  166;  re- 
view of  situation,  167;  sent  to 
West  Point,  Y73,  department 
reorganized.  176;  trial  of  Andre, 
183;  renames  Jonathan  Arnold. 
184;  goes  to  Virginia,  191;  be- 
gins operation.  194;  hampered 
by  state  authorities,  197:  Ar- 
nold's invasion,  202;  Richmond 
burned,  205;  Arnold  besieged  at 
Portsmouth:  troops  sent  to 
Greene,  215;  arrival  of  Lafay- 
ette, 224;  plans  to  free  Virgin- 
ia, 226;  Greene's  commenda- 
tion, 228:  evacuates  Petersburg, 
232;  rendezvous  at  Point  of 
Fork,  238;  retreats  south.  243: 
at  Charlotte  Court  House,  246; 
turns  northward.  248;  joins  La- 
fayette. 250;  illness.  256;  re- 
turns to  the  army.  257:  assigned 
to  a  division,  259;  receive^  let- 
ter on  surrender  from  Corn- 
wallis,  26)  ;  demands  investiga- 
tion, 272;  returns  north.  274: 
reviews  situation.  279;  financial 
embarrassment,  284:  writes  to 
Luzerne  and  Vergennes,  290; 
disbanding  the  army,  296;  sug- 
gests peace  establishment  and 
military  academy,  299;  com- 
missioned to  Canada,  301 :  en- 
ters New  York,  305:  resigna- 
tion accepted,  308;  organizesthe 
Cincinnati.  310;  claims  against 
Coneress.  318;  final  settlement. 
325;  life  in  New  York.  329;  an 
Ohio  memorial.  332;  proposi- 
tion to  Spain,  333;  at  Wash- 
ington's inauguration.  336;  gees 
to  his  farm,  339;  visit  from  rel- 
atives, 341;  political  pamphlets, 
342;  on  defense  commission, 
343:  country  living.  346;  sudden 
illness  and  death,  349.  desecra- 
tion of  grave.  354;  military 
family,  356;  original  portraits 
of,  369:  posthumous  honors, 
374;  dedication  of  second  mon- 


ument. 377;  monument  at 
Washington.  377;  Valley  Forge 
memorial.  377;  Andrews  por- 
trait of.  377;  dedication  of  por- 
trait at  Steubenville,  385. 

Steuben,  Fort,  and  Steubenville, 
333,  382 

Steuben   Hill,   339. 

Steuben,    Wm.    Augustine,    7. 

St.  Clair,  Gen.,  336. 

St.  Germain,  Count,  18.  20,  38.  41. 

S<\    Peter's   deanery,   391. 

Stewart,  Col.,  275. 

Stirling,    Gen.    Lord,    95. 

St.    Lawrence    river,   302. 

Stony    Point,    142. 

St.   Paul's   Chapel,  336. 

Stuart,  Gilbert,  372. 

Suabia,  20. 

Suffolk,  220.  224. 

Sullivan,   Gen.  John.   129. 

Sumner,    Gen..   247. 

Sumter,   163,  192.  217. 

Susquehanna,  302. 

Sweden,  11.  15,  189. 

Syracuse,  344. 

Tappan,  174. 

Tarleton,  192,  218.  240. 

Taylor's   Ferry,   194. 

Ternant.  Col..  86.     117.  131.     275, 

363. 
Ternay,  Admiral,   172. 
Three  Wars  Celebration.  382. 
Ticonderoga,  178. 
Trenton.  319. 
Trumbull,   John,   371. 
Tuckahoe,  206. 
Turke. ,  190. 

Utica,  187,  339. 

Valley  Forge,  66. 

Vergennes,  Count  de,  a  predic- 
tion. 17,  24.  35,  44.  48,  290. 

Verplanck's  Point,  142,  311. 

Versailles,  20,  41. 

Virginia.  49;  protest  against  ?!a- 
verv.  71;  148;  172:  191;  192;  219; 
225,  269,  289.  326. 

Voltaire,   53. 


INDEX 


399 


Von  Hoist.  268. 

Walker.  Captain  B..  90,  112.  118. 
133,  150,  162,  184,  191,  285,  309. 
328,  330,  354. 

Warrasquiack  Bay.  203. 

Warwick,  206,  233. 

Washington.  George,  45;  relieves 
New  England,  65;  delegate  to 
Continental  Congress,  72;  mili- 
tary character,  82;  at  Valley 
Forge,  85;  appointed  Steuben 
inspector,  88;  parade  and  drill 
orders,  99;  leaves  Valley  Forge 
in  pursuit  of  Clinton,  102; 
march  across  New  Jersey,  104; 
trouble,  with  Lee,  108;  battle  of 
Monmouth  and  Lee's  treason, 
114;  back  to  the  Hudson,  124; 
commends  Steuben,  126;  130, 
132;  holds  back  country,  139; 
predicts  capture  of  Charleston, 
161;  sends  Sreuben  to  West 
Point.  173;  discovers  Arnold's 
treason,  183;  appoints  Greene 
to  Southern  command  with 
Steuben:  189;  orders  troops 
south.  221;  orders  Lafayette  to 
Steuben's  aid,  235;  frightens 
Clinton,  250;  determines  to  go 
to  Virginia,  254;  brings  the 
army  to  Yorktown,  256;  gives 
Steuben  a  command,  259:  re- 
turns to  New  York,  265;  calls 
on  Steuben  for  report.  279;  an 
insulting  proposition,  281;  pre- 
vents a  mutiny,  294;  disbands 
the  army,  298;  appoints  Steu- 
ben   commissioner,   301;    enters 


New  York,  305;  final  letter  to 
Steuben,  307;  president  of  the 
Cincinnati.  313;  approves  Steu- 
ben's claims,  321;  first  Presi- 
dent, 335;  social  life  in  New 
York,  337. 

Washington,  Lund.  234 

Washington,  Lt.  Col.,  217. 

Washington  Memorial  Church, 
377. 

Washington,  Mrs..  86,  107,  191. 

Way,  Major,  383. 

Wayne.  Gen.,  104.  142.  249,  251. 
260. 

Weedon,  Gen..  209,  220. 

West,   Benjamin,  368. 

Westham,  204. 

Westmoreland   County,  326. 

Westover.  204,  230,  238. 

Wethersfield,  144.  254. 

West  Point,  142.  158.  182,  299. 

West  Indies.  152,  254.  266. 

White  Plains.  124,  130. 

Whitestown,  350. 

Williamsburg,  203,  212,  220,  250, 
258 

Williams.  Gen.,  286. 

Willis  Crek,  243.  245. 

Willoughbv  Point.  202. 

Wilmington,  219.  237. 

Wilmot,  277. 

Wilson.  Gen.,  197. 

Wilson,  James,   378. 

York.  70. 

7ork  River,  221,  252. 

Yorktown,  224,  252,  259. 

Zabrieskie,  John,  327. 


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